xiinfaniin;890949 wrote: xaaji xunjuf, adeer sadaradii 20 kii sano laguu aqrinayey baad weli xafid santahay mana shaqaynayso, xattaa Fowsiya weydii iyadaa ka badisay barnaamijka goosashadda haddana waa sacaadatul wazeerah fii maqdisho al mubaaraakah. Doodeennu waa dastuurka, iyo dalku siduu ekaanayo, waadiga daliishanayee bal eeg qeexida xuduudaha iyo meeshuu adiga ku dhigay Waxaani ciyaar maaha, dagaalkii sokeeye in laga baxaa la rabaa , ma fahamtay? Waxan kugu yidhi oo aan ku sheegay Somalia iyo Somaliland midow bay sameyeen 1960 midowgi wu dhawacmay dhawac xun ba gaadhay ,, midowgi in diib loo soo yagleelo baanu rabna in wax cad la kala qorto midow labada dhinac ba raali ka yihin ayeynu rajeyneyna. Taasi wa hadii aynu midowno. Waxan anigu ma odhan Madaxweynaha jamhuuriyada Somalia mudane hassan sheikh maxamuud ayaa ereyadaa ku hadlay. Hadaba dastuurka aynu uso noqono dastuurka Somalia wa federal maha autonomous wuxu qeexayaa in dawlada federaalka dhexe inay cod ku leedahay mamuul dhisida mamuul goboleedyada heer ay goobjoog ka yihin marka la dhisayo mamuulada ama mamuul goboleedyada. Shuruucda iyo ciidanka qaranka iyo dakhliga wuxu noqonaya wax lugu heshiiyey oo dawlada federaalka dhexe ay qeyb ku leedahay kana masuul tahay amaanka dalka oo ay ku jiraan mamuul goboleedyadu. Dastuurka sida leh xiinfaniinow anigu ma odhan ma dastuurka diidaysa?

xiinfaniin;890888 wrote: ^^What status would you like be afforded to Somaliland, Xaaji Xunjuf? I thought teh constitution was designed to massage your ego and make you feel you're a little bit more freer from Mogadishu than you were in 1990. Now you are telling me you don't want that, eh? What am I missing Xaaji? Somaliland and Somalia made a union in 1960 on the first of July on the bases of common interest and pan Somalism, that particular union was badly damaged to a extend it hardly exist any more. Somaliland and Somalia need to renegotiate a union, that is if there will be a union. Thats the status of Somaliland not sure what that has to do with the topic lets talk about what the topic is about particularly Jubbaland.

No where does it say Somalia should be a country autonomous states i dont know what Xiinfaniin is trying to do.

Article 53. International Negotiations (1) In the spirit of inter-governmental cooperation the Federal Government shall consult the Federal Member States on negotiations relating to foreign aid, trade, treaties, or other major issues related to international agreements. (2) Where negotiations particularly affect Federal Member State interests, the negotiating delegation of the Federal Government shall be supplemented by representatives of the Federal Member States governments. (3) In conducting negotiations, the Federal Government shall regard itself as the guardian of the interests of the Federal Member States, and must act accordingly. Article 54. Allocation of powers The allocation of powers and resources shall be negotiated and agreed upon by the Federal Government and the Federal Member States (pending the formation of Federal Member States), except in matters concerning: (A) Foreign Affairs; (B) National Defense; © Citizenship and Immigration; (D) Monetary Policy, which shall be the powers and responsibilities of the federal government.

xiinfaniin;890886 wrote: ^^Xaaji Xunjuf, constitution shall never discriminate, states should get the same treatment from the federal document. Kismayo admin shall be accounted to same exact rights and responsibilities like Somaliland and Puntland. Not going to happen Puntland was established way before we had a federal constitution. There is no way the government of Somalia the parliament of Somalia the people of Somalia will allow another autonomous state. Sorry Xiinfaniin its not going to happen. The day the federal constitution clearly defines that Somalia is a union of autonomous states is the day we shall accept more autonomous states. In the mean time a federal state can be established with the supervision of the federal government of Somalia.

Xiinfaniin but the constitution doesn't really say that Somalia should be a union of autonomous states. I am for an administration based on federal principles and regulations but i oppose an autonomous state.

DP

Since when were sh sharif and the raskamooni brigade fighting

^^ Maybe because Sh sharif was the President of a country and Axmed madoobe is the leader of an armed movement, big difference.

Wadani;890802 wrote: I am from Somaliland and could use the same reasoning u do to say I am better than my southern brothers, but I dont because I understand that the Somali conflict is not as simple as u deem, and cannot be reduced to a bunch of savage clans engaged in a protracted and aimless war. It's more complicated than that, but those who deem themselves superior like urself rarely look for the complexities. That's y Whites, especially in North America, view the large and diverse continent of Africa as a single country. All they see are black, poor and backward people. I one saw a volunteer ad in my uni that said....volunteer opportunites in Indonesia, Thailand and Africa lool. Anyway, ur a house nigger who needs emancipation ASAP. Wat makes matters worse is that your beholden to a people who are themselves in bondage. Those are Americans they think Africa is as big as Alabama

Xiinfaniin is there not a middle so that the Kismayo administration can be federal state yet not totally autonomous like Puntland.

Abwaan Koonfurta horta miyaad iga xigta 11 sanadood baan Koonfurta Ku noola and only 3 years in woqoyi marka anigu cadalaadan eegaya. Abwaan wuxu yidhi Qabiil federalism ma ogali wayahay. Abwaanow marka sideed rabta inu meeshu mamuul ka dhismo ileen mamuulki isma dhise eh waxa la yidhi tani ha noqoto fursad ama tijaabin la eego inay qabiil federalismku shaqeyo marka hada la tijiaabiyo oo la eego maxa ku jaban.

Professorku meelo fog bu wax ka arka wa visionary.

Axmed madoobe runti isaga iyo ciidankisa raskambooni door weyn bay ka qaateen xoreynta Kismayo marka in la isko indho tiro maha. Waxa weye in heshiis la wada gaadha xita hada laga dhigo Axmed madoobe madaxweynaha mamuul goboleedka Jubbaland 4ta sanneh eeh so socda. Sidee xeego lagu xagtaa ilkana u nabad galaan wa in xal laga gaadha, ciidankisa raskambooni na ay noqdaan asaaska ciidanka booliska Mamuul goboleekda Jubbaland.

Abwaan;890800 wrote: Aniga ma adigoo kalaad ii malaysay? Haddii aanan rabin waan sheegi lahaa, cidna kama baqayo. Yaa ii malaysay? Waligaba taw tawle adigu xarafka ugu horeya qorin babaan ogahay inanad mamuul rabin in la dhiso maad iska cadeysatiid wa caadi caloosha u sii daa wa caafimad eh.

Abwaan naga da ruwayaada in mamuul la dhiso maba rabtid.

Apophis;890769 wrote: Let the fat Saudis help. They got the dough and should pick some slack. Kuwaas waxba haka sugin My hopes are on the Islamic republic of iran

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I disagree Somalis are not selfish people as Muslims they care about the larger Muslim world.And Somalis do not see things through races like the vast majority of Blacks. As for carrying about themselves ofcourse they do but the problems they are facing are mostly caused by themselves the problems the Palestinians are facing are caused by the west and by Israel that's the fundamental difference.

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Liibaanow Xidhiidka Mise Xiriirka?

Apophis correct its holy to them and its their ancestral homeland the same way its for the Palestinians. But the problem is they don't want to compromise and agree on the 2 state solution which could be a solution. But Israel also doesn't want to stop building settlements on Palestinian territory. There are many jews in the west who dont have a problem with a one state for both Arabs and Jews for both Palestinians and Israelis one country. But the rightwing Israelis dont want to hear that, one state shared between Arabs and Jews. That would mean the idea of a Jewish identity in the middle east a Jewish country can no longer exist and they don't want that. But on the other hand demographics in Israel changing real fast the birth rate of Arabs in Israel is doubling the past 3 decades. Israeli Arabs inside Israel are already 30% of the larger israeli population. Imagine in 20 years time that's why most israelis are for the 2 state solution just not the 1967 boundaries they want a Palestinian state but they don't want to give back territory.

Somalia: On the Centralist- Federalist Debate By Muktar M. Omer Nov. 19, 2012 Rash moments and regret Sometimes we impulsively legitimize hateful words: hardliner, sectarian, clanist, Islamist, anarchist. At times, we utilize these words quite idly, at other times whimsically. We cock it and unleash it against opinions we don’t like, don’t agree with, or do not comport to our prejudices and caprices. In those rash moments, we feel we are the world, and every opinion must oblige our thinking. We feel we are the way; we are the truth. And the attendant overweening sense of own moral impeccability puts us in an undesirable situation. We make errors in Judgment. We make mistakes. No one is immune to this. Last week, it was my turn. In my response to Abdi Aynte’s article "The Kismaayo Conundrum", I implied that Aynte’s views on Kismaayo were shaped by clan loyalty, and not by objective analysis of facts. This was wrong. I have no evidence of Aynte’s clannishness. Not in his articles, not as a person. His analysis may have been faulty, in my opinion. But I should never have doubted his objectivity, because one could actually be objective and faulty at the same time. I have since unreservedly apologized to Aynte. Having cleared my conscience with this overdue apology, I wish to go into the main theme of this installment. The missing debate Somalia may have already adopted a federal system of governance, but the debate over whether a unitary or a Federal system is the antidote to the country’s governance malaise or appropriate to its social and political realities is far from over. There is one problem though. In the current debate, federalism, by and large, is presented as the sole system with decentralized fiscal and administrative structures. A unitary state can also have these arrangements. By cross-fertilizing the two systems, it is possible to come up with a unitary system where legislative authority is centralized while fiscal and administrative powers are decentralized. This possibility is not well presented in the national debate. In unitary states with fiscal and administrative decentralization, the constitutional authority is vested in the national government and power delegated to regions or sub-national bodies may be retrieved. In Federal systems, the power regions exercise is inherently guaranteed by the constitution – it is not delegated – and therefore it cannot be repossessed by the central state. The debate in Somalia – unlike in other countries – rarely discusses the putative virtues and vices of the two systems. Theoretical and empirical arguments for and against each system are not presented; the efficacy and policy payoffs of the two systems is not hypothesized. The debate does not sufficiently interrogate the implications of these systems on social justice, rule of law, citizen participation, national integrity, peace and democracy. Nor does it probe which system has the strongest causal relation and correlation with good governance. Sectarian texture Predictably, the debate assumes a characteristic sectarian texture, giving the opposing views an unmistakable clan identity. Blogger Matt Freear somewhat captures this regional/clan dichotomy: “for many around Mogadishu, Federalism of any kind is seen as the dissolution of a proud sense of united Somali nationhood, an assault on historical H block clan dominance, a general fear of losing power, or misunderstanding of how federalism can work. For others, it is the only glue that will hold a damaged country together”. This clear-cut grouping does not always hold, but in general terms, it reflects the present division line, although the reference to “an assault on H block clan dominance” is misleading, unless Freear is talking about the last two decades. In reality, the “dominance” of the last two decades – in the form of more Presidents coming from H block clan – really did not mean much at the national stage, as these Presidents rarely controlled areas outside Mogadishu. Therefore, to call it a historical “dominance” is not correct. The divisions outlined by Freear notwithstanding, centralist Somalis who hail from all regions and clans, worry – with strong justifications – that because of the schismatic propensity of the Somali society, federalism could be used as subterfuge for tribalism by self-seeking regional politicians. These centralists fear that tolerating and naturalizing tribalism under the guise of regionalism would eventually lead to the disintegration of the country. Federalists contend that Mogadishu is no longer a national capital where all citizens have equal rights. With grisly memories of the civil war still fresh in their minds, the Federalists are not prepared to trust national leaders, especially when these leaders happen to be from Mogadishu. Cynicism, skepticism, paranoia, and conspiracy theories pervade the national political landscape. The Politics of Otherness In the ongoing national debate, the risks of a centralized unitary state have been scrutinized and expounded more intensely than the dangers of federalism. Federalists fear Mogadishu’s domination and encroachment, but ignore the potential threat independent regional states pose to national cohesion and possibly national security in a context where politicians tend to put clan interest before country well-being. For instance, during the transitional period, there was a perception that President Faroole of Puntland was using the Federal constitution to browbeat the national government into doing nothing or into acquiescing to his demands, although not all of his demands were unreasonable. If regions obsessively feel different to one another or to the center or conversely become indifferent to the concerns of the other or the center, a politics of alterity or otherness takes root. Such politics of alterity or otherness is dangerous because it emphasizes the rights of “the region” but neglects the “region’s” national obligation – as a constituent member of the Federal Republic of Somalia – which is to be accountable to the center. This politics of otherness – manifested by un-assimilative political tendencies of regions and recurrent region-center acrimonies – will likely escalate as more and more regional States enter the political scene and competition over national resources intensifies. It follows that while centralization of power in Mogadishu may lead to discontent and perpetuate sectarian divisions, unregulated regionalization would lead to the waning of national identity and pride, and the disintegration of the country in the long-run. Therefore, the dangers of regionalization outweigh the risks of centralization. But, ultimately, what matters most for Somalia is not the typology of the governance system. What matters is the existence of visionary and accountable leadership at all levels, the presence of citizens with solid civic loyalty to Somalinimo, and the existence and quality of national and regional governance institutions. Federalism as an expedient arrangement Nowadays, federalism is the dominant global normative theory of governance favoured by academics, politicians, and policy makers across the political spectrum. However, there are no conclusive evidences that indicate that federalism is more efficient or leads to better governance than a unitary state. In fact, some comparative studies have shown that federal systems generally tend to derogate the quality of public policy and bureaucratic efficiency and result in the adoption of suboptimal policies, as infinite compromises are sought to address competition between sub-national entities. In my opinion, in the long run, Somalia does not need a Federal system because it has a relatively small population, and is too fragile and too homogenous. However, in the current context of clan mistrust and bitterness, the Federal system can be used as an expedient arrangement – a temporary waiting station – towards a unitary state with fiscal and administrative decentralization. Muktar M. Omer WardheerNews Contributor E-Mail:muktaromer@ymail.com