Why does he deserve to have a national burial in Somaliland he was just an ordinary singer from Somaliland. I hope the SL government doesn't make to much of it, for the past 23 years of Somaliland existence did he dedicate at least one song for SL , or compose one SL song. He should be buried as he wished near his family relatives in berbera but not a national burial thats all. Somalidu waxay tidha geeljire iyo nimaanad aqoon bay geeridu ku fiicantahay

malistar Axmed Godane will die for his cause he will not run stop spreading propaganda and after Ahmed godane there will be another one and another one , The same way when Bin laden died Alqaeda is still far from defeated they are every where in iraq and syria now. By the way Godane could not be defeated by SNA lets not kid our selves godane would eat SNA alive and spit them out if it was shabaab versus sna. Ina Godane would rule the entire south easily if there were no 30.000 African union troops. i am still amazing how Shabaab still is effective despite the enormous troops they sure have a great strategy. But i know that Godane worked with the taliban in Afghanistan he using the same methods and tactics to make sure Shabaab survives the same way the taliban survived in Afghanistan surely very weakened on all front but not defeated.

This morning he passed away a scholar and an anthropologist and expert on Somalia and Somaliland, he lived years and years in burco Somaliland, he could pass for a Somali in reality he spoke it fluently and wrote so many books on Somalis in general, My favorite book was Understand Somalia and Somaliland by professor IM lewis, u will be missed professor but your work will live on and will be read for centuries to come.

Doctor shabaab paid the salaries of their soldiers on time banned NGO workers made sure there was peace and stability in the regions they governed people can say that Amisom and SFG is waging war against shabaab and causing instability with their drone attacks two can play that game of blaming who is wrong in here. When the SFG controlled areas was full of israabos and militia men raping woman. Alshabaab never put on trial a woman who was raped how can u say shabaab had no clue how to govern, they had a better grasp on governance than the Militia in somalia. by the way lets stick to the topic its about Somalia shabaab and all of that this is not about Somaliland. If you want to talk about Somaliland i am willing to lecture you on that in another topic.

Loool@ Tallaabo

Doctor the regions they ruled from 2009 was much more peaceful than SFG controlled area's lets give credit where its due alshabaab might love homicide attacks and international jihadism but they can govern.

Whats the big deal where he is going to be buried for all i care he could be buried in germany

allowe alleh cabdi cawar ba jabuuuti tegey hayaayy,,ambu seylac somaliland ka soo weeerara.

Somaliland-UN Relations: the Possibility of Establishing a Special Arrangement for Somaliland Wednesday, 12 March 2014 22:34 Submit to Delicious Submit to Digg Submit to Facebook Submit to Google Bookmarks Submit to Stumbleupon Submit to Technorati Submit to Twitter Submit to LinkedIn Mohamed A. Mohamoud (Barawaani) March - 2014 Introduction Somalilandsun - The United Nations needs to creatively work out a new approach to Somaliland, one that fully inherits the implications of Somaliland's unique developmental, historical and political status. The Somaliland Special Arrangement (SSA) of the New Deal was a step in the right direction, but one that is incomplete unless complemented by a broader diplomatic 'special arrangement' that safeguard's Somaliland's gains and builds a governance structure for the region that fully takes advantage of, and does not harm to, the more than two decades of peace and effective governance. Basis for Somaliland's Special Arrangement In contributing to create a more stable and viable region, the United Nations should not avoid confronting the history of Somaliland and Somalia. Not only are there potential and unresolved legal implications that ought to be considered, such as the sanctity of the Somali state as it was upon collapse in 1991, but there is also a need to reflect upon the fact that the borders of what the Federal Government of Somalia claims as its territory was never a coherent or uncontested entity, but was in fact an problematic, experimental and volatile arrangement that contained the seeds of its own demise. While this thirty-year experiment failed—and not just with the civil war and atrocities that characterized its later days, but through the marginalization of the Somaliland people during the two decades prior—a twenty-year process of peacebuilding and statebuilding in Somaliland has shown that there are some arrangements that can provide lasting governance and the foundations for social well-being for the Somali people. The legal and political history to consider is as follows. Somaliland and Somalia decolonized into two independent states, before uniting to form the Somali Republic. The original Act of Union makes this clear in its first provision, which states the following: 'Somaliland and Somalia being united, to constitute the Somali Republic, which shall be an independent, democratic and unitary Republic.' Additionally, Article Four of this Act also reveals that Somaliland and Somalia were two independent governments: 'All rights lawfully vested in or obligations lawfully incurred by the independent Governments of Somaliland and Somalia or by any person on their behalf, shall be deemed to have been transferred to and accepted by the Somali Republic upon the Establishment of the Union.' Somaliland revoked the Act of Union in 1991 and reclaimed an independent state based on the previous internationally recognized borders, a decision based on numerous rational justifications that reflected the will of the people, based on the rights they believed were offered to them in international law. Therefore, it is inappropriate for the United Nations and the international community to take such a firm stand on its decision to create a single and unified state that emanates out from Mogadishu and extends to encompass Somaliland's territory, as this both undermines and denies from the outset the idea of Somaliland's sovereignty, self-determination and constitutional democracy. Somaliland's arguments for independence have a legitimate basis in international law, and to prejudice against the inherent rights of Somalilanders, as decolonized peoples, to self-determination by subjecting them to a statebuilding project for the region (based on the UNSOM mandate) that ignores these claims is to sacrifice fundamental global principles to short-term political expediency. Somaliland's historical claims must be clarified through an international legal inquiry and the creation of consensus, instead of having this possibility be prematurely closed out due to the momentum created by a flawed UNSOM mandate and its unitary top-down form of statebuilding—one that does not come close to conforming to either the aspirations of people of Somaliland or the facts on the ground. This history must also take into account that Somaliland neither endorsed the Constitution of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), nor was a signatory to any of the principles leading to its creation and Somaliland will not participate in any process that internally concerned to the FGS's statebuilding course of action, such as the Somalia 2016 elections or the Somalia constitutional referendum. The international community can either support a process that lays claim to legitimate authority over Somaliland without the Somaliland peoples' consent, or it can support an alternative approach to politically and diplomatically dealing with Somaliland that fully takes into account its unique status. A Transformation of UN-Somaliland Relations The facts and provisions stated above demonstrate the scope to which Somaliland's claim to independence is both legitimate and legal; and discredits the indifferent, unjustified and potentially coercive diplomatic approach that favors Somali unification. Instead a multi-track approach is better suited to dealing with Somaliland and Somalia simultaneously, one that makes no presuppositions on either the relationship between the two entities or any binding obligations of Somaliland to participate in Somalia's political and development processes, and instead fulfills the overarching mandate on the UN and its Security Council to promote international peace and security. While in certain instances the UN has taken this differentiated approach, it only occurs in a piecemeal and incomplete fashion, and these concessions are increasingly being eclipsed by macro-strategies and binding decisions put forward by the UN Security Council (such as UNSCR 2102 [2013] that established UNSOM) that fly in the face of Somaliland's claims to sovereignty and self-determination, and which Somaliland has been forced to protest. The UN should focus on simultaneous development of Somaliland and Somalia, while opening up channels of peaceful dialogue, instead of creating an unequal and unfriendly atmosphere for discussions in which Somaliland finds its core interests increasingly under threat. Somaliland's reservations about the new UN presence was first explicitly raised during and following the deployment of the UN Technical Assessment Mission (TAM) in March 2013, and these reservations prompted the Somaliland Foreign Minister at the time, Dr. Mohamed Abdillahi Omar, to write a letter in April 2013 to then-UN Security Council President H.E. Mr. Eugene Richard Gasana, in which he presented Somaliland's view and position towards UN engagement with Somalia and Somaliland. While there were several convincing points made along the lines of what has been mentioned above, this letter has evidently been uncritically ignored and shelved in favor of the UN Security Council's traditional doctrine of Mogadishu-centric bilateral diplomacy and representation which takes entities like Somaliland out of the picture. With such a uncharted view of statebuilding in the Horn of Africa, what is lost is the broader principles of the United Nations Charter, which grants the following purpose of the multilateral bod: 'To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principles of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen Universal peace.' In line with the spirit of this clause, the development and endorsement of a United Nations Special Arrangement for Somaliland would be innovative way for the international community to approach Somaliland that would provide a legitimate and implementable avenue for future cooperation between Somaliland and United Nation Offices. This approach would be inspired by the precedent and framework set by the Somaliland Special Arrangement (SSA) of the New Deal which the international community endorsed at a 'separate and distinct' perspective and process for supporting the socio-economic and political development of Somaliland. As the following excerpt shows, such a decision would also be in line with the broad principles of engagement set out by the Somaliland and Somalia governments themselves when agreeing to the SSA and making agreements through their Dialogue process: 'The simultaneous endorsement of the New Deal principles was conducted in the spirit of the 13 April Ankara Communiqué signed by the Government of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Somalia as part of their on-going dialogue process, in which the sides agreed to work together to encourage greater and more effective international development assistance'. The SSA provides encouraging precedent and momentum within the development sphere that can pave the way for Somaliland and the international community to expand its partnership at the macro-level and country-level in a way that is separate and distinct from engagement with Somalia, and which does not violate or threaten Somaliland's most fundamental interests. The current juncture therefore, also offers a timely opportunity and opening for discourse between Somaliland and United Nations Assistance Mission (UNSOM) to reach common ground and draw up a new and innovative framework for engagement a based on bilateral diplomacy, credible interaction and the equal exchange of ideas and information on how to build a more peaceful and stable region. These are the type of issues that must be occurring at the UN country offices, within relevant embassies and even at the UN headquarters in New York as part of a broader dialogue in harmonizing the various parallel diplomatic strands in the region (UNSOM, the Somaliland-Somalia Dialogue, and the New Deal/SSA) and taking the logical next step in a trend towards internalizing and recognizing Somaliland's unique status. Moreover, a UN Special Arrangement for Somaliland can provide a way out of the current impasse in the relationship between the Somaliland Government and UNSOM, in which attempts by UN Special Representative to the Secretary General Nicholas Kay to establish a UNSOM sub-office in Hargeisa barred by the Somaliland government. With time having passed and a more clear understanding of the potential relationship between Somaliland and the UN having been fleshed out through UNSOM's experience on the ground, it is now vital that the Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation requires to engage a diverse array of diplomatic tools to convince the SRSG Kay to contemplate the possibility of establishing this UN Special Arrangement for Somaliland. There is no doubt that Somaliland has demonstrated to the international community its continuous remarkable progress in deepening peace, security and in constructing a working model of statehood that is capable of transforming international community engagement into tangible development achievements. Therefore, opening bilateral talks between Somaliland and UNSOM is essential, as it can serve as a positive diplomatic calculation where both sides build a new partnership that draws from accumulated momentum to pursue progress along a range of mutually-beneficial interests, such as regional stability, security and development. Although there are many public grievances and criticisms against UN operations in Somaliland, including its model of managing programs and making decisions from faraway capitals, such as Nairobi and elsewhere, instead of directly in Somaliland. Nevertheless, the UN remains indispensable and valued partner for Somaliland, alongside other international institutions such as the EU, World Bank and AU. Hence, any partnership between the UN and Somaliland must be based on the principles of direct engagement, shared ownership, equal status, trust, and respect for the norm of 'do no harm', and the Somaliland Government must therefore argue—on the basis of many reasonable justifications, such as the current stage of Somaliland's development and its unique political experiences—for the establishment of a United Nations' Special Arrangement for Somaliland, similar to the one put together and endorsed by Somaliland and the international community under the New Deal. Somaliland has been a viable and responsible international partner since 1991 and in this respect had demonstrated socio-economic, political and security commitments and achievements that are beneficial to the entire region. Somaliland's bottom up approach to recovery and reconstruction is based on inclusive, indigenous and participatory processes which have widely attracted regional and international attention and praise. These locally-driven and resilient processes of peacebuilding, statebuilding and democratization provide lessons and building blocks that must be preserved and promoted throughout the region. In attempting to develop innovate and effective possibilities for revitalizing the partnership and channels of communication between Somaliland and UNSOM Office, full advantage of Somaliland's achievements can best be ensured if the international community deals with Somaliland as a de facto state in practice, while leaving open the question of de jure statehood to be taken up at the highest of diplomatic levels at the appropriate time. Conclusion, Recommendations and Possible Way Out It is clear that the eventual relationship between Somaliland and United Nations requires a credible and ground-breaking policy transformation that will involve significant levels of consensus-building around a new mode of partnership. The UN needs to recognize that any bilateral agreement between United Nations and the Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu cannot be extended to Somaliland, not only because of the political illegitimacy of such an act (as it goes against the democratic will of the Somaliland people), but also because of its practical incompatibility with the realities in Somaliland (which is characterized by fundamental different of developmental, social and political conditions) Moreover, defining the way out necessitates contextualization, pragmatism and the establishment of suitable diplomatic channels of communication—any coercive diplomatic attempts to overrule this democratic will or alter these realities will only undermine and aggravate the current achievements of Somaliland, while creating less fertile ground for dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia over the future of their political relationship. 1. Since Somaliland and the UN have experienced certain negative repercussions from the fruitless stagnation of relations, it is in the interest of both parties to immediately open cordial dialogue to propose and debate the most appropriate framework for future engagement. 2. Establishing a UN Special Arrangement for Somaliland provides a very amendable avenue and promising foundation for this renewed engagement, and should be put on the table. This means accepting and addressing Somaliland's case as a special prototype for development and statebuilding in a post-conflict environment, one that is justifiable by contextual precedent (i.e. the SSA of the New Deal) and international law (self-determination and Somaliland's unique historical context), and is it practical of necessity to ensure a conformity with the 'do no harm' principles. 3. The United Nations is urged to rethink and re-evaluate its traditional and nontraditional relationship with Somaliland, because any UN and international community partiality will likely be contrary to the international humanitarian and peacekeeping principles on which it is founded, and could potentially close down the space for productive and peaceful negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia. 4. Creating amicable cooperation between Somaliland and UN requires an adequate consideration of and reflection on the need for addressing the rights and wishes of the people of Somaliland, and must try to harmonize such engagement with other internal modalities and processes, such as the SSA and the Somaliland-Somalia Dialogue. 5. UNSOM can also contribute to the enhancement of the bilateral dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia, since currently such dialogue provides the most promising means to (1) promote practical cooperation between Somaliland and Somalia to address common issues; (2) resolve disputes arising from the current difference in opinion of Somaliland's status; and (3) providing for the eventual and final political agreement of Somaliland's self-determination and independent sovereignty. 6. For its part, Somaliland needs to create the necessary domestic environment conducive to international engagement, and facilitate the establishment of mutually beneficial bilateral relations with the international community, including UN, EU, World Bank, IGAD, UA as well as other international partners.

Haka iska isticmaalan eeh daa lolz

Yonis the Brits shined with the Scots the Scots the English and the irish and welsh walked all over the world reigned from Australia to America to Africa to India who can forget the the historic Sir William Alexander who was one of the early settlers of America from Scotland ,Their union is worth protecting it made them stronger. The nomads is just khasaro khasaro u gee oo isla burbura

This is a minor UNDP office its just for decentralization the UN office of Nickolas kay that works with the Somalia government has no office in Somaliland, the SL government refuse to host their office in Somaliland. This UNDP job might say Somalia, in name , but in reality they work under the Ministry of planning so there is little they can do, nothing to worry.

Nasser if you want poetry go to Hoygasugaanta.com there are thousands of Somali poems and poets listen there i collected some of them to, good luck try to make an app of it if u like.

^^ Why national he doesn't deserve a national burial in Somaliland a normal burial

Somaliland will have 2 main ports if not more in the future berbera is very busy Somaliland government is in negotiations with a french port firm to lease the port for years for investment, and we are talking about 100s of millions of dollars of investment. Similar what the Djibouti government signed with UAE port authority. Somaliland can easily construc ta second smaller port . Somcable is not a failed project its in full gear

There is nothing wrong with decentralized for Somaliland but since Somaliland population is smaller in number its not needed all the resources and to be controlled from hargeisa no one has a problem with that since reer Somaliland understand how to share the pie.

I am opposed to Scotland to break away i have read allot about them they actually have allot of good ideas for Britain u have to view it from an British point of view.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LtvaC-PoBuk

Its either Shiisheeye or Alshabaab you choose Alshabaab is anti Shiisheeyee The SFG is pro Shiisheeye

Alsshabaab is a threat to the region yes but not specifically to SL so if they take over the entire Somalia or not it has no effect really .Godane is working on the global platform and he will do everything to make sure his organization remain relevant. But nothing to worry i mean if Somalia remain as this shabaab will just go underground and cannot be really defeated, so whats the point really for Shabaab and the SFG in the long term.

Doctor Alshabaab is an extremist ideology its not an army or a strong entity they are just better organized than the SFG thats all. Alshabaab cannot go to areas where there is governance even in NFD kenya north eastern, they managed to go in there but they cant hold it because Kenyas army is more organized. There has been more suicide bombings in Kenya than ever in Somaliland carried out by Alshabaab, Alshabab is a threat to the entire region but not specifically to Somaliland. Alshabaab is actually more Somali than the SFG if you ask me it has more Somalis than Foreigners it has an international agenda.. Doctor how do you see the future since there will be no winner and shabaab will survive most likely like the Taliban did after 13 years of war.

All in All the Scots made Britain proud the Scots are even over represented most Scots even want to keep the pond even if they break away Also Scotland is the most prosperous region of the UK outside southeast England. GDP per head has been between 90 and 100 per cent of the UK average. It is considerably richer than Wales or Northern Ireland, educations is far greater the union has benefited Scotland more than any other region of the United Kingdom, i dont see how they will be greater if they go it alone, Britain today has allot to say in the NATO and the European union, we will know how they will vote in September i am a firm believer of self determination laakin maskax na wa lugu dara.

Doctor i have no worries for Somaliland the biggest percentage of SL budget goes to the army insurgents from Somalia will never be a threat to somaliland even if they defeat the Somalia government and the Amisom but that scenario has no point of arguing, Alshabaab will and cannot defeat 30.000 African union troops and the AU troops can never all together defeat shabaab, the 2 will need each other. But Doctor dont you think its better for Somalia that its better if it has a clear winner shabaab or the SFG amisom, this status quo is killing Somalia if you know what i mean. By the way Somaliland has more than 3 cities i believe more than 11 main cities. The current president is not the problem, Somalis are the problem Somalis cannot compramise nor share a country nor are willing to work for the larger good if hassan is removed another president will be bashed remember people hated sharif and all wanted hassan sheikh, because they thought sharif is incompetent, the leaders of Somalia are a reflection of Somalis , u have to understand that, no need to blame hassan , hassan is under the mercy of African union troops.

UN warns of worsening security in Somalia The United Nations special representative cut short journey because of threat of attack on the UN in Mogadishu. Last updated: 12 Mar 2014 05:34 The United Nations has warned that the security situation in Somalia is deteriorating. With the government locked in a continuing battle with Al Shabab, the UN special representative was supposed to brief ambassadors in New York. However, he turned back after he reached Nairobi because of serious security warnings. Al Jazeera's James Bays reports from the United Nations. http://www.aljazeera.com/video/africa/2014/03/un-warns-worsening-security-somalia-201431243247673427.html

Somaliland:Minister of Commerce and International Investment in the UAE to Discuss Commercial Deals foreign minister1 The Minister of Commerce and International Investment Dr. Mohamed Abdillahi Omer left the country yesterday evening headed for the UAE to sign major business related deals. Reliable source have confirmed to us that the minister of Commerce was invited by the UAE officials in a bid to discuss major deals which the government of Somaliland and the UAE have been working on in the past few months and which are said to be in the final stages. The Minister of Commerce was recently quoted saying “We intend to invite a number of UAE business groups to visit and invest in Somaliland in oil and gas-exploration opportunities, and our fisheries industry,” Dr. Omar said, “Investment opportunities in the oil, gas and fisheries industries had been presented to the Emirati’s. The UAE and Somaliland have developed close cooperation in the areas of trade, investment, the fight against piracy and regional affairs. SomalilandPress.com