what if he pays them the MPS

Che u might actually suprised i think he has the votes if he didnt have the vote i think he would not be so confident to put it to a vote that early as Tomorow how many votes does madoobe have 15 its not really that decisive. I mean he has his clan votes and then he has all the votes from Somaliland and their cousins in the far south the key battle ground are the May May votes and the .5 votes and what hassan sheikh can steal from the D block votes here is where madoobe can come in

Tensions around buhoodle Military build up happening this entire evening maalimihi ugu dambeye eeh ramadan ba lugu jira samada na way furantahay . rag na wa is guraya birtana wala isla kufaya

so the people of Mogadishu are behind ulusow on this it seems the cbb folks are not in touch on what is happening in the capital

Mogadishu residents support for completion of Somalia's Provisional Constitution Monday March 25, 2024 Mogadishu (HOL) - Hundreds of people gathered at the Daljirka Dahsoon Monument in Mogadishu on Monday to support the ongoing process of completing the provisional Constitution of the Federal Republic of Somalia. The Governor of Banadir Region and Mayor of Mogadishu, Yusuf Hussein Jimale Madaale, along with ministers and pro-government lawmakers, participated in the demonstration to urge the Parliament to pass the proposed Constitution. advertisements During the event, protesters chanted slogans and held banners supporting the Constitution and calling on President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to fulfill his promise of finalizing the country's Constitution. Mayor Yusuf Madaale emphasized that completing the Constitution is necessary to secure the rights of the thousands of people living in the Banadir Region and clarify the status of Mogadishu's capital. "The Constitution is currently under review in Parliament, so we must await the lawmakers' decisions. We urge lawmakers to bring their agendas and ideas to the Parliament," Mayor Yusuf Madaale stated. Somalia's bicameral Parliament concluded the debate on the first four chapters of amending the Constitution during Saturday's joint 29th session in Mogadishu. The debate began on February 12, 2024, and lasted over 40 days. However, former Somali Presidents Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo and Sharif Sheikh Ahmed reiterated their firm stance against President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's plans to amend the country's Constitution, which they argued threatened the sovereignty and unity of the Somali people

Somalia forms committee to support Fawzia Yusuf Adam’s AU chairperson candidacy Monday March 25, 2024 FILE PHOTO - Fawzia Yusuf Adam Mogadishu (HOL) - Somalia formed an eight-member committee on Saturday to prepare for the African Union Commission (AUC) election campaign. The committee, led by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre, will support Fawzia Yusuf Adam's candidacy. It includes high-ranking officials such as Daud Aweis, Bihi Egeh, Abdirisak Omar Mohamed, Abdisalam Abdi Ali, Ali Omar, and Abdullahi Ahmed Jama. Jama and Alasow will serve as special envoys focusing on international relations and support for the election campaign. "The two envoys are in charge of the relationship between the governments of the need for support while carrying out the duties assigned to the Election Campaign Committee for the Chairperson of the African Union Commission," the PM said in a statement. The committee's primary goal is to garner support from other African nations for Somalia's nominee. In February, Somalia nominated Fawzia Yusuf Adam, a pioneer in Somali politics and the nation's first female Foreign Minister, to contend against Kenya's Raila Odinga for the AUC Chairperson role. Adam, known for her significant contributions, presented a detailed seven-point agenda to enhance Africa's global stance and address critical issues like climate change, peace, and security. Her opponent, Raila Odinga, a veteran of Kenyan politics with over forty years of experience, has secured support from leaders across East Africa. Seven African Presidents reportedly back his candidacy. According to the rotation system established in 2018, the Eastern Africa region is slated to nominate the next AUC Chairperson in February 2025.

in 1948 i understand why they didnt accept the partian plan why would they they controlled and had the population in all of the land 80 percent of the Land , Israel accepted because they just wanted a country.. For the Palestenians giving up 34 percent of their land when they are 80 percent of the Land is not much of a deal Israel stands because its getting billions of dollars in aid from America every single year. thats the only reason in 1973 they got smoked uncle sam had the save the day Henry kissinger saved israel back then if it wasnt for the Americans Israel would be finished

The palestenians i have to stay they are very resilient people And the Hypcracy of the wes they say they they champion human rights but when it comes to israel all rationality flies out of the window

its called the afweyne syndrome if afweyne pulled it off for 21 years sitting in Mogadishu while mogadishu not being his Tribal homeland Ulusow has a little edge i think he can pull it off not being a dictator but in the making or atleast pushing this new constitution who will stop him.. Ahmed madoobe isnt really involved , its only Puntland Mr cheese and sharif dalxiis if Ulusow manages to convince the bay and bakool people no threat wil come to his agenda.

also fake news

what on earth are u talking about kumaan fahmin

well i dont think theologicial issues are not un important for example Somalia is battling alshabaab which is an ideology so it helps to create the Religious identity of the country .. So that is important maxay ugala jeedaan xuslahada doorashooyunka mamuul goboleedayda will be organized by wasaarada arimaha gudahaha ma doooraashooyinka madxaweynaha fedeaalka mise , mamuul hosaadka dawlad goboleedka

what is the whole issue why are people oppposed to the consittion to have some changes and then to be made a full constitutioon and put it up to a vote. what do deni and sharif and famraajo want for ever to be with out a dastuur

HJ has never lost a tribal territory to an enemy clan in their entire history as they have taken cayanbo and haven taken gar adag the garaad clan have never pushed the hj around through the history. but it was always the ohter way around if they want war or dont war , war is one way or the other coming they are the one begging for the SL army not to be allowed in hj land to attack the garaad clan. What countrymen are u talking about didnt they say they are no longer part of Somaliland how are they country men then

This is more accurate tribal demographics of Somaliland republic

war is going to happen one way or the other ha sugi wayin by the way caada and jidali isn the garaad clan tribal territory lasasurad and waqdariya are also Gadhweyn territories . it isnt their tribal homelands qarxis south of it is also ciise riyoole territory galgal in hawd buhoodle district is also habar love territory

ssc wa sool iyo sanaag cayn is togdheer Somaliland owns all these 3 regions and sits in alll of these 3 regions and controlls all of them with the exception of laasqoray district laascanood and taleex districts out of SL control at the moment but will be back again.. why else do u think ina bixii is stockpiling arms and sending more troops around oog . Do u think he is doing that for Military excirses the mother of all wars is coming soon

Washington’s “One Somalia” Delusion Writing in this forum, Tibor P. Nagy, Jr. and Joshua Meservey made an eloquent case for why the agreement granting Ethiopia—the world’s most populous landlocked country—naval access on Somaliland’s 740-kilometer coastline “has the potential to benefit the entire Horn of Africa region, Egypt, and the security of the Red Sea.” If such is the case, why are some of the harshest criticisms of the deal coming from the U.S. government, with National Security Council director of strategic communications John Kirby describing the White House as “troubled” by it? The Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs also reiterated the State Department’s support for “Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.” Alas, the case is another example of the foreign policy bureaucracy entrenching policy that is not only decidedly not in America’s interests but also appears hopelessly detached from any political realism. Realpolitik must start with the facts. Somaliland was a British Protectorate that became independent on June 26, 1960 and received immediate recognition from three dozen states, including a congratulatory message from U.S. Secretary of State Christian Herter. Five days later, the former Italian colony-cum-trust territory of Somalia received independence, and the two newly independent countries attempted a union that was so botched that it might have qualified for farce if the subsequent human toll had not made it tragic. As even the African Union Commission has acknowledged on two separate occasions, “The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990 makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to ‘opening a pandora’s box’” [italics in the original]. Since the de facto breakup between Somaliland and Somalia more than three decades ago, the two have gone along very different paths. Somaliland has largely succeeded in maintaining peace and security in its claimed territory and establishing a stable government based on one-person-one-vote elections. Unusual for the region, Somaliland’s incumbent presidents have been defeated at the polls, and the political opposition now holds the majority of seats in the legislature. Somalia, on the other hand, has undergone extended periods where its territory has been a haven for pirates and terrorists. Its so-called government can best be described as coopted, and the last election even approximating a “free and fair” contest with universal suffrage took place in 1969. Given this context, there is no scenario remotely moored to reality under which the 5.7 million people in Somaliland—the majority of whom were born after Somaliland proclaimed its renewed independence in 1991 and have never lived under the “administration” of Somalia—would conceivably opt for a new union. Mogadishu’s claim to legitimacy could only be brought about by force, unleashing the conflict and bloodshed critics of the Ethiopia-Somaliland deal wish to avoid. In fact, between the collapse of the Siad Barre dictatorship in early 1991 and the second term of the Obama administration, the United States did not recognize any government of Somalia until 2013. In 2010, a brief before the U.S. Supreme Court by then-Solicitor General Elena Kagan even went as far as to specify that while the United States supported “the efforts of the TFG [Transitional Federal Government] to establish a viable central government,” it “does not recognize the TFG as the sovereign government of Somalia.” Although the legal brief did not delve into detail, there were well-grounded strategic and international legal reasons for the United States’ position. First, sovereignty carries with it not only rights but also obligations, many of which, notwithstanding the Obama administration’s 2013 facile recognition, the unelected regime in Mogadishu still struggles to meet in any meaningful sense. The Chief of the General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, Field Marshal Berhanu Jula, underscored this point in an Addis Standard interview: “the Ethiopian military controls around 60 percent of Somalia’s land mass,” enabling the so-called government to stay in Mogadishu, and that “if the Ethiopian Army were to withdraw, [he] doubted that the federal government would remain.” bureaucracy’s dogged insistence on “one Somalia” when such an entity has not existed for more than three decades—a period now longer than the unhappy cohabitation between the former British Somaliland and Italian Somalia. Unfortunately, in the real world—where terrorism, conflict, and famine loom large over the Horn of Africa—such fantasies exact an all-too-heavy toll. Ambassador J. Peter Pham, a Distinguished Fellow at the Atlantic Council and a Senior Advisor at the Krach Institute for Tech Diplomacy, is a former U.S. Special Envoy for the Sahel and Great Lakes Regions of Africa. The National interest

Do you think the war is over

if u really think SL is just going to sit there and let the khatumu militia roam there freeily haku riyoon taas

not at all thats just excuses the pirats used that cabdilahi yusufs shiftted his attention on Mogadishu the garowe administration was in decline and hence why the the garaad clan switced to Somaliland in particular the two main subclans of laascanood the 3rd still remained with PL . Now how to move forwards it is impossible for half of sool to be a federalstate the issue is either join puntland or Somaliland there is no 3rd option and now they seem to be on the side of Puntland lets see how that goes how ever Somaliland will not stop taking back this land whether it is diplomatically or miliitarly

Muuse biixi invited by the sheikh of Abu Dhabi lets see how that goes

70 is not much the rest are bigger they just got one clan and 9 extra people they are missing 70 percent of the parliament

i try to make sense of it so do any of the koonfurian lads know what is this all about maxa la isku haysta ,, i tried to listen to gaylan media laakin isna ma sheegin waxa la isku haysta only dastuur badalin bu wadda hassan laakin waxala badalayo iyo sababta mamuul goboleedadu uu diidanyihin lama oga taas na