Xaaji Xunjuf

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Everything posted by Xaaji Xunjuf

  1. Van Persie leaves Arsenal at crossroads July 4, 2012 For Arsenal, this is 2005, 2007 and 2011. It is wearily, depressingly, predictably familiar. For Arsene Wenger, the man who converted the insular English to become Francophiles, it is deja vu all over again. It is the sound of his captain declaring that the adulation of all at Arsenal is no longer enough. It is time for him to move on. Empics Robin van Persie: 12 months left on contract And yet it is worse than before. Patrick Vieira and Thierry Henry began to wane soon after leaving North London; Arsenal actually sold at the right time. The emotional pull of his native Barcelona was too great for Cesc Fabregas to resist; he had special circumstances. Robin van Persie is a different case. He is at the peak of his powers. He needs not just to join another club, but to leave Arsenal. His annus mirabilis served to persuade him he was too good for them. "My goal has been to win trophies with the team," he said in his statement confirming that he will not seek or sign a new contract. And so he did, ending Arsenal's seven-year wait for silverware. But his honours were individual. His colleagues rarely threatened to win anything. His league campaign yielded 30 goals and nine assists and made him the double Footballer of the Year. He rescued an imploding Arsenal and propelled them out of crisis talk and back into the Champions League. That, should he go now, is his legacy. While he received assistance from men such as Wojciech Szczesny, Laurent Koscielny, Thomas Vermaelen, Alex Song, Mikel Arteta and Theo Walcott, it is implausible that Arsenal would have finished third had Van Persie not developed, as Wenger predicted, into a hybrid of Henry and Dennis Bergkamp. Now a side that was branded a one-man team is losing the one man. Perhaps it is now, perhaps next summer. That is Arsenal's decision. The sounder financial move would be to take the money before a prized asset departs for free. The footballing considerations include whether Wenger can replace Van Persie - or indeed, if he already has with Olivier Giroud and Lukas Podolski - and the implications of the Dutchman's determination to go on his performances should he be forced to see out his current contract. There is a precedent of unhappy captains delivering - Gareth Southgate was on the transfer list for a year at Aston Villa while leading the team - but such characters are few and far between. Van Persie is a more outspoken individual. He was astonishingly eloquent on the field last season on what appeared a personal mission to prevent Arsenal entering decline. There is something pure about Wenger's methods, both in his brand of football and his economic model. More than most, Van Persie seemed a believer. But now his crusading days are over. He insisted money is not his consideration but money - Chelsea and Manchester City's money, in particular - has altered the footballing landscape. Meanwhile, it is increasingly apparent that Wenger's business plan appeals more to owners and investors than fans and, more pertinently, footballers. In Arsene they no longer trust. Not to deliver silverware. Not to keep their most talented team-mates out of the clutches of slavering suitors. GettyImages Arsene Wenger was unable to persuade Robin van Persie to stay at the Emirates Arsenal are left looking a deluxe finishing school, one of the greatest managers in history seeming hamstrung. Even as he starts to spend, it was too little, too late for Van Persie. "We in many aspects disagree on the way Arsenal should move forward," said the possessor of the finest left foot the Gunners have seen since Liam Brady. Perhaps that is a vote of no confidence in Podolski, winner of a century of caps for Germany by the age of 27, and Giroud, the top scorer in Ligue 1. Yet even they, while a significant step up on Marouane Chamakh and Park Chu-young, the pygmies that made Van Persie seem still bigger in stature, are not the game's superstars. Wenger competes in different markets from City and Chelsea; partly through choice, partly because Emirates Stadium is not the destination of choice for the footballer who can go anywhere. Wenger has funds. Few are better at generating them. Even after signing Giroud and Podolski and before selling Van Persie - or, at the other extreme, the deadwood weighing his squad down - he is thought to have £50 million to spend. That sum could be swelled, Arsenal's annual expenditure becoming the greatest in their history, without shaking off the feeling that their relegation to the second rank of clubs has been rubber-stamped. Footballers being footballers, status counts. Ultimately, rather than any of his players, Wenger is the great loyalist, the one who stayed when Real Madrid and Barcelona and however many others came calling. He is the modern-day Tony Adams, the symbol of the club. And now, should Van Persie join the Arsenal exiles at the Etihad or the galaxy of talent at Spain's top two clubs, he has the hardest question of all: how to replace the irreplaceable? Giroud and Podolski, rather than supporting Van Persie, may have to succeed him. There could be a reprieve for Nicklas Bendtner, who actually outscored Van Persie at Euro 2012, but another forward ought to be signed. But the reality is that Arsenal cannot recruit an individual to emulate RVP the MVP. A collective effort is required. It could take several contributors to chip in to match those 30 goals and nine assists, others to bring about an improvement in Arsenal's defensive record so that they no longer need to score so many. Centre-forward, top scorer, penalty and free-kick taker, creator and captain, flair player and figurehead, Van Persie's responsibilities have been many and varied. No one can inherit all. Indeed, one duty perhaps ought to go to the least suitable. Because, judging by recent history, the Arsenal armband exerts special powers, rendering its wearer irresistible to would-be buyers. So here is a strategy for Wenger: when he loses his best player, make his worst one skipper.
  2. Top Syrian general 'defects to Turkey' Reported escape of Manaf Tlass, leading member of Bashar al-Assad's inner circle, does not mean anything, official says Julian Borger, and Martin Chulov in Idlib province guardian.co.uk, Thursday 5 July 2012 19.39 BST A citizen journalism image reportedly showing Free Syrian Army soldiers standing near a military tank in Idlib. Photograph: Shaam News Network/AP A Syrian general who was a leading member of Bashar al-Assad's inner circle, Manaf Tlass, has defected to Turkey, according to a Damascus-based website with close links to the regime. Tlass is a member of the most powerful Sunni family in Syria, and the son of a long-serving former defence minister, Mustafa Tlass, but he was reported to have fallen out of favour in recent months for refusing to take part in attacks on civilian areas regarded as opposition strongholds. Tlass's defection was reported by Syriasteps, a news website linked to the country's security apparatus. It said that "a highly placed source in intelligence has confirmed that General Manaf Mustafa Tlass has fled to Turkey", and quoted a security official as saying: "His escape does not mean anything." The defection of such a high-profile figure from a family at the heart of the regime would be a damaging blow to Assad and could provoke more defections, especially among more junior Sunni officers and rank-and-file soldiers. That would serve to weaken the security apparatus, but at the same time sharpen the sectarian nature of the conflict between the Sunni majority and the Alawite minority, from which the ruling family and the military elite are drawn. A Turkish government official confirmed that two Syrian generals had defected in the past three days, but did not provide names "for their and their families' security". One of the two generals the official referred to is from an engineering division. The second is believed to be Tlass, who is a general in the Republican Guard. Rami Abdul-Rahman, the head of the London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, said: "Several sources inside Syria, including Alawite sources close to the regime, have confirmed to me that Manaf Tlass has left the country." Joshua Landis, a Syria expert at the University of Oklahoma, wrote on his Syria Comment blog that Tlass's "Honda had supposedly turned up in the Rukn ad-Din neighbourhood of Damascus, but he was nowhere to be found". "Manaf Tlass's father and brother, Firas, who is a leading businessman, are believed to be out of the country. The father had gone to Paris on the pretext of getting medical attention. Firas is said to be in Dubai. It is not clear where the women and children of his family are," Landis wrote. The steady stream of defections are just one sign of the Assad regime's gradually eroding power. A senior British diplomat said it was also losing its grip on territory. "What is clear is that the regime has lost control of parts of the country, particularly in the east. It's also clear that parts of Damascus have got more difficult for the regime, but we don't have a precise map … but I'm not sure it's true that the opposition are in full control themselves in a coherent way," the diplomat said. Iraq's foreign minister, Hoshyar Zebari, said on Thursday he had "solid information and intelligence that members of al-Qaida's terrorist network" have gone to Syria". He added: "Our main concern, to be honest with you, is about the spillover about extremist, terrorist groups taking root in neighbouring countries." Rebel fighters in Idlib province denied that foreign fighters were a significant factor in the conflict. "I swear to God that I have not seen one strange Arab here and I've been fighting for more than a year," said Anis Azir, a Free Syrian Army leader in Qurqaniya village. A second guerilla leader, Abu Mahmoud from nearby Athma village, said: "They would not be welcome even if they did come. We know what they represent." A third rebel leader in Darat Azzah, near Aleppo, was more circumspect. Abu Ahmed, as he preferred to call himself, paused for almost a minute before answering whether al-Qaida would be accepted in his town. "They haven't tried. But we would welcome their weapons." The senior British diplomat described the role of foreign jihadists as minor but warned that their influence would grow if the international community did not take concerted action against the regime. Russia and China have so far blocked any punitive measures being imposed by the UN security council. "Our assessment is that the vast majority of people fighting on the opposition side are still Syrians and most are trying to defend their neighbourhoods under intense military pressure," the diplomat said. "But it's clear that there are some other elements getting into this conflict and what we have consistently said to Russia, China and others is that what they say they want to avoid – a descent into an increasingly sectarian conflict with other players, a breakdown of Syrian society with regional ramifications – the chance of all of that happening increases with every day the conflict continues in its current form." Hillary Clinton, William Hague and foreign ministers from other western and Arab states are taking part in a "friends of Syria" meeting on Friday to discuss further ways of exerting pressure on Damascus. Gulf states will be asked to impose more sanctions, and western capitals may table a new security council resolution calling for a UN-sponsored peace plan to be backed by global sanctions if Syria does not comply. Western diplomats concede Moscow is likely to veto such a move.
  3. A nephew of mine was called Xunjuf and since i went to the Xadj he was the one who picked me up at the airport so when i came home i was the xaji and i borrowed his nick when i registered on this site. So it was Xaaji Xunjuf.
  4. ^^ Are you saying tukaraq isn't their territory are you saying they shouldn't fight for tukaraq just because its a small town, For Khatumo Somaliland Puntland is the same.
  5. ^^ are you saying tukaraq is not occupied by you're militia?
  6. Interesting professor cali khalif wants more money from the diaspora to fund the khatumo agents in Kenya other than that he made it clear that the garowe clan enclave is a big time enemy.
  7. Taleexi;848156 wrote: XX: Haddaanan waxaan doonayo garanayn waxaas oo hadal tiro ah ma soo qoreen. Qodxaha, bohollaha, jalaqa, hagardaamada siyaasadeed ee iga xiga inaan higsado hadafkayga ma moogani balse si habaysan oo kala hormarine ku jirto baan u hormaynayaa, sidaan u hummaag xumahay uma habacsani Maya waxad doonaysid waan ogahay laakin sidad wax ku doonaysid ayaan garan adigu ma taqanid sida aad qodaxada tol ku sheegu ay ku daadiyeen sida la iskaga eego. Waxa ba hawl yar baad u haysata bahashan madax banaanida walo so dhidida wa inad qoorta meel walba galisid xita haday meelaha qaar laga sar saro.
  8. Xiinfaniin this is not about me lets see how it goes if a state can come and be created in the two Juba's and the gedo region.As for Faisal cali waraabe he says all kind of things he is the opposition leader he doesn't represent the entire peoples of Somaliland.
  9. General gabre the Ethiopian general reading how Somalia should be structured to the various clan factions proposed states and warlords
  10. The beauty of clan federalism and the division of Somalia continues along clan lines with the help of neighboring countries.Its not just diaspora members setting up clan states its encouraged by IGAD and the African union.
  11. The emergence of externally backed Somali sub-states: the saga continues‏ By Mohammed Ibrahim Shire July 05, 2012 It is no secret that for the past two decades; dozens of regional administrations – many overlapping their virtual regional borders – have sporadically emerged. Notwithstanding that majority were driven by the recent US Policy change in employing the US dual-track approach; it seems that the external actors continue to spur this process fully knowing its impracticability when applied to a nation ripe with clan carved fiefdoms. The US optimistically claims its dual-track policy will expand its capacity to engage with the interim Somali government and sub-state political stakeholders in order to promote peace and stability. Not too long ago, an IGAD/AU-backed conference was held in Nairobi with the primary aim of establishing a regional state known as Jubbaland. The conference was attended by political stakeholders who incidentally do not share the same let alone similar political outlook for the proposed region apart from the common denominator of eliminating the al-Qaeda-allied al-Shabab rebel movement. The local participants represented various groups, all professing to be the main stakeholders of the regional authority in Jubbaland. They are: the venal TFG, the paper-state Azania; the Ethiopian-backed Ahlu Sunnah Waljama’a; the Kenyan-backed Ras Kamboni and finally a pro-government militia better known as Gedo Defence Forces. Jubbaland is an area comprising the three most southern regions of Somalia, namely: Gedo, Lower Juba and Middle Juba. A name initially coined by the British a century ago to describe the perennial Juba river; it is often described as Somalia’s breadbasket for its considerable potential of irrigation development. This inter-riverine area has been bedevilled for the past two decades by factional fightings; man-made famine; prolonged droughts and general interminable instability. Presently, al-Shabab holds sway over much of the region. What differentiates this southern area from the adjacent regions and farther up north in Somalia is its unique heterogeneous clan-composition. It is an area where pastoral, agricultural, and coastal traditions meet. It is often dubbed as ‘Little Somalia’ for its inhomogeneous tribal make-up and the mere fact that those three regions, given its vast size, can harmoniously host the entire populace of Somalia. A communique was released detailing the proposed foundation of this wildly contested region. The points agreed seem to be ticking all the right boxes of a prototypical sub-state that could serve as an exemplar save one pivotal point: the deliberate omission of all-inclusiveness. The source of my distrust towards this sham ‘inclusive’ conference is that the local participants all hail from a single umbrella clan, purposely leaving out the rest of the clan confederations inhabiting ‘Little Somalia’. At a time when Somalia is supposed to come together given the current momentum in Mogadishu; it seems that the external powers continue to exploit the same existing factor (i.e. exclusiveness) in order to protract the current turmoil in that particular region. Neglecting the latent breadbasket and the millions of Somalis it could serve and feed once given her due right of stability; the contending factions seem to only envision the prospective exploitation of revenues that awaits them once al-Shabab leaves the scene. It is therefore important, nay, crucial and equally imperative that if Somalia in the foreseeable future does decide to adopt a federal constitution, that the clan complexity existing in that particular region is not exploited or at worst imbalanced. To IGAD/AU and its external backer: the US; any solution that hopes to achieve positive outcomes must be indigenous, coming from within Somali society itself.
  12. Here is the source http://www.badweyn.com/?p=5095
  13. Wayahay Mahad yarow markad Mahad weyne so noqotid iso noqo ileen waxan waxba ka fahmi meysid eh sidi babqaagi uun baad ku cel celinaysa waxad hore u tidhi.
  14. Eritrea is not a friend of the world or lets say what they call the free world its the north Korea of Africa lots of lobbying was done by IGAD and other african states to isolate the red sea state because of several reasons. So them supporting Alshabaab is still not proved. But i will not be surprised if they did they supported the islamists ICU. Mahadyarow Godane is one of the leaders of Shabaab abu maasnuur fuaad shangoole hassan daahir aweys Al amriki dulqarnayn sh cali dhere are all members of Alshabaab its like me saying ASWJ supports Alshabaab because Guriceel is their stronghold and that's where daahir aweys is from it doesn't make any sense.
  15. Somalia;848504 wrote: Xaaji, it is im.pos.sible. The international community has been frank about this, they want the end of the transition period, our eedo from the State Department made it clear, if Shariif tries anything he has no chance of returning as a permanent president, they will undercut him. You are right its not in his hand they pay the salary of the troops protecting him he cant say no. Do you know the Europeans wanted to give him another six months the state department said 20 august 2012 and not a day later.
  16. Well six month is not that bad knowing a new parliament needs to be formed a new constitution and time is ticking six month extension might be a solution it just depends on how the international community wants it if they want sharif out than he is out. I mean its called the western backed government of Somalia its not actual government for the people or by the people.
  17. Now you are talking just nonsense first you said its common knowledge than i asked you to bring evidence you brought forward a video of saaado cali and the profile of Axmed Godane:D