Who was right and who was wrong in the most destructive war or also known as the first fitna in Islam between Mucawiya ibn Abu Sufyan ibn Harb And Imam Ali ibn abu talib ibn abdulmutallib. Its a very sensitive subject among the highest Islamic scholars especially with in the Sunni Ullema because it was seen as a war between Sahabas. But what is more interesting is what does the Sharia say about the dispute. Also later the war between Yazid ibn Mucawiya versus Imam Hussein at the battle of karbala. It is what caused the first friction among Muslims the early stage.Some suni scholars believe that imam ali was correct in the differences that existed between Imam ali and Mucawiya ibn abu sufyan. The sunni ulema believe that the dispute between the companions should not be deeply discussed since allah knows best and that both imam ali and Mucawiya were righteous believers. i will quote Suni ulema on the issue i will not quote Shia ulema on this since we are Suni Muslims.

Never again will Somalilanders be ruled by foreigners never again will Somalilanders trust others but themselves. " frameborder="0" allowfullscreen>

Somaliland: "Ma jiro qorshe kulan Dubai" 26 Maarso, 2013, 16:30 GMT 19:30 SGA Maxamed Cabdullaahi Cumar, Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibedda ee Somaliland Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibedda ee Somaliland, Maxamed Cabdullaahi Cumar ayaa sheegay in aanu jirin wax qorshe ah oo ku saabsan kulan dhexmara Madaxweynaha Somaliland iyo Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya. Wasiirka ayaa ka jawaabayay warar sheegayay inay suurtagal tahay in labada dhinac ee Somaliland iyo Soomaaliya ay ku kulmaan magaalada Dubai, kadib marka Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya uu ka soo laabto magaalada Dooxa ee dalka Qadar oo uu kaga qeybgalayo shirka dalalka Carabta. Maxamed Cabdullaahi Cumar Waxa uu sheegay in dalka Imaaraadka ay u tageen casuummad ay ka heleen masuuliyiinta dowladda Imaaraadka Carabta. Laakiin wasiirku waxa uu ku celceliyay inay diyaar u yihiin wada hadalka Soomaaliya, balse aanay ka soo qeyb geli doonin shirka London ee bisha May. http://www.bbc.co.uk/somali/maqal_iyo_muuqaal/2013/03/130326_somaliland_wasiirka_dibedda.shtml?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter

" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen>

You mean Ma Jb ba dhalay kan, maa dhanka kale laga ma horeysiyo saaxib

I am not racists i have black friends ghanians south sudanese i love these people Kenyans Rwandans Zimbabweans i am just against oromo expansion in Somali territory nor do i hate oromos for them being oromo.I don't hate any race community or nationality i do dislike indians but there is no hate their either.

I want to visit a Somali bantu wedding one day i think they are wonderful people.And hard working people.

I always loved to listen to president bushes speeches especially the state of the union when he was addressing the American people. The years he was President were nice years. He was not the brightest but he was a President

A Watermelon, a Golf Course, a Horse, and Monstrous Dogs: 12 New Paintings from George W. Bush Max Read A watermelon, viewed from above, casts a greenish shadow on a white table. Two small figures on a putting green are spied from behind a distant tree. A horse with cow-like markings stands in field. Dogs, of course: a Shih Tzu and a Boxer sitting against an electric blue void. A Sheepdog next to a ball. A Corgi and a Lab at awkward, physically impossible angles, splayed out against the ground. And some kind of hound mix, maybe, grey and monstrous, sitting outside the White House, separated from the seat of power by iron bars, staring ambivalently out of frame. This is the art of the 43rd president. Gawker has obtained more photographs of George W. Bush's paintings, originally taken from the former president and his family's email accounts by a hacker using the name "Guccifer," and this may be the most interesting batch yet. A mix of landscapes, still lifes, and animal portraits (a subject he returns to time and again) these paintings show a burgeoning, sensitive artist stretching his painterly muscle—toying with perspective, experimenting with color, and giving his work symbolic and thematic heft. Here is the best of the bunch, and maybe his masterpiece: an odd, even monstrous-looking dog, sitting yards away from the president's former home, but kept away from it by thick iron bars. Unlike most of Bush's dogs, this one looks away from the viewer. What is it thinking? What is it doing? Are the bars the White House fence—or something more sinister? http://gawker.com/george-w'-bush-paintings/

:D

Faahfaahin kooban Safarka Raysal wasaare Saacid ku joogo Kismaayo Saaka markuu yimid Magaalada Kismaayo Wafdi balaaran oo uu horkacayo Raysal Wasaaraha Dowlada Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Cabdi Faraax Shirdoon waxaa halkaas kusoo dhaweeyey Masuuliyiin ta Gobolka oo uu horkacayo Gudoomiyaha Kumeel gaarka ah Axmed Madoobe. Raysal wasare Saacid iyo Axmed Madoobe waxay shir jaraa`id kuwada qabteen Garoonka diyaaradaha ee Kismaayo, Raysal wasaare Saacid wuxuu sheegey inuu aad ugu faraxsan yahay ayna cajiib la tahay sida qurxoon ee loosoo dhaweeyey “”Waxaan idiin sheegayaa inaan idiinku imid inaan idin dhagaysto, waxaad rabtaana dhagaysto”" ayaa ka kamid ahaamhadaladii Raysal wasaaraha. Ka dib waxaa loo galbiyey Hotel Tawakal oo ku yaal bartamaha Magaalada, halkaasoo ay hada ka socdaan kulamo goos goos ah. Galabta waxa hotelka ka dhacaya kulan balaaran oo uu Raysal waaaruhu la qaadanayo Masuuliyiinta KMG ee Gobolka, waxgaradka Gobolada Jubooyinka/Gedo iyo Gudiga Farsamada Maamul u sameynta Juboyinka. Sida aan warar rasmi ah ku helney Raysal wasaaruhu wuu diidey inuu tago Jaamacada Kismaayo halkaasoo uu ka socdo Shirwaynaha Jubooyinka iyo Gedo, waxaase dhici kara in isbadal dhankaas ka yimaado marka uu kulanka galabta dhaco ka dib.

If the likes of faisal rooble is opposed to the government than we know for sure hassan is doing a great job.

He will deliver the message.

The zack the Somali goverment doesnt want this form of Jubbaland not because they are against federalism but because they want a larger federal state consisting Jubbada hoose jubada dhexe Gedo Shabeelade hoose shabeelada dhexe bay and bakool. If you listened to hassan sheikh when he was in London Chatham House he clearly said Federalism doesn't mean to clans uniting it means regions forming larger blocks And that's why you are hearing now that the Prime Minister Mr saacid farax wants to establish a provincial administration before the larger communities can come together in the near future and establish a larger federal state.

Laugh where do you get that from i find it just beautiful arooses from different Somali groups

Af may is original i agree and thats where the true Somali grammar has its roots in , but Reer Mudug accent is nothing close to the standard Somali have u seen reer mudug talk it is something in between the reer woqoyi accent and the far deep koonfur accent but it has a little twist of their own . And i dont think the Somali goverment in the past even adopted that dialect but people assumed it was because it was something in between. But with their hadaal jiidmo it can hardly be considered standard. i think if we want the pure standard Somali its in danoot its Somali galbeed also close to the dhagaxbuur district and close to reer wardheer hadalka ma jidaan and do not talk like those in burco or laascaanood. But in between they speak a better Somali than those in wardheer and Mudug, oo ay kaga dhagtay wax la wada hayaada ah.Problem when u say what is standard for some in Xamar,, hiiraan is standard from some in Djibouti Hargeisa is standard for some in Dhagaxbuur bari accent is standard. It depends really where you are.

Thats a kufr statement.

The Sage meet Ditoore osman this man can turn a topic about laser guns into Bosaaso.

Return of Terror/Anarchy to Mogadishu: On March 19, 2013, the New York Times carried a front-page story about Al-Ahabab resuming its aggressive acts of terrorizing the residents of Mogadishu. This is one of a series of troubling signs of the deterioration of Hassan Sheikh’s administration. Despite his premature and uninitiated over-pledging pronouncement to the nation that his three top priorities are “security, security, security,” the nation is less secure now than six months. Security is slipping out of hand; dead bodies continue to turn up in Mogadishu’s dark alleys as if we were experiencing a de javu of the days of extreme anarchy. About ten days ago, the corpses of six civilians with their hand and legs cuffed together were dumped by government soldiers in to the city’s allies. Rape cases are not abated, despite the international attention received by the rape of a Somali woman, only because of a human rights advocate from Europe who refused to let the issue get buried under the rhetoric of the President as a “friend of women.” Moreover, Somalia’s equal opportunity critic and cartoonist, Amin Amir, had recently posted at aminarts, a serious of cartoons reflecting the Somali sentiment; the disposition of Mogadishu becoming a “one-clan city;” pressure for the immediate return of “stolen or looted properties” is building up; prisoners freed out of government jails in a freak way, and massive amounts of weapons stolen from the government’s depot located at the presidential campus. If the worsening conditions are not arrested, the euphoric welcome extended to this President is soon to be replaced with despair and a potential demise to the modicum of gains so far registered. Baydhabo region: Who thought that millions of Somalis would worry at the very news of Ethiopia’s leaving Bydhabo region? Local and international news media is awash with concrete information that as soon as Ethiopians pulled out of Xudur, a prominent town within the Bydhabo region, Al-Shabab easily overran the ragtag militia soldiers reporting to Mogadishu. It is also reported that, if reinforcement is not given to the AMISOM troops stations in Baydhabo, Al-Shabab is poised to recapture the regional seat of the Digil Mirigle coalition. Is the comeback of the Al-Shabab, therefore, simply a military question, or an indication that Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s government is losing the faith of the Somali people at-large? There is some truth to the argument that his imprudent conflict with the leadership of IGAD, with his neighbors who through unfortunate circumstances hold sway on Somalia, particularly in the area of security, and with the officers of the United Nations Office for Somalia (UNOS) is partially a cause to the faltering security conditions in the southwestern regions of the country. Unfortunately, the main reason why security is deteriorating in Mogadishu and in Southwestern regions is a function of bad internal politics. Since assuming power, the government’s domain has been narrowing and it lost faith with Puntland, Somalialnd, Jubbaland, and to some extent the May may coalition. The recent brouhaha over the rights of Galmudug to form its state, which could have been discussed in private chambers and the clashes in Marka, also further eroded this government’s grip on the nation’s affairs. Whereas his government was supposed to reach out to all section of the Somali society, Hassan Sheikh arrogantly narrowed his power base to a coalition representing some members of his clan and that of his religious group, Dumjadid. While writing this piece I reached out to my good friend, Said Samatar, a prominent historian and an authority on Somali political culture and asked him what good could Hassan Sheikh have done at the outset to get this time right? This is what he said: “Hassan Mohamed should have put on his Maawis (Somali garb), wrap his Shaaland, and carry his Bakoorad (cane); with that take a tour consisting of a coalition of HAG elders to Puntland, Jubbaland, Bay, Bakol, and Somaliland; meet and great those elders, give a peace and justice overtures; let the HAG elders convey the message that their son is ready to respect Somali Xeer and mutual respect to each other.” In one of his speeches to the Somali Diasporas Hassan Mohamoud prematurely and triumphantly announced that the role of the elders is finished. Considering how deeply he sinking in so many fronts, particularly with security slipping out of his hands, one is tempted to give a try to Said Samatar’s traditionalist approach to interject a dose of optimism and hope to the faltering search for peace in Somalia. After all, the government and the land belong to the people of Somalia and it is their responsibility to fix it. By Faisal A. Roble

Somalia: A Government Failing at its own Peril Somalis could aptly capture the disappointment with Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s administration in the following proverb: “Dha’do roob noqon waayday!” and a fittingly comparable Indian saying goes “Clouds come floating into my life, no longer to carry rain or usher storm….,” One must wonder why conditions in Mogadishu and adjoining southwestern regions of Somalia are descending back to anarchy and to a renewed conflict. One may also wonder why all the fanfare orchestrated in the month of February when Somalia’s new leader, Hassan Sheikh Mohamed, visited the US and Europe so quickly dissipated. Yet, most Somalis suspect that policy makers in Washington D.C. and its proxy country in the Middle East – the kingdom of Qatar – were hasty to declare “mission accomplished” in the long conflict of Somalia. If indeed true, that would have been good news to be welcomed by Somalis – a population so hungry for peace, development and security in their own backyard. But it was not meant to be so. As matter of fact, the month of February, 2013 could go into the annals of the history of this troubled country as the month when hope for lasting reconciliation and a new history making among the country’s disparate clans was thrown into oblivion. As such, there is a credible fear the adage of “clouds floating into our life, but no longer carrying rain” could be the true fate of the nation in the lurking. The government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, who has been eroding whatever little is left of Somalia’s cohesion and coexistence, is responsible for, in the words of Dr. Weinstein, the production of a “renewed conflict” between the center and the regions. A novice in politics who enjoys deep roots in religious radicalism (Africa Confidential, October 2012), Hassan Sheikh took power in September of 2012. At the outset, his lack of experience worked in his favor, because, as often noted by those who elected him in September of 2012, he was perceived as the lesser of two evils (between him and the former President Sheikh Sharif). In a sense he is a man without history and without paper trail. Alas, a Somali scholar who spent with Hassan Sheikh (almost three days of a grueling session in Djibouti in 2010) said this: “for three hard working days of deliberations and discourse, Hassan said nothing. All that was feasible in his face was that he came across as a man of tremendous anger and partisanship.” Despite some cosmetic gains, most often orchestrated by donors who are anxious to hand over Somalia’s affairs and make her leaders responsible for their citizens’ protection and management, Hassan Sheikh’s policies so far bear truth to this cogent observation by one of Somalia’s prominent academics. Let us skin off the layers of the ongoing dismantling of the tangible gains Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s predecessors so far made and the rapid dissention to the abyss of conflict. Jubbaland: The residents of Jubbaland had seen enough terror, occupation and wanton bloodshed in the hands of militia commanded by the late Aidid Farah, who is alleged to have introduced into Somali political culture what Dr. Lidwein calls “clan cleansing.” They have also suffered multiple invasions by the allied forces of Jubbland valley (Dooxada Juba) encouraged and funded by the first transitional government, headed by Abdi Qasim (Qasim is now a close advisor to Hassan Sheikh). The longest occupation of the region has been under the forces of Al-Shabab. In 2008, a new chapter ushered in Jubbaland where a grass roots effort was launched to establish a local administration that would tackle invading outsiders and possibly put security matters in the hands of locals (this effort was based on an earlier effort carried out by the United Nations in 1993). The objective was to empower local folks not only to govern themselves, but to also protect and provide for their security. This was advised by a theory that combines the tools of local governance and grass roots approach to neighborhood protection. Instead of joining and promoting this noble effort, the government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud made its number one national policy to fight and dismantle the gains so far registered in this region. By doing so, he deliberately violated key Sections of the provisional Federal Constitution of Somalia, including but not limited to Sections of Articles 48, 49, and 47. Worse, he used divisive languages and politics of wedge that eroded the prestige of his own office. The very perception that the President of Somalia is painted with such an ugly picture as “tribalist,” or “vendetta carrying USC cadre,” makes him an irrelevant of a leader with no national appeal. Unless he shows some significant and immediate mending of relations with all sections of the Somali communities, his administration is looking for a rocky future ahead. For a potential amelioration of the situation and perhaps the only way to save his presidency, a must–study lesson to him in this respect would be the recent agreement reached between Puntland and his own Prime Minister, Saacid Farah, a more calm and conciliatory figure. Somaliland: Somaliland had declared a unilateral secession from the rest of Somalia in 1991 on the ashes of Somalia’s failed state. It is recalled that Barre’s regime exacted an unforgettable massacre against the Issaq population in the region. The hope for meaningful talks on the nagging question of Somaliland’s unilateral secession, and the resolution to the conflict in Khatumo, was dashed first by mismanaging the talks, and finally by the immature request by this government to lift the 20 year-old arms embargo. A lasting reconciliation between Somaliland with Mogadishu requires trust-building and Mogadishu recognizing the limits to its power. It would also require finding reputable ways to give Khatumo leaders a prominent role in the talks for they are major stakeholders in the outcome. The search for more arms and weapons for Mogadishu-commanded militia army, the so-called “Somali National Army (SNA)” is in total contradiction to the spirit of fostering genuine and productive talks with Somaliland and the resolution to the question of secession. The conflict in Somalia is not due to lack of arms, but more arms in the wrong hands in southern Somalia at a time of heightened insecurity and tangible suspicion of Mogadishu by the regions. On March 17, 20013, only weeks after the UN’s lifting of arms embargo on Somalia, massive amounts of ammunitions, rifles (AK47s) and other weapons were “stolen” from the presidential palace of Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud. Whether or not the loss of such a huge amount of weapons was the design of an inside job is beside the point. The lesson here is that Somalia is still awash with weapons, particularly Mogadishu, and most of it is in the wrong hands. Moreover, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s government does not have the right infrastructure and legal capacity to keep weapons from falling into the wrong hands. Thus, peaceful communities in Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubbaland are not comfortable with weapons flying all over.

Oodweyne brother Haatu is a Somali Kenyan , he doesn't know how the Somalilanders view Somalia and about sharing a state and government with Somalia. Nor does he understand the political behavior of SL politicians and how they approach the Koonfurians. Also he doesn't know what is at stake from a Somaliland perspective. He thinks Somalilanders are after political seats of Xamar and that the masses in SL would just follow their leaders blindly and there is no accountability. I think brother haatu spend to much time with the Pirates next door.

Yeah that can be said you are correct that reer woqoyi people speak a similar way and have the same dialect.