I think not much has changed in killinka shanaad politics. Ina cagjar is doing the same cagajuglayn his clanmembers kujabbeen since the 1870s. When we killed his tribal chief just outside dhagaxbuur. Baydhabo is still an Ethiopian colony a former jihadist wants the seat under Ethiopian protection. Similar like the mad mullah of Abyssinia who wanted Italian protection back in 1906. And ofcouese the cheese man hides inside the Uganda bunker.

U malaynmayo inad fahantay waxanu wa diplomatic talk Somali and iyo Somali a 1960 before the midow bay kala tageen. In 1991 waba lasii aasay midowgi beenowbay 1960 kowda July. By there is no such thing as dowlada dhexe the amisom bunker is cornerd. And alshabaab governs much of south central Somalia. Wax dowlad xamar layidha kajirta majirto wa Wax la nabnabay oo maqaarsaar ah.

You would think abtigiis would administrate the killloch Somali region under the galla rule better than his cousin abdi ileey. But many people think they are playing a subclanish game ONLF USLWLF and liyuu militia funded by getechew who is now actually back in bussines debretzion the big tigre governor rehired him. You have one one side the so called admiral anti xabashi camp and ina mahdi. But they have their offices in the xamasiem camp in asmara. And the other group being funded by gallas lemme meqershe and debretzion. Hoostana dagaal hoosaad oo qabileysan ba jira.

Axad, October, 07, 2018 (HOL) – Madaxweyne Muuse Biixi ayaa xafiiskiisa kulan kula yeeshay wefti ka socda dalka Ingiriiska oo ay hoggaaminayso wasiiru-dawlaha dalka Ingiriiska u qaabilsan arrimaha Afrika, ahna madaxa hay’adda horumarinta caalamiga ah ee DFID. Harriett Baldwin. Kulankan waxa madaxweynaha kula wehelinayey madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka Somaliland, Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Saylici, wasiirka arrimaha dibadda, Dr. Sacad Cali Shire iyo wakiilka Somaliland u fadhiya dalka Ingiriiska, Ayaan Maxamuud Cashuur. Markii uu kulankaasi dhamaaday waxa warbaahinta la hadlay wasiirka Arrimaha Dibada Somaliland iyo wasiiru dawlaha dalka Ingiriiska u qaabilsan arrimaha Afrika, kuwaas oo sheegay inay ka wada hadleen mashaariicda horumarineed ee ka socda Somaliland ee gacanta ka gaysatay Ingiriiska, wada hadalka Somaliland iyo Soomaaliya iyo doorashooyinka soo socda ee la filayo inay ka qabsoomaan horaanta sanadka soo socda. “Madaxweynaha iyo weftigu waxa ay ka wada hadleen arrimo badan oo ay kamid tahay iskaashiga labada dal ee dhinacyada iskaashiga, horumarka, nabadgelyada, kaabayaasha, doorashooyinka iyo wada-hadallada Somaliland iyo Soomaaliya, wada-hadalkaasina si wacan buu u dhacay, ingiriiskuna waa dawladda inoogu deeqda badan, aad iyo aadna waannu uga mahadcelinayey deeqdaas uu Ingiriisku ina siiyo, waxana aannu isla meel-dhignay inaynnu is-kaashigeennaa iyo wax wada-qabsigeennaas aynnu halkaas kasii wadno.”ayuu yidhi wasiir Sacad oo dhankiisa ka hadlayey wuxuu daarnaa kulankaasi. Sidoo kale,Wasiiru-dawlaha dalka Ingiriiska u qaabilsan qaaradda Afrika, Mis, Harriett Baldwin oo iyaduna ka hadlaysa waxay ka wada hadleen madaxweynaha waxay tidhi “ maantana waxa aan indhahayga kusoo arkay qaar kamid ah mashaariicda uu dalkaygu maalgeliyo ee loogu talo galay dadka reer Somaliland. Sanduuqa horumarinta Somaliland (Somaliland Development fund) waxa uu gacan siinayaa mashruuca biyo ballaadhinta Hargeysa, waxana aan aad ugu faraxsanahay inaan maanta halkan kaga dhawaaqo bilowga wejiga labaad ee mashruuca horumarinta Somaliland oo aannu ugu deeqaynno 25-Milyan oo bound oo wax lagaga qabanayo kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha dalka Somaliland.” Barkhad-ladiif M. Cumar, Hiiraan Onlin

Home Wararka Manta Jobs The Forgotten Lessons of Black Hawk Down 11Shares Thursday October 4, 2018 By Andrew J. Bacevich Mr. Bacevich is the author of the forthcoming book “Twilight of the American Century.” The disaster in Somalia offered America a glimpse of the future of warfare. No one listened. Twenty-five years ago this week, a Somali warlord named Mohammed Farah Aidid offered the American military a glimpse of its future. But neither policymakers back in Washington nor commanders in the field were attuned to what he had on offer. A mission that had begun 10 months earlier to provide relief supplies to starving Somalis had evolved into a vastly more ambitious nation-building project. On the night of Oct. 3-4, 1993, an American military operation to capture Mr. Aidid ended in catastrophic failure, including 18 Americans dead. Soon afterward the entire mission collapsed, and the United States withdrew. Yet any lessons that might have been learned from this debacle stayed in Mogadishu, alongside the smoldering wreckage of the Black Hawk helicopter that Mr. Aidid’s fighters had shot down. The United States did not go into Somalia expecting this kind of resistance. But Mr. Aidid took exception to the prospect of outsiders imposing a new political order on his country. From their sanctuaries in the crowded warrens of the Somali capital, his lightly armed but nimble militias ambushed and harassed American and coalition forces throughout the summer of 1993. advertisements Casualties mounted. In response, President Bill Clinton ordered an elite commando task force to Mogadishu with the specific assignment of eliminating Mr. Aidid. By most measures — training and discipline, firepower and mobility — Task Force Ranger had Mr. Aidid’s irregulars outclassed. His forces were technologically backward while the American troops had all the best gadgets that money could buy. In the end, little of this mattered. Mr. Aidid himself proved both frustratingly elusive and far shrewder than the Americans expected. On six “snatch” attempts, the Rangers came up empty-handed. On the seventh, the enemy forces that the Americans disparaged as “skinnies” and “sammies” were waiting. In an instant, the hunters became the hunted. In the ensuing firefight, subsequently enshrined in a best-selling book and a hit Hollywood movie, American troops inflicted many more casualties than they sustained. Yet ultimately it was the Americans who withdrew from the battlefield while Mr. Aidid’s forces stayed put. As for Mr. Aidid himself, he not only remained at large but as a result of his bloody encounter with crack American warriors, he saw his own status enhanced. In contrast, back in the United States, the losses suffered by American troops proved politically unacceptable. Mr. Clinton conceded defeat and pulled out the entire American operation. Somalia remained in chaos. We can choose to remember this event, coming during the grander era of American ideological triumph over the recently collapsed Soviet Union, as a minor embarrassment of little real consequence. Yet seeing the outcome for what it was — a sign of things to come — offers several useful lessons. First, the contemporary battlefield is more likely to be urban and congested, rather than wide open and sparsely populated. Rarely will adversaries cooperate in fulfilling the American preference for long-range tank battles fought in the desert under skies dominated by American fighter-bombers and attack helicopters. The 2003 invasion of Iraq was an exception; the urban battles of the occupation that followed were closer to the rule. Second, and by extension, the Pentagon’s investment in conventional warfare will continue to have little relevance in the sort of conflicts confronting American forces. The primary challenge is less to defeat armies than to control populations. Pacification rather than sustained close combat absorbs soldiers’ energy and attention. The greater part of the warrior’s role involves not killing but muting the antagonism caused by the warrior’s own unwelcome presence. Third, if American forces find it difficult to adjust to the peculiar demands of such wars, then those responsible for formulating basic national security policy should consider the possibility that the wars themselves just might be futile. Since 1993, the United States has killed any number of “skinnies” and “sammies,” not to mention innocent bystanders, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, Syria and even back in Somalia, where drone strikes and Special Forces routinely target those who have succeeded Mr. Aidid in contesting the control of that country. Rarely does an American leader, political or military, explain what larger purpose these wars are serving. Never do they venture to speculate on when they might end. Why was it necessary for the 18 Americans to die in a failed effort to dictate the future of Somalia? What purpose did their sacrifice serve? A quarter-century later, these questions have lost none of their pertinence. If anything, they have become more urgent. In retrospect, the lessons to be taken from this small but immensely instructive episode appear obvious. In retrospect, lessons always do. Yet with a bit more effort and perhaps a generous dose of humility, the United States might have discerned those lessons at the time. Applying them to subsequent military endeavors might have alleviated or even eliminated the failures and frustrations that have become the principal themes of recent American military history. Instead, America’s leaders chose to ignore it — the sooner forgotten the better. This turned out to be a profound oversight, and the troops whom Americans profess to admire have since paid a high price for it. advertisements

Galbeedi are you still wasting your time with koonfurians iyo outdated hiilqaran. Axmed samatar wasted 30 years supporting the madhalays koonfurians adiguna haku daalin nimankaas.

Abtigiis biggest domestic challenge is training and 're aranging the liyuu forces. The problem with cabdi ileey was he gave them a gun tikniko and some harari beer and heesihi qaraamiga baxsan and couple of qabil poems from ina bulxan and ina cumar Dage and dhoodaan.And he told them we are laandheero,Somalis hate us we have freepass to kill and to plunder all villages if they reject our rule. Meles ma dhiman geesigu madhinto was the motto .He needs to take out allot of forces with in the liyuu a clean up a big clean up is needed. And then there is qeero the gallas who wish to invade the region lemme meqershe is his enemy. And even that fellow extremist jawar maxamad from the united states. Who encites ethnic hatred in Ethiopia.

Ku:- President M.M.Omar Ka:- Aqoonyahanka Hawd. Ujeedo:-Talo-Bixin Maanta Waxaa Magaalada Harta-Sheekha Gadhay Koloyo ciidanka Gaarka ah ee Dds afka amxrigana loo yaqaan Liyou police. ka dib infahanwaa yimid darteed ciidanku waxay ka baxeen magaalada hadana waxaa la soo sheegayaa in maagalaada duleedkeeda joogaan. ugu horayn waxan aaaminsanahay in Ciidankaaasi Yahay ciidan sharciya oo Deegaanku leeyahay. sidoo kale deegamada kalana leeyihiin. Waxaan ognahay in Dawladii Fashistiga ahayd ee wakhtigedu dhamaaday dhibaatooyin badan Shacabka gaadhsiisay. shacabka degaanka guud ahaan gaar ahaana shacabka Hawd waxa u sii dheeraa ficilo xuquuqda aadamiga xad gudub ku ah. Dhibaatooyin kii ka dhacay #Xarshin #Hartasheekha #Wajaale #Gaashaamo iyo #Dacawalay Waxaa fuliyay Ciidanka Gaar ka ah ee Dds Waxaana amaradaa bixiyay masuuliyiintii Wakhtigaa talada haysay. arimaahasi waxay abuureen dareen ilaa maanta taagan oo ku wayn qalbiyada shacabka reer Hawd. dad boqol kor u dhaafaya ayaa naftoodii ku waayay boqolaal ciyaala ayaa ku agoomoobay. aduunyo dhib lagama waayee maxaa xal ah lama odhan ka somali ahaan Dhaqan iyo Hab Dawladnimo midna wax laguma xalin. Falalkaasi qaar ka mida waxay ka dheceen Masaajid dhexdii sida #Jamac-#Dubad oo ah #Qabale ka tirsan #Degmada #Gashamo. waxaa xusid mudan xasuuqii #Ruwanda Kadhacay horaantii 1994 dadkii masaajidada galay waxay noqdeen kuwii badbaaday. Go'aanka Maanta Xukuumada Dds ku qaadatay in dhulka hawd ciidanka Gaarkaa la geeyo, waxaan aaminsanahay in dagdag badan ku jiro. xaqiiqada meesha taala iyo dareenka shacabka hawd mid na aan lagu xisaab tamin. hadii #Cmc xidhan yahay waxaa banaanka jooga Ragii kale ee Falalkaa Gaystay wakhti xaadirkana dawlada cusub qaarkood soo dhawaysay jeelkana kasoo daysay sida C/laahi itoobiya oo ahaa nin kii 27 qof Madaxa ka toogtay Tuulada #Cilmi-Xirsi ee degmada Xarshin. waxaanu ku talo bixinaynaa in aan deegaanka Hawd la gayn haba yaraatee wax ciidanka Liyou Police ah. Sababtu maaha in aanu ciidanka diidanahay balse dhibaatada jirta waxay tahay dareenka shacabka hawd aamisan yihiin iyo ciidanka dawladu islama jaan qaadi karaan. badalkooda shacabku waxay kalsooni ciidan ku qabaan #Ciidanka #Qaranka #JFDI. waxaan ku talo bixinaynaa anaga oo ah #Aqoonyahanka dhulkaa kasoo jeeda inta fahan buuxa shacabku ka qaadanayaan ciidanka gaar ka ah dhamaan qaladaadkii dhacayna xal loo helayo dadkii faldanbiyeedkaa sameeyayna talaabo laga qaaday shacabku arkayaan mooyee. in aan lagu dagdagin Ciidan halkaa lageeyo. waxaa kale oo muhiim ah in wacyigalin shacabka lagu sameeyo isla markaana falalkii dhacay ee hore baadhitaan madax banaan lagu sameeyo. haddii si laab la kaca ama go'aano aan laga fiirsan la gadho waxa dhici karta mid wixii hore ka daran. ilaahay ha ina hayee. "Rabaw eex Ma Tiraabine Aqoon Haygu Cadaabin" Wabilaahi Tawfiiq #Share

MMA mala abtiirsiinta sarreh bu kaeegaya ileen somalidu are qabiil obsessed and love inay u abtiriyaan every thing and every one. So let me get this straight the cheeseman wants a guy oo u abti yahay inu xilqabto. Reminds me of afweyne in the 1980s. Dowladi candhowadaag.

The cheeseman might have governed Somalia in a situation it is peace and has law and order and institution's. But the cheeseman can't fix Somalia security is failing assinations still happen. Alshabaab is getting stronger and stronger I doubt the situation will change in 2019. The man is incompetent .

Samafal Somalilanders have their own country so no need to run in another country for political positions. There was one guy though who tried but koonfurians told him you are two laangaab to run his name was axmed ismaciil samatar. Very bright professor and he genuinely believed in the cancerous union up to 2012. Laakin Somalidu waxay tidha nin lamayidha tag eeh waxa latusa wax u ku tago.

Tillamook the demolition crew they are coming For galkacyo waxan kabaqaya cabdicawar inu ishakala na kacawarmo. The cheese man xita tageero kahelimaysaan

Anigu warka carabta afcarabi baan ku dhegeysta the sacaduudi channel al carabiya. Adigu u might only listen to aljazeera. Maxammad bin Salman Salman building his own dynasty to rule for the next 70 years wa hadu boqol jirka gaadho khamriga iyo xashiishada iska yareeyo. But the kid has a bright future.

Tillamook qollada budhcadbadeedka ama budhlayn uma libaaxayno. Sababto ah nin aad ka adkaatay maxaad kaga digan. Marba gaalki Keith ha iga dacweyo. Ama United nation warqad u qor. Ama bantu warqad u qor ama ashkatoo. Xaji xunjuf is the land Lord of tukaraq. Marla calan cad qaata oo isdhiiba

The Saudis and Emirates are fine for one reason only apaic said in 2017 the 2 counties we must support in the middle east are the UAE and Saudi. Qatar and the Iranians are in trouble and the poor Palestinians who lost Jerusalem.

Saudi Arabia can survive ‘2,000 years’ without US help & not face civil war like America – MBS Published: 6 Oct 2018 | 01:12 GMT Reuters 1 Saudi society fully supports the royals and those few fringe extremist elements who stir trouble are being dealt with, believes crown prince Mohammed bin Salman, who claimed the kingdom can survive for 2,000 years on its own. Known in the West by his initials MBS, the crown prince may, as he said, ‘love’ working with the US and Trump but, when it comes to thinking of examples of successful managers of social change, he is decidedly ‘America last.’ Any drastic financial, political and legal reforms come with a hefty price tag, he emphasized, drawing parallels with the history of the United States. “...if you look at the United States of America, when for example they wanted to free the slaves. What was the price? Civil war. It divided America for a few years. Thousands, tens of thousands of people died to win freedom for the slaves,” Bin Salman told Bloomberg, in a wide-ranging interview published Friday. Read more ‘Trump humiliates Saudis’: Iran’s FM invites SA to jointly boost regional security, not outsource it “Here we are trying to get rid of extremism and terrorism without civil war, without stopping the country from growing, with continuous progress in all elements,” the crown prince added. “So if there is a small price in that area, it’s better than paying a big debt to do that move.” Two weeks? Try 2,000 years! Bin Salman brushed off US President Donald Trump’s somewhat humiliating comments about Saudi Arabia perishing within two weeks without American support, saying that his kingdom existed decades before the US and will need “something like around 2,000 years to maybe face some dangers.” “Actually, we will pay nothing for our security," the prince firmly stated, explaining that since Trump’s statements were clearly addressed to a domestic audience he did not find them offensive. “We believe that all the armaments we have from the United States of America are paid for, it’s not free armament,” he reiterated. Explaining that, after Trump became US president, Saudi Arabia has already agreed to procure nearly 60 percent of its arms from Washington, he emphasized that Riyadh owes nothing extra because it always pays for weapons supplies in cash. “I love working with him. I really like working with him,” bin Salman said of Trump, calling his comments a “one percent” disagreement between allies. Saudis aren’t scared, only 1,500 ‘extremists’ arrested in 3 years Bin Salman has been the public face of “reforms” that Riyadh has embarked on to diversify its economy and relax some of its laws – such as allowing women to drive, for example – since he became crown prince of Saudi Arabia in 2017. Read more Trump told Saudi King he wouldn’t last ‘2 weeks’ without US support Asked about discontent with the pace of those reforms and why some Saudis seem afraid to speak to journalists, bin Salman said they shouldn’t be and that only those “extremists”who organize street protests or cooperate with foreign “intelligence agencies” should fear imminent arrest. In the course of “fighting extremism, fighting terrorism” over the past three years, only “about 1,500” people have been arrested, he claimed, comparing it to 50,000 in Turkey after the attempted military coup there. Anyone shown to have “links with intelligence against Saudi Arabia or extremism or terrorists”will face Saudi law, bin Salman stated. “We have do to this. We cannot fight extremists having 500 or 700 extremists on the streets recruiting people.” He named Iran and Qatar as the main suspects. While the Salafist Saudi Kingdom has long been at odds with the predominantly Shia Islamic Republic on the other side of the Gulf, relations with Qatar have soured in recent years. Riyadh and its allies declared a blockade of the peninsular monarchy in June 2107, accusing Qatar, the owners of Al Jazeera, of secretly collaborating with Iran and of supporting Islamic State (IS, formerly ISIS/ISIL) and other terrorists. The tensions show no signs of ending anytime soon. Like this story? Share it with a friend!

Samafalow cabdicawar meesha goormu kadegeya mise qolladi reer galkacyo masakinti reer bosaaso way u xoogsheegenyaan. Ciidanka budhcadbadeedka yaa ubaddan ma reer eyl mise reer bosaasso

The pirate enclave is falling it's bankrupt it has no cash it's out of bussines. Also the pirates are scared to death that galmudug might capture galkacyo. Furthermore they lost tukaraq earlier this year when muuse biixi made them cry . Cabdi cawar has to go the reer bosaaso pirate want piece of the pie. As for Failmaajo that guy is done politically he is the most incompetent leaders in villa amisom.

Home Wararka Manta Jobs Saudi Arabia Tells Trump No More Oil 45Shares Saturday October 6, 2018 Ellen R. Wald Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman responded publicly to President Donald Trump's recent spate of Tweets and statements concerning oil. While the President has been asking for Saudi Arabia to increase oil production to flood the market and keep prices down, the prince said no. This is a risk for Saudi Arabia, because Saudi Arabia has always depended a great deal on the United States --even its currency is pegged directly to the U.S. dollar--and the Trump administration has shown that it will take a hard stance on economic issues even with its closest allies. President Donald Trump meets with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in the Oval Office of the White House, Tuesday, March 20, 2018, in Washington. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci) This week, oil prices reached highs not seen in four years. The international benchmark, Brent, hit $86 per barrel and the U.S. benchmark, WTI jumped to over $76 per barrel. U.S. President Donald Trump has been unrelenting in his public and private pressure on OPEC and Saudi Arabia to produce more oil and lower prices. After all, from his perspective, the increase in prices is a result of his new sanctions against Iran - which Saudi Arabia fully supports - and therefore, Saudi Arabia should deploy its spare capacity to ensure that American consumers don't face undo pain at the pump. advertisements Saudi Arabian oil minister Khalid al Falih tried to reassure markets that Saudi Arabia would increase production but that the market is actually very well supplied. The 9% increase in oil prices over the past 3 months, he said, is the fault of financial speculators, not a lack of supply. He's right, but the market and the speculators didn't believe him. That wasn't what the Trump administration wanted to hear, so the President ratcheted up his war of words during a rally in Mississippi. He delivered a low level threat to Saudi Arabia's King Salman when he said the following: We protect Saudi Arabia. Would you say they're rich? And I love the King ... King Salman but I said 'King, we're protecting you. You might not be there for two weeks without us. You have to pay for your military. Still, oil prices barely budged and the AAA reported that gasoline prices in the United States have reached their highest levels in 4 years. Soon after, Saudi crown prince Mohammad bin Salman addressed global oil prices in an interview with Bloomberg where he said, The request that America made to Saudi Arabia and other OPEC countries is to be sure that if there is any loss of supply from Iran, that we will supply that. And that happened....So we export as much as 2 barrels for any barrel that disappeared from Iran recently. So we did our job and more. We believe the higher price that we have in the last month, it’s not because of Iran. It’s mostly because of things happening in Canada, and Mexico, Libya, Venezuela and other countries that moved the price a little bit higher. Now the Trump administration has its answer--Saudi Arabia does not intend to deploy any more of its vaunted spare capacity to counter rising prices . There is still the opportunity for more oil to come on to the market from other places - the neutral zone between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, the United States, Canada, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Libya and Nigeria. But all of those will take some time and investment. Saudi Arabia could put another 500,000 barrels per day per day on the market tomorrow - if it wanted to. But according to the crown prince, it does not. Now the ball is in President Trump's court. I’m an energy historian writing about how governments and energy businesses interact globally. My work looks at how policy, wars, diplomacy, the stock market, oil pricing, and innovation impact the future of energy. I am the president of Transversal Consulting, a firm that... MORE Ellen R. Wald, Ph.D. is a historian and consultant on energy and geopolitics. She is the author of Saudi, Inc., president of Transversal Consulting & a Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council.

Not at all it's just weird that they are singled out. And not madoobe. Second the amisom bunker politics is based on 4.5 and clan federalism. So to say that tha may may community loo Hanjabo their irhaabist while indhocadde and madoobe are both part of the amisom project these days.

What's the dfference between madoobe and roobow they were both shabaab. Why is roobow being singled out and discriminated by the amisom bunker admin. Beesha may may hada irhaabigooga loo today wa bahdilaad iyaga my timi. Taasina wameelkadhac

Why would muuse biixi have low approval raiting do you know majority of awdal voted for kulmiye in the last election. Muuse got the most. Do you know the awdal clan and muuse clan are very close in terms in culture and kinship intermarriage and traditions. Muuse won the most votes in togdheer and maroodijeex. Wadani and ciiro was also closing in ceerigaabo only in sanaag wadani won. Somaliland party politics is to complex for the pirates to understand our domestic politics. Somaliland people are civilised we have a democracy and xeer and qanuun. And every one adds to Somaliland we had 5 presidents since 1991. Muj abdurahman tuur. President cigaal. President rayaale President siilaanyo. Mujahid muuse. And vice President mujahid xassan ciise jamac. Mujahiid abdurahmantolwa.vp axmed yasin vp seylici vp rayaale.

Caasha cabdalle is a great lady even the guy who is now the finance minister for the amisom bunker did allot in terms of development in Somaliland in particular in gabiley and borama and dila. The koonfurians even you galbeedi your wasting your precious time. With the koonfurians don't be hardheaded like abdi samatar dadkaaga dhinac karaac.

The mad mullah of Abyssinia might be a hero to your kinfolk. But not to us. He was a mere doobile in berbera in the late 1800s. He came with a saalixya order and we told him adeer reerkina u tag kuma naqaane eh. Abtiyasay iyo ku nece ururti reer kheyr abtiirsintaadu waxay gasha eyda reer xamar. Berbera ina imaan iyo Ina ithaan you jamac haabil ba ka qawdhama adeer. Ina calacaal xassan sheekadisa idinku wadaad idinyahay anaganooma aha.

Old observer you are correct this stalemate since 1991 can only be solved by the international community. If they are honest and if they are neutral. The problem is they have regional and economic interest in the region.