THE RISE AND FALL OF FARMAAJO July 6, 2018 By Guled Hagi Hersi No one expected that President Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmaajo” would fall from grace this soon. Not even his ardent supporters. After all, he was the leader we—a desperate nation perpetually yearning for someone to love rather than lead—were romanticizing about after years of misrule. From the day he suddenly burst into the national scene in 2011, Farmaajo captivated the imagination of most Somalis with his fervent nationalism, uprightness and apparent moral fortitude. Our love affair with Farmaajo was heightened by the infamous “Kampala Accord”, which President Musaveni of Uganda brokered to oust Farmaajo as a PM, as part of a grand settlement between then President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, a meek schoolteacher whose own meteoric rise to power startled the nation in 2006 before it, too, dissipated, and then Speaker of Parliament Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden, arguably Somalia’s most crafty politician known for his double, triple and even quadruple deal-making skills. President Farmaajo At the time, Farmaajo garnered tremendous sympathy for he was seen as the pawn in a game of thrones. When he returned to Mogadishu, the public took to the streets to express their outrage at his sudden dismissal, only eight months into his turbulent premiership. What the public didn’t know, however, was that Farmaajo not only accepted a bad deal on his own terms, but, in fact, also installed Abdiweli Gaas as his successor in the hopes of reaping the benefits of his neighbor and friend from Buffalo, New York. Not only did Gaas accuse Farmaajo of stealing millions of dollars in a 2012 UN Monitoring Group report, but he distanced himself from him, confiding to friends that Farmaajo was a “fake”. When Farmaajo returned to his lowly desk job as an “equal opportunity officer” at the Transportation Department of Buffalo, New York, he was deflated beyond imagination. The 8 months of premiership sounded like a surreal experience in his dreams. Unable to readjust to his cubicle job pushing papers in a heap of bureaucracy, he would return to Somalia a year later, in 2012, to run for president. When the votes were counted in the first round, Farmaajo was no longer using a pen a paper to count it, but his bare hands. The grand total was a dismal 14 votes. TV cameras showed him bursting out of the stage, looking rather startled by the mismatch between the huge public support and the miniscule votes—the exact size of the MPs from his clan in the Federal Parliament. What Farmaajo did next was a political invention of epic proportions: he bused hundreds of IDPs into the streets of Mogadishu, hoping that President Hassan Sheikh appoint him a Prime Minister. At one point, celebratory gunfire rang out across the city as rumor spread of the appointment of Farmaajo as PM. President Hassan Sheikh told friends that he never considered Farmaajo for the PM job, because he found his populism ‘nauseating’. History would prove him right. Instead, the President selected Saacid Shirdoon, a businessman known largely as the loving husband of an astute activist named Asha Haji Elmi. Demoralized and embarrassed, Farmaajo, once again, went back to his cubicle job. He would reappear few months later, launching a political party oddly named “TAYO”, as if he was selling used cars. And the people he selected as members all had, unsurprisingly, the quality of a used car. My encounter with Farmaajo I met Farmaajo in Amsterdam soon after he launched his party. He was ‘shopping’ for members. A friend asked me to join him at an event featuring the former PM as a keynote speaker. When the MC called him to the podium, he was sitting hunched and seemed dazed by the smallness of the crowd: 17-19 mostly unemployed recent immigrants. However, he immediately settled into what he’s known best for: populist rant. After listening to him for 30 minutes, I left the room underwhelmed by the lack of substance in his remarks. I told my friend that Farmaajo struck me as a hot air balloon. He could go aloft, rather quickly, but would soon deflate and fall in the ground. My friend was incensed and accused me of, among other things, elitism. He insisted that we meet with Farmaajo in a smaller setting which would facilitate a more substantive discourse. I reluctantly agreed. The next day, I was among few “intellectuals” (I hate the word!) who were given the privilege to meet him. After another lousy performance, I started to ask him probing questions. One simple question I had was: what he would do differently than Hassan Sheikh, in substantive terms? To my dismay, he said he would mobilize the public to defeat Al Shabab in two years, recruit 100,000 young people to what he ominously called “People’s Defense Forces”—a volunteer-based army, and would eradicate corruption. When I challenged him on how he would eradicate corruption, he claimed that he would offer prize money to whistleblowers! As an economist, this led me to ask him how he would raise that money in the first place, to which he responded, rather elementarily yet alarmingly, that “governments always find ways to do things.” His simplistic approach to complex policy and political matters was, on the one hand, naïve per excellence, and, on the other hand, criminal agnosticism. That encounter with Farmaajo stayed with me. I felt incredibly bad for my native country. It was a powerful reminder of what went wrong. For weeks and months, I kept thinking about how people like Farmaajo rise to power without any professional, academic or even political experience. No wonder he had never risen up in his own job in New York despite two decades. Farmaajo as a President I consider myself a distant observer of Somali politics. However, I took a keen interest in Farmaajo’s Administration, partly because he’s the only senior Somali politician I ever met. I carefully listened to his inauguration speech and was, frankly, pleasantly surprised for its substance, though his delivery was dismal. Then again, I watched his keynote speech at the London Conference in May 2017. There again, I was impressed by its specificity and actionable policy orientation. I have also been in touch with my friend who introduced me to him years ago, and who retains a contact within the inner circle of Farmaajo. What he was telling me was reassuring. However, the presidency of Farmaajo was proving to be disastrous. Specifically, I have keenly observed the following: Farmaajo (left), Fahad (center) and Kheyre First, the inner circle of the President is deeply troubling. Leaders are, to a large extent, shaped by their aides. Farmaajo is being advised by Fahad Yassin, a notoriously reclusive former journalist with Al Jazeera and current Chief of Staff. I first heard his name in 2009 when he prepared a report about President Sheikh Sharif’s meeting with then American Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. Instead of focusing on the significance of the first formal meeting between a US Secretary of State and a Somali leader since 1991, Fahad emphasized the “controversy” around an Islamist Sheikh Sharif handshaking with the an infidel woman. When I inquired about him, it turned out that Fahad was a member of Al-Itihad militant group, and had been a fundraiser for Al-Shabaab for years. In addition to Fahad, the president is also advised by Abdirizaq Shole. A deputy of Fahad, Shole is, I’m told by people who know the network very well, an early founder of Takfir in Somalia, the software upon which Al-Shabaab operates. Add that to Ali Yare, Farmaajo’s chief propagandist. When Farmaajo was the PM, Ali Yare was responsible for image building. Before he immigrated to Sweden, Ali Yare was a hardworking day laborer in Dubai, helping Somali businessmen load their merchandize to their boats. His contribution to society is his capacity to ferry IDPs wielding Farmaajo posters to the streets of Mogadishu to produce the false of image of public support—a practice that continues to this day. Then there’s Abdishakur Ali Mire, an MP whose only professional job was a newsreader at one of the London-based Somali channels. None of these people, except Shole, has a formal education. Which leads me to wonder what kind of advice Farmaajo is receiving. People who know Farmaajo very well told me that he’s deeply uncomfortable with people of substance, because they can raise critical questions. They say he gravitates toward individuals who mirror his personality—shallow, timid and populist. Which explains why some of the capable people around him during the first few months of his presidency are no longer there. Second, Farmaajo’s choice for PM was a surprise to virtually everyone. Hassan Khaire was the campaign manager for former President Hassan Sheikh, to whom he was extremely close to. During the presidency of Hassan Sheikh, Khaire was widely known as the “chief troubleshooter”. Ministers, businessmen and virtually anyone who wanted anything from Hassan Sheikh would court Khaire for access. A week before the election, Khaire left Mogadishu for Nairobi, changed his numbers and got married secretly. Hassan Sheikh and his team were baffled by this move from one of their icons in the middle of the battle. Little did they know that Khaire, through his cousin Abdulkarim Gaambe, was double-dipping. (Gaambe is the manager of Jazeera Hotel, which is owned by the cousin of AhmedNur Ali Jimale, the majority shareholder of the largest company in Somalia, Hormuud). Reliable sources indicate that Khaire contributed over $1 million USD to the Farmaajo campaign as a deposit for the premiership job. Until then, he was formally the “Director for Africa” at SOMA OIL, a shady oil company founded in 2013 and financed by a Russian oligarch. The day he was appointed PM, SOMA OIL had conveniently issued a statement, claiming that Khaire had “given-up” his $2 million USD shares. Few people believed that, and most know that SOMA OIL continues to operate, this time under the full protection of the PM and stewardship of his cousin Gaambe. By all accounts, Khaire is following the footsteps of Sharif Hassan as a wheeler and dealer who wines and dines with people of power and resources. However, his performance strikes me as a rabble rouser with perfect showmanship skills. Thirdly, Farmaajo’s claim to moral fortitude was quickly decimated by his decision to hand over Abdulkarem Qalbi-Dhagax, an officer with ONLF—an armed group in Ethiopia. The administration of Farmaajo is the only in the world to recognize ONLF as a terrorist organization, in a desperate attempt to appease Ethiopia (a country he regularly railed against when he was not in office). Even Ethiopia recently rescinded its terrorist label of ONLF. When asked by a BBC journalist about Qalbi-Dhagax, Farmaajo said, shallowly, “the Parliament has decided on this issue”. Indeed, the parliamentary committee formed to investigate faulted the government on both counts: the handing over of a Somali national who fought against our army, and the designation of ONLF as a terrorist organization. Farmajo, of course, conveniently ignored that binding resolution. Now that PM Abiy Ahmed released Qalbi-Dhagax and accorded him a VIP status—a classical Ethiopian move to humiliate Somali leaders—Farmaajo and company are probably having a buyer’s remorse. Down the drain went his fake nationalist credentials, along with any claim to moral fortitude. Fourthly, Farmajao’s handling of the domestic political situation and foreign policy is nothing short of criminal. He attempted, but failed miserably, to dismantle all of the federal member states so that he could install puppets. His “Mogadishu stabilization force” killed five Somali security forces guarding Presidential candidate Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame. Admitting guilt, he has since paid $70,000 to each of the families of the murdered soldiers, and has released AA Warsame from detention after they failed to prove anything wrong. On foreign policy, the claim to neutrality between the warring Gulf nations has quickly buckled under the weight of the Qatari influence in Villa Somalia. Farmaajo receives several million dollars a month from Doha, a slash fund he routinely uses to remove political opponents (Jawaari, et al) and recruit a legion of social media warriors to brandish his appalling image. His recent appointment of a junior inventory officer with Mercy Corps as the country’s Chief Justice will be remembered in the annals of history as the greatest abuse of power in the country. Finally, the dramatic fall of Farmaajo from grace was no surprise to those of us who had an encounter with him. Not only does he lack an iota of leadership quality, but he embodies the most dangerous types of historical leaders. People often forget that Hitler, Mugabe, Netanyahu and Trump are all elected demagogues with a populist message. History will prove that Farmaajo is on his way to become the worst president that Somalia ever had, despite the illustrious image with which he came. His newfound dictatorial tendencies are reminiscent of our recent past, which led to the current state failure. No nation should accept to surrender its hard won gains to a demagogue like Farmaajo. Guled Hagi Hersi

Well said tallaabo.Professor samatar wuxu tegeya xuduudi the Anglo Italian border yoocade. Our borders are from lowyacade ila yoocade. Italian Somalia is the land between the 2 rasses. Raskambooni ila raascaseer. The koonfurians know this to its just the pirates wey so indho adagyihin

It's not a tribal war it's a war between Somaliland and the criminal pirate enclave. Oooh dhul aanaylahayn sheegenaya. Axmed samatar said he is going to visit all corners of Somaliland. Samatar is part of the kulmiye party a close ally of ina biixi

Professor samatar is a patriotic Somalilander who saw the light. Taubadu wey furantahay. I think his brother abdi samatar is wasting his time on the koonfurians.

Eritrea and Ethiopia conflict Coming to an end tigrinya tigrai conflict ending. Asmara and makelle finally got their things together. What does this mean for the horn. No Ethiopian opposition hiding in asmara It's means Eritrea can demiliitarize . Tigre ethnic in east Sudan can return. What did the tigrinya say hade hizbhadelibi.

11 years ago where we stood on regional politics Eritrea and Ethiopia making peace what does it mean for.djibouti Somaliland and Somalia

We shouldn't sit and wait gallas breed like rabbits it's their way of dominating the horn. I think We should go on the attack annex part of afranqallo and booraanta and maybe karrayu. And karbaash the gallas.

Qatar and Turkey invest in Somalia Mogadishu in particular. Qatar is isolated it's very difficult how they can win against the sacuudis and Emirates.

Guys who is the defense minister of the sfg and the interior minister and the chief of staff. I haven't been following koonfurian domestic.politics. some one need to brief me on that. Something is fishy about this attack

Somaliland govt along with clan elders plus guurti should solve the ceelafweyn conflict and caare need to be given a promotion in the military by muse biixi. In order to walaalisize the brotherly clans in ceelafweyn. Tollow colka joojjaa. The govt needs to solve it fast it's very needed. So that we can focus on the garowe clan enclave and move the army forward and Chase the pirates. Into the Indian ocean.

Inaaaliaaahi wa inaaailahay rajicuun. Ilaahoow reer Mogadishu u gargaar. Qollada irhaaabiyinta ilaahoow ka qabo eeh diinteni ka dhigay mashruuc..

Saturday July 7, 2018 Two explosions occurred near Somalia's interior ministry and security forces were battling gunmen inside, police said Saturday, as the al-Shabab extremist group claimed responsibility for the ongoing attack in Mogadishu. Gunfire could be heard amid reports that a number of people, mostly government workers, were trapped in the ministry on what had been a normal business day. The attack began Saturday morning when a suicide car bomber detonated at the gate of the interior ministry, which is close to the presidential palace and the headquarters of parliament, police Capt. Mohamed Hussein told The Associated Press. Three gunmen were believed to be holed up inside the ministry, Hussein said as shooting could be heard in the background. Ambulance sirens echoed across the area as soldiers opened fire to disperse bystanders and motorists. The Somalia-based al-Shabab, an arm of al-Qaida, often targets high-profile areas of the capital. It was blamed for the October truck bombing that killed more than 500 people in the deadliest attack in the country's history. The ongoing threat from what has become the deadliest Islamic extremist group in sub-Saharan Africa has hurt efforts to strengthen Somalia's fragile government and stabilize the long-chaotic Horn of Africa nation. The United States under the Trump administration has stepped up military efforts in Somalia, including dozens of drone strikes, against al-Shabab and a small presence of fighters linked to the Islamic State group. At least two U.S. military personnel have been killed. The U.S. military and others in the international community have expressed concern about the plan for Somalia's security forces to take over the country's security from a multinational African Union force over the next few years, saying the local troops are not yet ready. advertisements

This just happend now it's been a very big attack by shabaab. Security defense apparatus in Mogadishu is worse than worse. Where is kheyre and farmaajo.

Tilllamook the end goal is much more sweeter a nation that we own the afro hashemite republic. We gave up a country we dominated in 1960. Somalida laa sheega wa anaga.wata 27 years wali xaarkinaad walaaqanayasin. What politics anigu nin gob ah baan ahay. I don want my president to sit in a bunker guarded by bantus from Uganda no thank you.. but if you insist axmed abdi godane does he ring a bell he came and he conquered. Mujahid fii sabiilah. Adeerka cabdilahi yusuf tigray buu waaga tangiga uu saarna..we create the best honourable leaders. Mayrakan baad sheegeysa Stalin ba naga baqan jiray. Anagu manihin malaydabbato iyo nin miskin ah oo baryoootama...

Che lol the mad mullah we know him the best. I can write a decent book about him. Better than colonel swayne and drake Brookman maybe even better than wasiir guri barwaaqo. Ina cabdulla xassan ma sheikh has mise..... either way Allah ha naxariisto waa inaga hooseyaa wadaadku maanta...fataxada haloo maro.

Observer the difference between SNM and SSDF is purely. SNM was an independent rebel movements the Ethiopians had absolutely no infuance on our leadership constitution charter flag and our goals. We only used diredawa and harar as head quarters. We bought our weapons from the derg. With our own money our diaspora in England middle east were sending our business folks in djibouti and saudi arania.SSDF was a xabashi movement they were to weak and surrenderd to afweyne they didnt even fight. That why SSDF is known sii soco soo soco dumarka u faan.SNM was fighting on two fronts against afweyne in Somaliland and against afweyne WSLF clanish militia we wiped the floor with them total anihilation in 1983.. at the same time we were working on burcoduuray operation mandheere prison break colonel cabdilahi askar break out.

That's true the Mad mullah was half Ethiopian half Somalilander his mother was from Somaliland from buhoodle. Garaad clan.. he belonged to the Abyssinian clans. Today his statue is in jigjiga not in hargeysa or Mogadishu. Mogadishu their hero was sheikh hassan barsane. And nassib buundo

SNM was all of us siilaanyo was the longest serving chairman. Axmed jimcaale the first chairmen And ina sheikh madar were the first two chairperson. SNM was the 8 sons of the blessed sheikh saint walliyulah of mait who has his origins in Samara. A sha3bu sha3buna ishaquna walliyulah. Dad laga duceystanu nahay. Muse al kadim is our great grandfather There is no jeegaan vs grx what will people say tomorrow if a grx man succeeds muse in kulmiye. dadka anaga ugu amar sarayna

Ethiopia and Eritrea are now friends the reason we never had ties with Eritrea it's because Ethiopia was beefing with Eritrea Or perhaps Somaliland should mediate between djibouti and Eritrea ras domaira will that upset the Arabs. Eritrea supportet our amiir axmed godane in his war against amisom and her puppets.

Yes wedi afom is in abudhabi he held talks with the Emirates crown Prince . Eritrea assab port Ethiopia Eritrea making peace. What does this mean for tpdm a tigrian rebel movements trained by isias afewerki. Ismaciil cumar geele we need to support him he is our ally

Well put observer it's a good question kilinka shanaad interest halaga doodo. The Somali interest In Ethiopia be it ileey onlf or what ever other organization

Maakhiri it's not that black and white. Yes abdisalaan yasin former teacher in Saudi Arabia started SNM but didn't start SNM because for subclanish issues he started it because siyad barre wanted to economically socially politically cripple us in Somaliland. After 1977 afweyne started clanism and promoting his own clan. Against Somaliland clans. Sheikh Ibrahim sheikh madar and allot of other cullema and bussines people went to afweyne twice. But he didn't listen. He didn't see us as his people or equals he wanted to ignore us empower his clan we ended up training a dblock guy so that he can take cover our business live stock trade. Adeer anaga muxu na mooday some kind of laangaab clan. That why abdisalaan yasin. And muj maxammad cali fought and started SNM. Also there is the ucid factor sultan faisal and his party. Causes divison within the clan.ina biixi is a soldier and he is the guy we need not a diplomat like ciiro. Beryaha cid maynan dhirbaaxin. Ina cigaal was a good politician ina rayaale kept the peace and worked towards aqoonsi with in african union.Muj axmed siilaanyo brought dp world allot of economic activity. Muse xuduudu soo xiidhaya and build a super army for us. Airforce since the Emirates are going to have a militarily base in berbera city

Galbeedi reer dila borama and reer gabiley they are close brothers and sisters. In terms of intermarriage wa reer galbeed. They live together in djibouti to. Galbeedi it's time you have to support your people and stop being mucaraad. I think the ceelbardaale conflict is solved or do you have other info.

Galbeedi the dila community just want a minister ina biixi is not gonna care. They can burn tires. They voted for wadani not kulmiye so they won't get a minister. Lighty muhammed and habarafan all got their reward. Michael clan voted for ciiro so go join ranks with wadani.

England is in the game neymar bakhti is out Belgium de bruine lukaku wa xarfaan. Mama Russia xita dabyar ma shidayso