Listen carefully how he speaks about Dr Beyle his cousin the current foreign minister of Somalia.

No one is attacking them they are just not welcome in SL let them stay and focus on their somalia.

SL highest office its just the minister of information telling them like it is that they are not welcome. Somalia and Somaliland have no agreement on media the media of Somalia has to play by our rules if they dont they are not welcome . How come they haven't ridiculed hassan sheikh yet than? Thats a good question?

It is time Khatumo should explore alternative ways It is time Khatumo should explore alternative waysWritten by:The AuthorWritten on:January 31, 2014 Comments LADY KHATUMO FINAL LINE.003Khaatumo was singing Soomaaliyeey Toosoo while waiting for the support of the Somali Federal Government and their fellow Somalis who love and care Somalia with its full borders. Khaatumo is between a rock and hard place, in other words, between two hostile states, Puntland and Somaliland. These two states have fundamental differences. For instance, Somaliland claims their secession from the rest of the country where Puntland is a federal state, though it has a rocky relationship with the Federal Government. However, when it comes to Khaatumo, Somaliland and Puntland are strange bedfellows for its destruction. Puntland & newly elected President Abdiweli Gaas showed some crocodile tears while he was campaigning for the presidency. He promised that he will extend an olive branch to Khaatumo. He also stated that he will open a dialogue for mutual respect and mutual interest as two brotherly states, should he wins the election. However, to add insult to the injury, he appointed two Khaatumo drop outs, Karaash and Biindhe for ministries in his cabinet. This is not a change but just a continuation of destructive policy of Puntland toward Khaatumo and Mr. Gaas reinforced the legacy of his predecessors, Faroole and Cadde Musse. This reminds me of a short but thoughtful article by Osman Hassan titled Somaliland: A Dumping Ground for Khaatumo Drop Outs, Drifters and Dead Wood. I would add that since Xaabsade and Xagala-toosiye are no different from Karaash and Biindhe, that not only Somaliland but also Puntland is dumping ground for Khaatumo losers. While Khaatumo State is struggling to survive between those two belligerent states, they always appeal to their federal government and its leaders for support. Unfortunately, they have received nothing from it. There were multiple times that President Hassan was asked about Khaatumo State in and outside of Somalia. In those occasions, not once did the President pay close attention to the issue or had at least acknowledged the hardships that the people of this region endure. I am also certain that the Khaatumo officials knocked on every possible door of the Federal Government for the well-being of their people. However, whatever the reason might be, it is evident all those calls fell on deaf ears. Another classic example is the Turkey Conferences between the Somali Federal Government and Somaliland where Khaatumo State had no representation on either side of the aisle. Imagine where your fate is decided and your enemy represents you. Since the status quo is not sustainable, it seems that time has come for Khaatumo State to explore alternative ways to rescue its own existence as well as to better serve the people it represents. It should come up with Plan B since Plan A is no longer viable. In my opinion, the first option would be to stop singing Soomaaliyey Toosoo and reconsider Khaatumo’s relations with the Somali Federal Government. Secondly, study the possibility of independent Khaatumo in the future, just like Somaliland advocates. Thirdly, Zone 5 of the Ethiopian Federation is right next door. Due to the dual-track policy, the International Community deals with the Somalia Federal Government and its states separately. Likewise, Ethiopia has embassies in Hargeysa, Garowe and Mogadishu. Therefore, why shouldn’t Khaatumo take an even further step and explore ways to be part of a federation where they could freely represent their people, decide their fate and get their share of the pie? Finally, these choices may seem extreme to an outsider or someone who is not in the same situation. However, anyone who walks in the Khaatumo shoes and at least has a sound mind would feel the pain of the adversities that this region and its people face on a daily basis. They, therefore, would agree that something must to be done about the issue before it is too late. Albert Einstein once said “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results”. In reality, Khaatumo cannot fight a battle with three fronts simultaneously; Somaliland, Puntland and the Federal, though some are more aggressive than others.Therefore, it is time for Khaatumo State to change the course, examine the state that we are in for the time being and explore different options for the future of the people it represents. Khadar Ahmednoor Boss

The pirates are angry because culusow outmaneuvered them one by one he first picked saacid than another gedo prime minister. Than he got rid of Faroole the only resistance against culusow. Than he put madoobe under his jurisdiction Everything is going well for culusow Germans will train his forces the UAE to , international community remains committed to hassan sheikh government.

All other media is allowed in Somaliland Kenya tv Djibouti Aljazeera bbc etc Just not koonfurians.

<cite> @Holac said:</cite> Fafaan, that is more believable. So u saying he was just abducted and did not surrender how come we cant hear it from him self? Its not like he is dead.

Kuwan waxba lama weydiyo the majority of Puntlanders dont listen to their cries. Wa small minority dadkaasu.

He said Somalia will not hold one man one vote elections in 2016 He said there is still allot of corruption He said the Somalia and Somaliland talks are in favor of SL and that the vast majority of the mps in somalia have no clue what the government of Somalia is doing when talking to Somaliland.

Yemen federation deal gives autonomy, not independence, to south BY MOHAMMED MUKHASHAF ADEN, Yemen Mon Feb 10, 2014 11:31am EST Yemen's President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi signs the final approval on transforming Yemen into a federal state of six regions in Sanaa February 10, 2014, in this handout photo provided by the Defence Ministry. REUTERS-Yemen's Defence Ministry-Handout via Reuters 1 OF 3. Yemen's President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi signs the final approval on transforming Yemen into a federal state of six regions in Sanaa February 10, 2014, in this handout photo provided by the Defence Ministry. CREDIT: REUTERS/YEMEN'S DEFENCE MINISTRY/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS RELATED TOPICS World » Yemen » (Reuters) - Yemen's president on Monday formally approved turning the country into a federal state, giving the south more autonomy and completing a milestone in his planned transition to democracy. But the move was immediately rejected by some southerners who insist on a separate state, raising fears the impoverished country may face further instability on top of the challenges it already has from Islamist militants and a northern rebellion. Demands by southern separatists to restore the state that merged with North Yemen in 1990 had delayed an agreement on broad reforms ahead of general elections. Under the new system approved by President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, Yemen will be split into six regions. The former South Yemen will be divided into two regions, Aden and Hadramout, according to state news agency Saba, and the more populous former North Yemen into four regions. Under a U.S.-backed power transfer deal that forced former President Ali Abdullah Saleh to step down in 2012, Hadi is overseeing reforms for an interim period. Political factions last month gave Hadi an extra year to finalize Yemen's status as a federal state and oversee drafting a new constitution that will form the basis for elections slated for next year. Work the constitution could not progress without an agreement on the shape of the Yemeni state. Saba said a federal state comprised of six regions garnered the "highest level of agreement" against another proposal to divide the country into two regions, one in the north and one in the south. Southern Yemeni leaders rejected the accord. "What has been announced about the six regions is a coup against what had been agreed at the dialogue," said Mohammed Ali Ahmed, a former South Yemen interior minister who returned from exile in March 2012. "That is why I pulled out of the dialogue," he told Reuters. Ahmed withdrew from the talks in November, and in December three other Yemeni parties rejected the proposal to turn the country into a federation. SOUTHERN FEARS Some southerners fear that having several regions would dilute their authority and deprive them of control over important areas such as Hadramout, where some of Yemen's oil reserves are found. Nasser al-Nawba, a founder of the southern Hirak separatist movement, also rejected the deal, saying the only solution was for the north and south to each have their own state, as was the case before 1990. "We will continue our peaceful struggle until we achieve independence. We are against violence," he said. The 1990 union between the tribal North Yemen and the Marxist South soon went sour and a civil war broke out four years later in which then-President Saleh crushed southern secessionists and maintained the union. Anna Boyd, senior Middle East analyst at IHS Country Risk, said that while the deal "closes the door on southern separatist ambitions", the government was unlikely to be able to re-establish control over most of Yemen's territory over the next year. "Militant separatist factions will probably capitalize on the diminished capability of security forces in southern provinces, coordinate their efforts with other insurgent factions to acquire weapons and expertise, and increasingly resort to attacks targeting infrastructure, energy and security forces to further erode the government's authority over southern Yemeni territory," she said. (Writing by Yara Bayoumy; Editing by Sami Aboudi and Robin Pomeroy)

Listen to his wisdom speech how he united the Parliament of SL

Somaliland: Elder Abdi Warabe Calms Legislators Nerves Monday, 10 February 2014 22:09 Elder Abdi WarabeElder Abdi Warabe HARGEISA (Somalilandsun) - Elder Abdi Warabe managed to diffuse tension in parliament related to a motion sponsored by the ruling party Kulmiye to vote out the opposition national party chairman Hon. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi (Irro) from his position of speaker in house of assembly. The intention of the government came to light as the public came to know the agenda of the Kulmiye legislators. The renowned elder Hon. Abdi Warabe was forced to intervene as matters almost went out of control as members of parliament almost fought in house. It was agreed that the speaker should revoke his earlier decision to reduce some powers of his two deputies from the ruling part Kulmiye

First of all i would like to say the web designers good job the front and the news how its all put together well done. But i am not to happy with the Forum index its to small the discussion board is to small back in the days it was so big , i cant breath. The rest of the forum is good easy picture upload easy video upload perfect. But the forum is so mall why do we need to have the right and i also do not like the letter type. It has to be catchy for every one to read.The entire right side with all the pictures of members is unnecessary just my opinion

Doctor ofcourse the president matters but the problem in here is saaxib Somalis lama shaqeyaan madaxdooda hassan cannot do anything with out Somalis supporting him if Somalis were honest and god fearing people and really cared for Somalia they would have supported him , hassan is not illiterate or incapable of leading its the Somalis who are not giving him a chance there are other external factors that play a role there are influential clique in Somalia that make it impossible for him to do the best he can. How is hassan sheikh different than sh sharif , was sh sharif also incapable of leading these presidents all had higher education and were in politics for quiet some time, i believe Somalia is facing domestic problems Somalis who are not honest and international meddling Foreign troops etc that play a role.

we hope everything is oke with president hassan ilahay caafimad shifo dawo, to him and the muslims.

<cite> @Libaax-Sankataabte said:</cite> That was the position of the IC since Somaliland declared independence. Not exactly brother Libaax it was first let Somalis no matter who and what entity they are let them decide their future remember during abdilahi yusuf and during abdiqasim but recently i believe since 2012 and since the sessions of SL and Somalia talks the notion of a Somalia and Somaliland as two distinct entities deciding their future is being presented in here and the international community is supporting this now can they decide their own future with out foreign mediation probably not we have seen that.

Its Abdi waraabe the oldest guurti member look at the gesture and they way he instructs Hirsi the most outspoken Minister and powerful Minister in the Somaliland cabinet. He gave him the look only grandfather can give a child. He is not faisal ali waraabe father the only thing they have in-common is they belong to the same sub sub clan, and ofcourse the waraabe name.

SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND HAVE TO DETERMINE THEIR FUTURE RELATIONSHIP: UK GOVERNMENT February 9, 2014 - Written by Ali jaamac London- The House of Lords in a question and answer session about DFID and Somaliland and Somalia future relations and recent dialogue, Lord Chidgey asked Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office , Baroness Warsi about Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment of the extent to which the Somaliland Development Fund has been successful in assisting donors to support Somaliland’s own National Development Plan in their aim of enhancing governmental structures and the rule of law and assisting security forces and the police to maintain stability and enhance human security? Baroness answered, “The Somaliland Development Fund is a multi-donor fund supported by Denmark, Norway and the UK. It is targeted on specific sectors within the Somaliland National Development Plan, namely: water, livestock, roads and the environment. These were agreed through a prioritization process between the National Planning Commission and donors. This process has helped to strengthen the role and performance of the National Planning Commission itself. It has also opened opportunities for broader donor support to the Somaliland government, for example on public financial management reform and public sector management strengthening.” DFID Lord Chidgey asked her what steps they are taking to assist Somaliland to meet the Millennium Development Goals to eliminate extreme poverty and hunger, and reduce infant mortality in its region? Baroness answered: In health, between 2011 and September 2013, DFID achieved the following results in reducing infant mortality in Somaliland: over 20,000 children had routine vaccinations for common childhood diseases; over 47,000 children under 5 accessed nutrition services. Lord Chidgey asked: what is the projected cost of aid from the Department for International Development to Somaliland, as compared to aid provided to Somalia, for the period 2010 to 2015? Baroness answered: DFID does not compile formal aid expenditure statistics broken down at sub-national level. UK bilateral overseas development assistance to Somalia (including Somaliland) was (in thousands): £40,359 in 2010, £94,907 in 2011 and £89,754 in 2012 Lord Chidgey asked the minister: what assessment they have made of Somaliland’s declared independence from Somalia? The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi): The British Government considers that it is for Somalia and Somaliland themselves to determine their future relationship and for neighboring countries in the region to take the lead in recognizing any new arrangements. Following the London Conference in February 2012, which “recognized the need for the international community to support any dialogue that Somaliland and the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) or its replacement may agree to establish in order to clarify their future relations”, the TFG and Somaliland met for the first time at Chevening in the UK, in June 2012. We agreed to cooperate on matters of mutual interest. Somalia and Somaliland have held several further rounds of talks in Turkey, at Ministerial level, including earlier this month. The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, my hon. Friend the Member for Boston and Skegness (Mr Simmonds), raised the importance of a lasting and mutually acceptable agreement between Somali and Somaliland during his discussions at the 2014 African Union Summit in Addis Ababa with the new Somali Foreign Minister, Abdurahman Duale Beyle.

^^ holac its not the president trust me the next president will have the same challenges there is no point of changing the president, corruption will always exist. President hassan should remain in power and finish his term. Somalia faces constitutional problems sectarian conflict tribal conflict Somalis that think one man can solve all of this. Its very difficult only Somalis together can solve and that i mean Puntland Jubba state galmudug alshabaab the government all work together aslong as Somalis dont work together the problem will exist the next president will face the same problems its not the personality of the president its the collective Somalis who are not honest.

Ciidammo ONLF ah oo isku dhiibay Ismaamulka Soomaalida Itoobiya Isniin, Febraayo 10, 2014 (HOL) – Ciidammo ka tirsanaa jabhadda ONLF ayaa la sheegay inay isku soo dhiibeen Taliska amniga dowlad deegaanka Soomaalida Itoobiya, iyadoo ciidamadan lagu qanciyay inay nabadda qaataan si looga gudbo caqabadaha hortaagan is-fahan dhamaystiran oo ay gaaraan dhinacyada dowladda iyo mucaaradka. Sida lagu sheegay war ay dowladdu arrintaa kasoo saartay, waxaa kooxda isa soo dhiibtay hoggaaminayay nin lagu magacaabo Muxumad Aani oo isagu muddo ka tirsanaa jabhadaas, kana soo jeeda magaalada Dhagax-buur oo xarun u ah gobolka Jarar ee Ismaamulka Soomaalida Itoobiya. Masuulka isa soo dhiibay oo la weydiiyay sababta keentay arintan ayaa sheegay in ay qadka Taleefanka kuwada hadleen Sulub Cabdi Axmed oo ka tirsan dowladda ,isla markaana uu ku qancay dalabka loo soo jeediyay, isaga iyo tiro ciidan ah oo la socota. Qaar kamid ah xubnaha ay wada socdeen sargaalkan oo magacyadooda la shaaciyay ayaa waxa ku jiray Carab Xawawar iyo waliba Mukhtaar Casood oo labaduba u dhashay dowlada deegaanka Soomaalida, lamana sheegin halka looga hortagay kooxdan iyo tiradooda guud inta ay tahay. Madax ka tirsan hogaanka nabad-galyada DDSI ayaa ugu baaqay qurba-joogta ka tirsan ONLF in ay nabadda fahmaan ,isla markaana ay isa soo dhiibaan, waxaana loo ballan qaaday in ay qayb ka noqon doonaan harumarka ka socda guud ahaan gobolka, isla markaan si wacan loo soo dhaweyn doono. Cabdi Maxamuud Cumar madaxweynaha dowlad deegaanka oo dhawaan booqasho ku tagay magaalada London ayaa si lamid ah sheegay in cid walba oo nabadda ka soo horjeedsata laga hortagi doono. Ugu danbayntii ma ahan markii ugu horeysay oo xubno ka tirsan jabhadda ONLF ay isku soo dhiibaan dowladda deegaanka ,waxaana arintan ay ku soo aadaysaa, iyadoo dhawaan dowladda Itoobiya ay beenisay in xubno ka tirsan ururkaas laga soo afduubay Kenya.

And Somaliland politicians listen to the wise words of the oldest Guurti member of Somaliland.

Hawdian reer bay and bakool have the numbers in Somalia but they are like the oromos of Somalia and lack the cohesiveness and can never subdue the reer gedo and lower shabelle under their grip. I believe they should stick to bay and bakool and perhaps take the lower shabelle if needed.

Investing in a country that doesn’t exist: Somaliland’s hard sell SIMON ALLISON AFRICA 10 FEB 2014 12:19 (SOUTH AFRICA) SHARE ON TWITTERSHARE ON FACEBOOKSHARE ON EMAILSHARE ON GOOGLE_PLUSONE_SHARESHARE ON LINKEDIN simon-somaliland Somaliland, the self-declared republic, is desperate for someone to find vast mineral reserves under its soil. But without international recognition – and the probability of legal battles in the future – it’s a big risk for any company to take. Somaliland too should be careful. Having dodged the aid curse, will it fall victim to the resource curse instead? By SIMON ALLISON. At the recently concluded Mining Indaba in Cape Town, Somaliland’s energy minister Hussein Abdi Dualeh had possibly the hardest sell of all. It was his job to convince the assembled mining bigwigs that his country was a viable, risk-free environment in which to invest millions and millions of dollars – all on the hope that there might be base and precious metals hidden somewhere under its drab scrubland. He tried hard. “We have also a unique geographical location,” the minister said in his speech at the conference. “If you have a mineral deposit and if you exploit it, it will be very cheap to take to market…it’s definitely much less costly than a really getting fantastic deposit the middle of continent, which will cost you really huge amount of money to export it…even the small deposit is commercially viable considering the logistics involved in taking the minerals to market.” It was a good effort, but will it be enough? There are, after all, a few other factors which mitigate against Somaliland becoming Africa’s next mining hotspot. The biggest problem is that Dualeh’s country is not actually a country. Officially, legally, Somaliland is a territory of the Republic of Somalia. A rogue territory at that, one which refuses to answer to the writ of the central government in Mogadishu. It considers itself independent, and operates accordingly, with all the trappings of sovereignty: the flag, the currency, the national anthem. Dualeh himself is part of Somaliland’s government, which is chosen in free and fair elections every five years (some say Somaliland is the most functional democracy in the Horn of Africa, and there’s substance to this description). This de facto autonomy is no bad thing: while Somalia proper has been mired in civil war and violence for the last two decades, Somaliland has been stable, secure and relatively prosperous; its self-declared independence a conscious attempt to isolate itself from Somalia’s chaos which, by and large, has worked. But as Somaliland seeks to develop, this independence – not formally recognised by anyone else in the world – is also holding it back. As miners contemplate entering Somaliland, they have to first ask and answer some tough questions about whether the government in Hargeisa has the authority to grant exploration licenses in the first place; and, once granted, if those will be honoured if and when Mogadishu is in a better position to assert rights of its own. Already, these problems have crippled Somaliland’s oil sector. For years, oil exploration was dormant as companies fought over ‘legacy contracts’ (those granted in the late 1980s by dictator Siad Barre’s Mogadishu-based regime) and new contracts issued by the Somaliland government. Exploration has now started, but getting to this point was a long and complicated process. Minister Dualeh claims there are no legacy contracts that could influence the mining sector – but that doesn’t mean there won’t be problems in the future between the two competing centres of power. Somaliland’s lack of formal independence has also cut it off from another lucrative source of income: aid money. Almost all international aid to Somalia is all channeled through Mogadishu. With the exception of a few minor United Nations programmes, Hargeisa gets nothing. Not that Hargeisa minds. Dualeh argues that the lack of aid has actually worked in Somaliland’s favour. “That is a blessing in disguise. Aid never developed anything,” he told Reuters’ Ed Stoddard on the sidelines of the conference. “Aid is not a panacea, we'd rather not have it... How many African countries do you know that developed because of a lot of aid? It's a curse. The ones that get the most aid are the ones with the problems.” Intrigued by this counter-intuitive position, the Daily Maverick contacted Minister Dualeh and asked him to elaborate. “There wasn’t really any aid opened to us because we weren’t recognised,” Dualeh explained in a telephone interview. “We’re not like Kenya that gets 40% [of its budget from] aid money; tangible aid hasn’t been coming our way because of our political status. Aid comes with strings attached but we don’t have any of that. We don’t owe anything to anyone.” In practice, Dualeh believes that this leaves Somaliland free to make its own decision, unbeholden to any external backer that might not have the territory’s best interests at heart. “We have our own organic solutions to our problems; we have no outside influence; I think a lot of the good things that have happened to us are because we have found our own solutions.” As an example, Dualeh cites the original decision to break away from the then-Federation of Somalia in 1991. This, he argues, was Somaliland taking its destiny into its own hands. In Somalia proper, on the other hand, decades of foreign meddling has just made the situation worse. “The difference between us and Somalia is that we sat down under the proverbial big tree and we basically stated our independence and tried to find our own solutions through uniting; we found a solution that has resulted in power right now, with no war or conflict.” Somaliland may have avoided the aid curse, but as Dualeh seeks to drum up investment in the mining sector he would do well to recall the lessons of other African countries, where the curse of vast mineral wealth has proved just as devastating. Dualeh dismisses these concerns. “The resource curse is just a cliché. We’re not taking it lightly, we are trying to avoid it by making sure that we have good governance and good legal regimes to make sure that everything gets sorted ahead.” In the Horn of Africa – a part of the world not famed for good governance or tight legal regimes – this might just be the one thing that Somaliland has going for it. DM http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2014-02-10-investing-in-a-country-that-doesnt-exist-somalilands-hard-sell/#.UvjG4Pl5PPn

Universal tv will never be ever allowed back in SL again. It has now a permanent ban

There was no fist fight in SL parliament just some buuq thats all no fist fight