Amiin

^^^^ Denbigana Yaa iska leh Yaa doorshay wacadkii Isku dilay dadwaynaha kala diray dadkaygii Yaa dawladi shalay Ka halaabshay dawgii Iyo daacadnimadii Ku danaystay keligood Kii dakharka dhigay iyo Daalin iyo amxaaraa Dawo maanta soo sida Dadwaynuhuna ka diid Ana waan ku diirsaday Kowneyn

Muqdishi ma toostay Ma diiday Korneylka Muraadka Zenawiyo Malishiya shiisheeye

JB: I agree with qudhac with may be the exception of one. In any case, who ever in that group is Somaliland's man will look out for Somaliland's interest and work closely with our natural allies . Wether Cabdillahi Yusuf is accepted or rejected is a question for ONLY the people of Muqdisho. I think he might have a fighting chance if he can reform and re-invent himself by actively distancing himself from his previous tribal rhetoric and the stigma of a certain "ism".

JAWAAB KU SOCOTA ABSHIR BACADLE Tixdan gaaban oo magaceeda la yidhaahdo “Gobannimo†soona baxday 8dii January 2005 waxa ay u jawaabaysaa Axmed Faarax Nuur(Abshir Bacadle) gabaygiisa uu ka tiriyay inanta yar ee Hargeysa lagu xidhay. “Gobanimo†1. Gaafmeeray maalmahan sidii; Goosad lay yidhi 2. Nin uun baa gartaydana ogoo; Dedaya uun goore!!! 3. Abshirow guyaalladan ma tirin; Gabay xidhiidhkiiye ’ 4. Geeraar ma soo curin intaan; Gudiyay qaafkiiye ’ 5. Godka lagu negeeyiyo ka tegay; Gobolladiisiiye’ 6. Galladdiisa niman baa badshaan; Sii guraay idhiye ’ 7. Waxse maanta igu soo gingimay; Maanso gelisteeda’ 8. Gujadaada weeyee bal aan; Galalka baadhbaadho! 9. Garta inanta lagu foororshiyo; Kiiskan go’iwaayay’ 10. Sheekada galbeed iyo Nugaal; Geeskastaba dhaaftay’ 11. Gasac iyo xumaha lays marshiyo; Hadalka geesaasan 12. Gurrac iyo inuu khalad ku jiro; Kuu garawsaniye’ 13. Hayeeshee Guhaaddiyo halkaad; Gelisay baaruudda’ 14. Magaadliyo godkaad taabataan; Gocanayaa mooyi 15. Tolka aad go’aan wada sudhaan; Gocanayaa mooyi! 16. Godobtaad ***** taarataan; Gocanayaa mooyi! 17. Lixdankaad ku goobyaashay baan; Goconayaa mooyi! 9. Garyaqaanno loo soo xuloo; Geydhka wada taagan 10. Guddiyada xuquuqdoon marqudha; Goynin hadalhaynta 11. Gadhcas iyo aqoonyahan shiriyo; Ururro guuxaaya 12. Miyaanaan gob lama caasiyee; Gabadha taageerin? 13. Miyaanaan go’aammiyo ka qorin; Xeerar wada geydhan? 14. Miyaanaan xilkii nala gudboon; Garannin dawgiisa? 9. Gar ilaah taqaan baa Islaam; Gole ka naadshaaye’ 10. Garaad diin leh baan kuu maqliyo; Caalin gaammuraye’ 11. Misna taadu good iyo ka daran; Guba ku nooleeye’ 12. Iyadoo geyiga aan fadhiyo; Culimo guurayso’ 13. Oo ay diintu gaashaan u tahay; Gebi astaantayda’ 14. Gacalkaaga anigoo ah iyo; Garabka xooggiisa’ 15. Maxaad gaalo ii daba-dhigtiyo; Xabashi gaankeeda? 16. Gabaygii wadaadkii miyaan; Lagaba guuraynba? 17. Gefka aniga lay bado miyaan; Qalin geyaa joogin? 33. Gobollada isdiidiyo anoon; Gelin ammuur sheexan 34. Dhulkaad tayda geysiyo anoon; Gacantogaalaynin 35. Badahaas guntoodiyo anoon; Gaadhin dhagartaada 36. Taariikhda guunka ah anoon; Dib ugu guuraynin 37. Gelin hore wixii dhacay bal aan; Guudmar ugu laabto! 38. Guudkayga nabarraa ku yaal; Boogo gaammuraye’ 39. Feedhaha goshayduu damqaa; Weli gunaadkiiye’ 40. Gurbood iyo dhallaan lama hambayn; Gawricii dhacaye’ 41. Gabadh ugub ah, oday gaabiyoo; Socodka goynaaya’ 42. Gadhcasiyo dhallaan kama ay tegin; Gaasaskii helaye’ 43. Gooddiga Wajaaliyo, Burciyo; Go’o nawaaxeeda’ 44. Guudka Ceerigaabiyo, Berbera; Godanka Shiikh yaallo’ 45. Gabaahiir Hargeysaa la baday; Maalin gelinkeede’ 46. Gaal baaba loo soo dalbaday; Gelelefkaygiiye’ 47. Guullaha Raxmaankaa baxshiyo; Geeljirii kacaye’ 48. Inaan gaag ka hadhin baa tashiga; Loo guddoonsadaye’ 49. Intaas oo guhaad igu dhacdiyo; Aafo igu geydhan’ 50. Inaan godob ku seexdiyo ma rabo; Aano iyo giire’ 51. Goosashada adaan Faaraxow; Gawska ku adkaynin’ 52. Gar ninkii akhriyay waa inuu; Xaqa ku gooyaaye’ 53. Gobollaa israaciyo mar bay; Garo irmaanaatay 54. Waxba beri gu’ baa lays ogaa; Gaawe haw culanne’ 55. Godkaas waxa fadhida xaajo aan; Laga geyoonayne’ 56. Laba gudub ahaatoo tolnimo; Guudka ka wadaagta’ 57. Geelaaga oo kuu tarmiyo; Kayga garabjooga’ 58. Gacal, gacal hantiyay ay farxadi; Gunudday laabtiisa’ 59. Gobannimo bartaasay jirtaa; Garashadeed qaado’ 60. Geeraarka maantana waxaan; Talo ku soo gooyay 61. Gacalow ha marin surimadaad; Gabayga qaadsiiyay 62. Anna gocasho taan qabo xumaan; Ha igu gaadhsiinnin’ Nabaadiino Cabdillaahi Cawed Cige, Liverpool UK 08 January 2005. http://www.horyaal.co.uk/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=665 CABDILLAAHI GABAYGIISANI JAWAAB MAAHE WAXAY ILA TAHAY WA CAQLI CELIS. WAAYO AFLAGAADADA CAD DHIRBAAXA LOOGU JAWAABI JIRAY SIDII SALAAN CARABBAY, DHIRBAAXO JAAN ETC

Academic View Of Somaliland Recognition I.M.Lewis — London, UK — 08 January, 2005 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BUILDING THE SOMALILAND REPUBLIC With the liberation struggle over in Somaliland, energies turned to the gradual restoration of the country. Peace-making and social reconstruction has followed a bottom-up path, starting at the grass roots with small local clan groups, and building up gradually in ever widening circles. This slow and often irregular process which, not without setbacks, has taken several years is reflected in Somaliland's contemporary two-tier parliament: A house of elected party representatives, and an upper house of nominated clan elders. This arrangement ensured a widely representative parliament and a government whose ministers similarly reflected Somaliland's diverse clan composition. As everyone here knows, there have been impressively conducted national elections favourably judged by international observers. The same constitutionality obtained in the smooth succession of President Dahir Rayaale Kahin when Mohammad Haji Ibrahim Egal died suddenly in South Africa. As is also well-known, there has recently been a dangerous confrontation on the eastern border with Puntland , involving the Dulbahante clan who have long successfully exploited their position as frontiersmen with multiple loyalties. But this potentially serious clash has been resolved peacefully with both the Somaliland and Puntland forces exercising discretion. Anyone who knows anything about Somali society will appreciate how this outcome indicates good judgement and effective control by the authorities on both sides. For different reasons, it is of course in the interests of neither party to become embroiled in fighting at this juncture when so many other interests are at stake. These locally evolved Somaliland political institutions have delivered a degree of political stability and democratic government so far unattained in any other part of the defunct state of Somalia( with, perhaps, the brief exception of Puntland in its founding years). Today Somaliland is an effective functioning state, based on good governance, to an extent that is sadly now rare in Africa. The restoration of civil society is well underway, schools and hospitals are under construction with help from diaspora Somalis and some friendly NGOs. Much has been achieved in demobilising former militias and retraining those who cannot fruitfully be absorbed into the local police or army. Police training, incidentally, now includes learning reading, writing and maths-and even human rights. Although there have undeniably been serious ups and downs in the process summarised above, the overall achievement so far is truly remarkable, and all the more so in that it has been accomplished by the people of Somaliland themselves with very little external help or intervention. The contrast with fate of southern Somalia hardly needs to be underlined. Far from seeking to applaud or encourage these developments in spontaneous Somali democracy, the outside world has taken little interest and remained largely indifferent. This, of course, contrasts strikingly with the frequent pronouncements by Western leaders of their concern to promote good government and democracy in Africa. As the chairman of the politics department at Princeton University has recently put it: 'One would think that the natural response of the outside world to the extraordinary achievement of the Somalilanders would be respect and recognition' -especially in contrast with Somalia'. BARRIERS TO RECOGNITION Here, up till the present, Britain-the obvious patron and advocate for diplomatic recognition-has been especially remiss. True, British officials in the FCO Horn of Africa department and our embassy in Addis Ababa have consistently offered encouragement and support. But the major political breakthrough has yet to be achieved. The path-breaking recent visit to Somaliland by British MPs and the subsequent debate in parliament are important milestones. And it is gratifying that these developments have so quickly been followed by the present visit to London of (Somaliland) President Dahir Rayaale Kahin, and Foreign Minister Edna Aden and other cabinet colleagues.. I naturally hope that the ensuing discussions with British Ministers will tangibly advance the process towards diplomatic recognition. Some of us think it is long overdue, especially on the part of a government that talks so virtuously about promoting democracy in the Third World. The contrast between their lack of interest in Somaliland and excessive intervention in Iraq speaks volumes. Now, as in the past, the situation is complicated by the persistent problem of anarchy in southern Somalia despite no less than fourteen high level UN and now EC attempts to cobble together a government in Mogadishu. This has been going on for almost fourteen years and the current fourteen months' long effort in Kenya is evidently falling apart amid fierce allegations of corruption, fraud, and bias directed at the local organisers and their external backers. This colossal waste of effort and money (reputed about $10 million and some of it diverted from EC aid allocations already promised)) was, in my opinion, misconceived from the start. Cannot any of the policy makers involved learn from the past? What contribution to peace is achieved by enabling Somalia's warlords, and sundry self-appointed representatives of 'civil society', to holiday in luxurious hotels in Kenya? A century ago, the Ethiopian emperor would have treated these people rather differently. They would have been invited to an imperial banquet and poisoned! (Today they should have been arrested in Kenya as suspected war crimes perpetrators.) More appropriately, all the negotiations should have been held inside Somalia with, if necessary, an external force in Mogadishu to maintain the peace. Of course that is the real difficulty, no one wants to undertake that high risk role. If the mighty warlords were incapable of doing that, what chance is there that they could establish a viable regime in southern Somalia? Even if the current talks achieved nominal success, serious doubts would remain about the representative status of any so-called 'government' based on them. Lacking any demonstrable mandate from the people of southern Somalia, how could the outcome of such a conference claim democratic legitimacy? It would be even less authentically representative than the TNG! The EC, and others involved in this dubious venture, seem to have lost sight of this crucial requirement. Or don't they care? Instead of wasting months in Kenya debating highly artificial laws and theoretical constitutional niceties-which have little chance of ever being implemented-diplomatic efforts should have concentrated on forcing the warlords in situ to agree on power-sharing in Mogadishu, and getting on with somehow living together. Political engineering should have been pragmatically directed from the bottom, with the aim of establishing widening circles of peace and co-operation, as in Somaliland. Although I have no particular brief for warlords Morgan and Abdillahi Yusuf, I think they are right to have quit Kenya to set up their own conference on the edge of Mogadishu . Nothing positive can ever be achieved unless the southern Somali warlords can agree on how to carve up their political turfs in and round Mogadishu. The recent Kenyan efforts at Somali reconstruction have been based, as usual, on the wrong top-down hierarchical model. There is the additional draw-back that the title 'Peace conference' is an unfortunate misnomer. Here it is not a question, as in the Sudan, or between Eritrea and Ethiopia, of mediating between two hostile parties. The international dispute-settling bureaucrats, who come out in force on such occasions, need to develop more sophisticated models for handling fragmented multi-stranded situations like Somalia. What is clearly at issue, here, is the division of power and economic interest among a squabbling bunch of predatory gangsters. The Italians, who haunt these Somali meetings with their grandiose dreams of a resurrected Somalia, might make a more useful contribution if they applied some of their expertise in dealing with the Maffia to sorting out Mogadishu. RECOGNISING SOMALILAND HELPS SOMALI UNITY Let us also note how all this frustratingly unproductive attention given to southern Somalia has increased Somaliland's international isolation and delayed appropriate recognition of its achievements. What is in effect happening here is that the bad guy is being rewarded and the good guy punished! This is certainly how the international response must strike a neutral observer. But, in my view, this has not actually helped to remedy the situation in Somalia itself that, as a long-term supporter of Somali self-determination, also concerns me deeply. My guess is that recognition of Somaliland at this juncture would have a tonic effect in Somalia. It would administer a brisk wakeup call, shaking the southern politicians out of their prolonged self- indulgent torpor, and thus help to dispel their wild political fantasies so unwisely promoted by the hasty UN recognition given to the undemocratic and insubstantial regime of Mr Abdulqasim, whom Puntland web sites call the 'defunct' transitional president. Some southerners will protest that Somaliland's recognition is a blow to Somali unity. But this is sheer nonsense and sounds hollow coming, as it does, from people who in the last fourteen years have done nothing to advance Somali unity and even less to further human rights and democracy. Somali 're-configuration' as the British foreign office blandly calls it, has already happened. The people of Somaliland have demonstrated that their independence is a fait accompli whatever outsiders choose to think. Nor does this in any way endanger or diminish the ethnic identity of the Somali people and their socio-economic cohesion that reaches into Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya-an un-disruptive political dismemberment already accepted within the Somali nation. Thus, the attitude to Somaliland's independence, of those southern Somali politicians who oppose it, is akin to that of a person who has had a limb amputated, but still claims to feel it as part of his body. If as I hope Somaliland soon receives the international recognition to which it has long been entitled, I hope equally that this action will provide a new impetus to social reconstruction in Somalia. It is obvious that a new approach is needed, and one that is better informed about Somali political realities and less biased by extraneous external interests. These biases on the part of the principal external actors are acutely obvious. Thus, Djibouti has politico-economic interests in both north and south, Ethiopia worries about Islamic fundamentalism, and Kenya has serious Somali refugee problems which are shared to varying extents by EC countries generally. Both countries share bad memories of Somali irredentism. For its part, Italy nourishes fantasies of her former African empire, and the Italian political parties sorely miss the subsidies they illegally derived from the national aid budget. Caught in an earlier time-warp, Egyptians retain their Pharaonic obsession with Ethiopia as a threat to the Nile. On a more distant frontier, Arab states tend to favour Somali clients who carry an Islamic banner.. What I find most striking in the attitudes of the spokesmen for many of these countries, including others in Africa, is their ignorance and complete indifference to the actual condition and aspirations of ordinary Somalis, an attribute they share with depressingly many of the self-declared leaders of Somalia. Somaliland.org

Its important to note that this transfer of power is in agreement with the peace treaty that he signed with cabdillahi yusuf. This may seem premature, but I think it demonsterates the maturity and the statesmanship of Cadde Muse. Lets see how he leads and governs.

Congrats to Cadde Musse Boqor the right man for the job. Smooth and impressive result

Windwalker: The Minister of Foreign Affaires and by far the most respected member of riyaale's cabinet is Adna Aadan a woman. That is unique in our part of the world. Also, women hold many key positions in KULMIYE the biggest political party in the country and this augurs well for the future role of women. Somaliland will stay the course, despite the blunders of Riyaale's clumsy administration .

Bari: Physical restraints? , how bout a straight jacket? . Horn: You're in denial and gambling with your health Kowneyn

Horn sorry Bari beat u by full 12 minutes Bari Nomad Obviously the word is out and Somaliland is no longer that "best kept secret in Africa", look forward to "Somaliland the great African hope" Btw, both of u please check your blood pressures within the hour and pm me, I will determine if u r in danger of having a stroke when Somaliland is finally recognized.

Curious Case Of Somaliland By Richard W. Rahn — Washington — 06 January, 2005 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- What is Somaliland? Don't be embarrassed if you don't know. Very few people know, and that is the beginning of the problem. Somaliland is not Somalia, but is a part of what used to be Somalia — and it may or may not be an independent country. As you may recall, Somalia was the country in which the famous "Black Hawk down" incident (and later movie) occurred. Somaliland is on the Horn of Africa, surrounded by Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti and the Gulf of Aden. First, a little history: In the days when Africa was controlled by European colonists, there were three contiguous Somalias: French Somalia now known as Djibouti; British Somalia now known as Somaliland (but only by the Somalilanders); and Italian Somalia, now known as Somalia. In 1960, British Somaliland was granted independence, and was immediately recognized by 35 countries. Five days after British Somaliland became independent, Italian Somaliland also became independent, and the two merged into the Somalia Republic. The merger did not go well, but the country did hang together until 1969 when a military coup installed Gen. Mohammed Siad Barre as president. The Somalilanders chafed under the brutal rule of Barre, and they eventually developed an opposition movement to get rid of the Barre government. A full-scale civil war developed by 1988 that resulted in the deaths of more than 20,000 people and great devastation in Somaliland due to government bombing. The Barre government fell in 1991. Somaliland declared itself independent, and the rest of Somalia came under the control of various warlords. The resulting conflicts and starvation led to the U.S.intervention during the Clinton administration and then hasty withdrawal because of unexpected U.S. casualties amid continued chaos. To this day, Somalia remains a failed state whose government is only recognized by a handful of countries (all African). Anarchy is an apt description of the state of affairs in Somalia. Meanwhile, Somaliland worked its way toward creating a real government and at least a recognizable (if not perfect) democracy. In 2001, Somaliland held a referendum that approved a constitution and reaffirmed its independence. Ninety-seven percent of the voters approved the constitution, and two-thirds of eligible voters participated. There was a very close election in 2003 that the president only won by 80 votes (shades of Florida in 2000). The U.S. Independent Republican Institute (IRI), supported by the National Endowment for Democracy, has been assisting Somalilanders and their institutions in building a real democratic structure for the country — even though the United States and all other countries have not recognized Somaliland. Here we have a black African, moderate Islamic country with has a positive attitude toward the West, that protects women's rights, is willing to help in the war on terrorism, and is slowly building democratic and free market institutions, which is what we say we want. Yet, again it is important to repeat that no country has recognized Somaliland. How ironic. What is the problem? Somaliland's population is about 3.5 million, which makes it almost as large as Ireland. Its land area is as large as England and Wales (or Tennessee). It has oil and mineral resources, some good agricultural lands, and a good port. The problem is geopolitical reality. The U.S. and Britain are reluctant to recognize Somaliland before some of its African neighbors, because it is a breakaway state. Most African rulers are very reluctant to begin changing the borders of African countries because they fear where it might lead, even though they realize most of the borders were created arbitrarily by European colonialists. Though Somalia has no functional government, many Somalis argue Somaliland is part of Somalia. The Somalilanders ask why they must remain part of a dysfunctional state. Before the colonial period, there was no Somalia state, and Somaliland was under British rule for 80 years. They argue their situation is not really all that different from the Baltic States or the now independent countries that made up the former Yugoslavia. Without diplomatic recognition, Somaliland cannot join international trade organizations and has difficulty attracting foreign investment. The danger for the U.S., Britain and the other Western countries is their failure to recognize Somaliland will gain influence and power for radical Muslim elements there. Somaliland might be pulled back into the morass of Somalia, a terrorist breeding ground. American diplomats by nature tend to be cautious and are reluctant to appear to be rewarding breakaway states in Africa. However, it is the judgment of some of the diplomatic "Africa hands," who know the situation best, that the benefits of recognizing Somaliland far outweigh the potential costs of continued nonrecognition. The Bush and Blair administrations should come together and immediately recognize Somaliland to reward them for pursuing a constructive path toward free market democracy. If we do so, I would bet that, within a year, most other nations will have followed our lead. Richard W. Rahn is a senior fellow of the Discovery Institute and an adjunct scholar of the Cato Institute. http://www.whitesandvillage.com/ hargeysa's newest suburban neighborhood...get a house while they are still affordable

People I wish it was the state of Somaliland that was hunting down the war criminals, but its not. This is about few victims and the American law and societal standards. The current administration is not interested in bringing these criminals to justices, however some day the state of Somaliland must live up to its obligations to its citizens and seek justice for the past crimes through all avenues available.

Originally posted by HornAfrique: I'm assuming that if my experiences were laid side by side with yours, I would have suffered and seen more tragic things then you would have. There is this one picture that Qudhac showed about a non-relative boy/girl being burned, yet some of MY relatives were nailed to boards, had gas sprayed on them, and burned alive in Baidoa by reer Bay and Bakool. They escaped Muqdisho before us, and we couldn't even stop for them in Baidoa on our journey to Gedo, because Gen. Caydiid and his right-hand Shabeele were chasing us from behind, the reer Bay and Bakool were chasing us from northwestern side, and Col Jess from the southeastern side. I'm not trying make you feel sorry for or something, but EVERYBODY suffered sxb and the best course for us to forgive and forget and move on. Horn, You never cease to amaze me. The American human rights organization that has brought this case against these criminals did their homework and are experienced in this area, they are dedicated and have worked tirelessly to make certain that THEIR COUNTRY does not become a save haven for war criminals. Samatar was one of the most senior conspirators and decision makers in the fascist regimes genocidal campaign in Somaliland. Somaliland itself is OBLIGED and must some day hunt down the war criminals and bring them to justices, so I suggest u save your crocodile tears and wild analogies and your premature lectures on forgiveness until then. Kowneyn

Originally posted by wind.talker: ^^ True that. But Puntland is also about making sure the Hargeisa Club doesn't infringe on the rights and property of Sool, Sanaag & Buuhoodle District! That is yet to be determined. Now that the cabdillahi yusuf has his cake, he might eat it too . Now that he has his dream job, who knows we might be able to resolve the whole thing by non-military means after all .