what is the scope of this operation. are the ethiopians making permanent bases there or is it temporary. why didn't the tfg go by itself and straight thinks up in lower shabelle if the clowns have infilterated as you put it.

haye. how come the tfg administeration in the lower shabelle is not informed? perhaps your mistaking the tfg for the informats and translators they hired to help make thier pillage possible.

Maamulka Gobolka Sh/hoose oo shegay in aan lagu war galin Imaanshiyaha Ciidmada Ethiopia ee Gobolkasi. Submitted by wararka on Mon, 03/24/2008 - 12:09. Muqdisho.24 March. 08 (Sh.M.Network)- Maamulka Gobolka Sh/hoose ayaa shegay in aan Maamuliisa lagu war galin Imaanshiyaha Ciidmada Ethiopia ee Gobolkasi. Gudoomiyah Gobolka sh/hoose C/qaadir Shiikh Max’ed Nuur ayaa sheegay in illaa iyo haatan uunan ka war heeyn waxa ay Ciidamada u yimaadeen Magaalada Marka iyo xiliga ay sii joogayaan. “Ciidamada Ethiopianka Kormeer ayeey u socdaan wax dagaal ah ma doonayaan illaa iyo hadana nooma sheegin xiliga ay sii joogayaan kaliya in ay kormeer u socdaan ayeey nagu war galiyeen” ayuu yiri C/qaadir Shiikh Max’ed Nuur oo ah Gudoomiyah Gobolka Sh/hoose. In kasto ayan wax dhibaato ah ka dhicin magaalada Marka inta ay ku suganaayeen Ciidamada Ethiopianka isla markaana aysan wax dhib ah sameeyn ciidamada Ethiopianka ayaa hadana waxaa jira saameeyn xoogan oo laga dareemayo magaalada Marka Gudeheeda. Markii ay ciidamada Ethiopianka Soo gaareen Gudaha magaalada Marka ayaa waxaa guud ahaan istaagay dhaqdhaqaaqa Goobihii Ganacsi iyo iskuulaadka waxaana dadka ay faarujiyeen goobaha ay isgu imaan jireen ee faras magaalaha. Dadka ayaa si weeyn u hadal haya tagista ciidamada Ethiopia ee magaalada marka waxaana ay is weeydiinayaan waxa ay xiligan u soo degeen magaalada agagaarkeeda,talaabada ay qaadayaan iyo xiliga aya sii joogayaan. Somali they come unannouced, uninvited and they disturb the livelihood of the populace without any reason. they court the elders and moryans alike without the permission of the so called invitee (TFG). one wounders what to do about this menace?

"She remembers little of the escape or her recovery. She still can't use her right hand because of nerve damage from the beatings ."

the atrocities continue. ttp://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-survive23mar23,1,3999263,full.story From the Los Angeles Times Ethiopia war gets little attention Hundreds have died as ethnic Somali rebels fight for autonomy for the ****** region. Government troops are accused of indiscriminate killings. By Edmund Sanders Los Angeles Times Staff Writer March 23, 2008 NAIROBI, KENYA — The teenager awoke under a pile of corpses to a pricking sensation on her face. Ants were biting her eyelids and the inside of her mouth. The pain, however, brought relief to the 17-year-old. "I thought, 'I'm alive,' " Ridwan Hassan Sahid remembers. She felt blood oozing from rope burns around her neck and the weight of a body against her back. But fearing that the Ethiopian soldiers who had left her for dead in a roadside ditch would return, she quickly brushed away the ants and shut her eyes, then slipped back into unconsciousness. The brutal assault and her miraculous escape mark one of the most chilling stories to emerge from an unfolding tragedy in eastern Ethiopia that has largely escaped the attention of a world transfixed by the humanitarian crisis in neighboring Sudan's Darfur region. Ever since exiting colonialists arbitrarily stuck a triangle-shaped wedge of land with 4 million ethnic Somalis inside Ethiopia's border, violence and suffering have plagued the region. Now, many of them have been caught up in a war between the Ethiopian government and a separatist group known as the ****** National Liberation Front. Hundreds of civilians have been killed and tens of thousands were displaced in the last year alone, though exact figures are unknown because the area is remote and Ethiopian officials restrict access for humanitarian groups and journalists. Survivors such as Sahid offer the only glimpse of the tragedy. The petite young woman, who lives at a secret location, shared her story recently with The Times. Now 18, Sahid at times seems to be an average teen, picking absent-mindedly at her henna-stained fingernails and blushing when strangers express interest in her. But behind her soft brown eyes is a weariness that belies her age, and a necklace of scar tissue rings her throat where the rope cut into her skin. She recounts her ordeal without emotion. Only occasionally does her veneer crack long enough for a tear to roll down her check, which she self-consciously laughs off and wipes away. "I wonder sometimes," she says, "what kind of life I can have now." She grew up in the village of Qorile with eight siblings. The family, like most everyone else in the area, were semi-nomadic cattle and sheep herders. Ever since she can remember, Ethiopian authorities have been seen as the enemy. "We feel as if we are living under occupation," she says. "We grew up afraid of them." The ****** conflict dates to the 1940s, when, after World War II, European nations lost or began to relinquish their colonies in the Horn of Africa. After some years under British administration, ****** and surrounding areas were placed under Ethiopian control, but the decision was never accepted by the ethnic Somalis living there, spurring two wars between Ethiopia and Somalia and spawning a string of rebel movements seeking autonomy or unification with Somalia. Ethiopian officials accuse the ****** rebels of using terrorist tactics, including bombs, land mines and harassing the civilians it claims to represent. In April 2007, the rebels killed more than 70 people at a Chinese-run exploration facility in the region. The attack prompted what aid groups and witnesses call a heavy-handed response by the Ethiopian government. Troops are accused of burning down villages believed to be rebel havens, raping women, forcibly recruiting young men into government militias and imposing a commercial blockade that sent food prices and malnutrition rates soaring. "They used mass indiscriminate measures to collectively punish the entire population," Human Rights Watch researcher Leslie Lefkow said. Ethiopian officials deny any widespread human rights abuses and blame rebels for the violence. "They are working with internationally known terrorists," said Zemedkun Tekle, spokesman for Ethiopia's Information Ministry. Sahid says her family always tried to stay out of the fray: "We are not political people." But she found herself caught in the middle in July, when several hundred Ethiopian troops surrounded her village. Her father was away tending animals in the fields and her mother was shopping in a nearby town. Sahid was washing her face when soldiers kicked in the door that morning. "You are guerrillas," they shouted as they ransacked the house, stealing food and supplies, Sahid remembers. She escaped through a back door and huddled with other frightened villagers. Soon soldiers gathered them all at a well and read names from a list of "spies" and rebel sympathizers. "Nobody knew who would be selected, but you knew if your name was called, you would be killed," says Fathi Abdulla, 22, a cousin of Sahid who lives in the same village. Sahid froze when she heard her name called. She and 10 others were taken to the school, which became a makeshift prison for interrogation and torture. "They took us one by one," Sahid says. Soldiers accused her of taking supplies to rebels. They tied her hands and legs together behind her back. "They kicked me and stepped on my back," she says. "I told them that in my whole life, the only person I've ever helped was my mother." The next morning, Sahid and the other prisoners were marched for hours to another village. "They beat us like animals when we couldn't keep up," she says. "Mentally, I was already dead. I was just waiting to die." Arriving at the village, Sahid says, she watched as soldiers looted the town and burned down all the huts. That night, none of the prisoners slept, fearing what the next day would bring. At daybreak, without explanation, soldiers began executing them, Sahid says. Two villagers were hanged from trees. Two others were choked with metal rods and rope. Sahid was the last attacked. She remembers hearing the others scream and beg for mercy, but couldn't move or make a sound herself. "At that point, I was like a tree. I had no feeling. I was like a statue." Two soldiers ordered her into the ditch, but she refused. Finally one pounced, choking Sahid with a metal rod used to clean guns. They struggled for a minute, but she did not lose consciousness and the soldier gave up. Next, two exasperated soldiers grabbed the girl and tied a rope around her neck. They pulled in different directions until she collapsed into the ditch. The next thing Sahid recalls are the ants. The midday sun was beating down and she felt disoriented. Blood flowed from her nose and neck. Her legs were trapped under a man's naked body. She says she closed her eyes again, uncertain whether she would live or die. Back in her village, friends and family formed a search party, following the soldiers' footprints. They expected to recover nothing more than bodies. After several hours of walking, they encountered a group of nomads who told them about a nearby field with some bodies. Remarkably, they said, a young girl was still alive. "We rushed to the place," Abdulla says. The scene was grisly. Two men hung from nooses in a tree. Other victims lay naked, with belts and ropes still around their necks. Sahid was in the ditch, under two bodies. "As we came closer, she opened her eyes and looked at us! We were so shocked." They moved her under a tree, but feared she would soon die. They buried the bodies and awaited help. Eventually camels were brought and friends began a weeks-long journey to secretly move Sahid out of the country. She remembers little of the escape or her recovery. She still can't use her right hand because of nerve damage from the beatings. With an uncertain future, Sahid spends most days indoors. Venturing outside sometimes brings panic attacks. She says the quiet moments are the hardest to bear. "Whenever I sit for even a minute, I draw my mind back to those events. And I start to cry."

****** – the African Kosovo ready for Independence Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis March 12, 2008 If a parallel can be drawn between Europe in the 1990s and Africa in the 2000s, this concerns the totalitarian Serb administration of Milosevic´s Yugoslavia and the tyrannical Amhara – Tigray regime of Meles Zenawi´s Abyssinia. In the same way the Serbs subjugated Montenegrins, oppressed Macedonians, tyrannized Slovenes, massacred Croats, executed Bosnians, and butchered Albanian Kosovars in Milosevic´s Yugoslavia, the Amhara and Tigray criminal elites of Abyssinia still slaughter ******is, murder Oromos, kill Afars, massacre Sidamas, execute Anuaks, exterminate Shekachos, eliminate Kaffas, annihilate Agaws, decimate Kambatas, and assassinate Wolayitas indiscriminately. Two reactionary and inhuman monarchies: Serbia and Abyssinia Yugoslavia was a colonial structure formed during the 1912 – 1918 illegal expansion of the tiny Serbian monarchy at the prejudice of many non-Serb nations of the Balkans. Similarly, Abyssinia was a tiny, barbaric, and otherwise isolated kingdom that expanded at the prejudice of many Horn of Africa nations during the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Oppressed nations never accepted the Serb and Abyssinian tyrannies The colonial expansion of Serbia and the formation of the kingdom of Yugoslavia were never accepted by the subjugated Balkan nations that were never consulted about their fate. The destiny of the Albanian Kosovars, the Slovenes, the Croats, the Bosnians, the Macedonians, the Montenegrins, the Sanjakis and the Voivodinians was decided in battlefields where these nations were not present and in irrelevant conferences where their representatives were not convoked. Similarly, the colonial expansion of Abyssinia and the farcical formation of the bogus-´Ethiopian´ state were never recognized by the oppressed African nations that were never asked whether they agreed to belong in the barbaric, inhuman, and unholy tyranny of the cannibalistic pseudo-kings Menelik and Haile Selassie. The destiny of the Oromos, the ******i Somalis, the Afars, the Sidamas, the Agaws, the Anuaks, the Shekachos, the Kaffas, the Kambatas, the Wolayitas and others was decided in battlefields where these ancient and noble nations faced only part of their enemies, the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian soldiers. Hidden behind them were the Anglo-French colonial empires that helped tremendously the barbaric and criminal Abyssinian pseudo-kings by providing them with weapons, technological know how, military and diplomatic advisers, and by offering them international coverage for the inexcusable genocides they performed. Anglo-French colonials incited both, Serbs and Abyssinians Serbia´s expansion in the Balkans did not correspond to the needs of the subjugated nations but to the Anglo-French interests against Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire primarily, and Germany and Russia secondarily. Similarly, Abyssinia´s expansion in the Horn of Africa, a vast area to which the mountainous Amharas and Tigrays have always been totally alien, did not relate to the interest of the invaded lands and the conquered nations but to the Anglo-French interests against Italy, major rival of both England and France in the wider Horn of Africa region. Without knowing it, the illiterate pseudo-king Menelik merely played the part. Albanian Kosovars & ******i Somalis: the most ancient nations in their lands More particularly, a comparison between Kosova and ****** helps us realize the similarity of the two cases; in the same way the Serbs, as a Slavic nation, are very different from the Albanians, the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians, a Semitic people originating from Yemen, are totally dissimilar from the ******i Somalis, an Eastern Kushitic historical nation of Africa. As descendants of the Ancient Illyrians, the modern Albanian Kosovars antedate the presence of the Serbs in the wider Balkan area; similarly, archeological and textual evidence testifies to uninterrupted presence of Somali Kushitic populations in the wider Horn of Africa region for about four (4) millennia. Abyssinians crossed the Bab el Mandeb straits of the Red Sea in the middle of the 1st millennium BCE. The rise of the oldest Abyssinian kingdom in the coastland around Massawa and the mountains around Yeha and Axum comes after more than 1500 years of Somali Kushitic existence and radiation of the Kingdom of Punt nearby the Cape Guardafui. Serbs may have controlled Kosova for a brief period before many centuries, but the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians never invaded ****** in the past. 20th century Serb and Abyssinian colonial tyrannies In the 20th century, the Serbs invaded Kosova in 1912 when the majority of the local population was already Albanian. And the Abyssinians were undeservedly invited by the departing British colonials to illegally occupy ****** in various stages between 1948 and 1955. The Serbian nationalism is responsible for the terrible oppression of the Albanian Kosovars, the extensive practice of racist policies, involving ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural discrimination. And the Amhara –Tigray Abyssinian chauvinism became the reason of even worse harassment, persecution, and massacres of the ******i Somalis. The Neo-Nazi nature of the Milosevic and Zenawi / Kinijit theories In the same way the Serb nationalism consists of a rude amalgamation of racial ideology, falsified history and religious fanaticism, the Abyssinian Neo-Nazi ideological system involves a vulgar attempt to establish a fallacious version of African History, to desecrate the beliefs and the practices of the terrorized ******is, and to impose concepts and ideas pertaining to the most execrable form of racial supremacism. The existence of these theories, systems, regimes and parties is a great shame for our times. Happy end for Kosova The Serb oppression took its most painful and shameful form in the last years of the Milosevic regime. Then, the international involvement under US leadership terminated the Serbian totalitarian regime, the UN and EU got deeply involved in peacekeeping and setting up the basic socioeconomic structures in view of the by now proclaimed and formally recognized Republic of Kosova. The Serbian totalitarian and racist ´dream´ for a Serb-led Yugoslavia ended in the ashes of Belgrade. The agony of the righteous Albanian Kosovars proved to be mightier than the criminal state machine of the Serbs. Imperative Need for US-led Liberation of ****** This is to be now implemented in ******. The US administration had the opportunity to appreciate the warm feelings of the Muslim Kosovars, when the US sided with the Right. This may also happen in ******. The best African basis for America will certainly be located in the liberated ******. The same feelings shared by millions of Muslim Albanians in Kosova will characterize the righteous, tortured ******is. It would suffice for the State Department to hire a pertinent replacement of ***. Secretary Jendayi Frazer, a visionary American diplomat who would demand Peace, Freedom and Respect for Human Rights in ******. A UN Security Council resolution would be the means of expressing altruism and devotion to the undeservedly abandoned for too long ******is. If Russia opposed America´s righteous choice in the Balkans, ****** is the battlefield where America will win over China, attracting all oppressed African peoples´ sympathies and friendship. With the deployment of US, UN and African soldiers on the borderline between ****** and the rest the disreputable colonial relic of Abyssinia – fallaciously re-baptized ´Ethiopia´ –, the Cause of Democracy will have been promoted as never before in the Black Continent. And it will be an irrevocable honor for Americans, permanently devoted to the Founding Fathers´ Principles, to have terminated on African soil what they first proved able to eliminate in America itself: the spectrum of racism, the Poison of the Most Venomous Serpent.

^^^"There is not a sane Somali that doesn't know that Ethiopia is sabotaging every effort we make towards peace and reconciliation" i guess you said it all. no need to Waste time on peace as long as ethiopia is in somali soil.

What proof do you General Duke, that the opposition killed the Imam? Talk specifically about this incident, because the oppostion themselves have said the TFG killed the Imam.

^^^ i didn't know this guy was a muslim.it is kind strange, you think you would've herd it on the conservatives radio waves. i wonder if he is going to be sworn in on the quran? that is sort of litmus test. wish him the best of luck in the next election.

its good to show sympathy and it is the least a muslim person can do for another, but i encourage you brother/sisters to take the next step. Best thing to do to help these people is to take these concrete steps. To Individuals, Local Human Rights, and Humanitarian Organization. ****** Rescue Committee request individuals, local human right and humanitarian organization to support its efforts to promote and improve the human rights cause in the ******, and recommends the following. ****** Rescue Committee asks UNHCR provides necessary shelter protection and maintenance to the Somali refugees from the ******. Ask your government exert pressure on Ethiopia, Somaliland and Puntland administrations to improve their human rights record. i suspect many sol members to have a good close connection with somaliland and puntland administrations and i encourage you to exert direct pressure on your respective administrations so these people may have way out of ethiopias brutal grip. We urge that all political prisoners be either immediately and unconditionally released or charged with recognized criminal offences, and give fair trials, and to give unrestricted and regular access to their family members and other international organisations. Ask your government to support efforts to appoint a UN Special repporteur on human rights as well as sending an independent fact-finding mission to the ****** in order to prevent more human right violations in the country. Hanqadh

HEADLINE: ****** rebels claim battlefield gains over Ethiopian troops Text of report by Ethiopian opposition Radio Freedom audio website on 8 March Radio Freedom correspondent in the ****** [all places in southeastern Ethiopia] has sent us a report on many battles in which harm was inflicted upon colonial Ethiopian troops. The battles occurred as follows: On 5 March 2008, three soldiers were killed and three others were wounded after a sneak attack against colonial troops based in Kore in the district of Aware. On 4 March 2008, one soldier was killed and two others were wounded in a surprise attack on colonial troops in Jugle, Kebri Dehar. On 3 March 2008, three colonial soldiers were killed and five others were wounded in a surprise attack in Gabagabo. On 2 March 2008, nine colonial soldiers were killed and seven others were wounding in a battle that occurred in Idadow in Segag. On the same date, five colonial soldiers were killed and four others were wounded in a sneak in Bolka Garbo. On 1 March 2008, a unit of the ONLA [****** National Liberation Army] carried out a well-planned nocturnal attack against colonial troops in Galalshe, killing 27 soldiers and wounding 19 others. The soldiers were in line when they were attacked. On the same date 25 colonial soldiers were killed and 16 others were wounded in a fierce battle that occurred in Gol-Dhabiley in the district of Garbo. Also on the same date a nocturnal attack was launched against colonial troops stationed in Lahelow. Details of losses inflicted upon them were unavailable. On 28 February 2008, two colonial soldiers were killed and another was wounded in an attack that took place in Landher in Segag. On 27 February 2008, a nocturnal attack was launched against colonial troops in Bodha-Waysaley in Garbo. One colonial soldier was killed and another was wounded in the attack. On 26 February 2008, an ONLA unit mounted a nocturnal attack against colonial troops stationed in Shilabo town, inflicting unspecified losses on upon them. On 24 February 2008, a fierce battle occurred at a place called Genyo-Eri in Duhun district. Thirteen colonial soldiers were killed and seven others were wounded. Source: Radio Freedom, Voice of the ******i People audio website in Somali 8 Mar 08 March 10, 2008 BBC Monitoring

^^^true you would find dabaqodhi in every society. The land of widows, and orphans: The land of ****** Mar 08, 2008 First Lieutenant Abraha’s ‘Decisive’ Measures By Abdullahi Dahir Moge First Lieutenant Abraha, the commander of the army in ******, was in no mood for mercy or compromise. If they had to celebrate their ‘silly Eid’ of the end of Ramadan, it is not my business, he thought. Indeed, if he has to teach them a lesson on how hard losing a comrade is, it couldn’t have come at a better time. Last night, as he oversaw the burial ceremony of the fallen Tigrayan compatriots, his heart bled. Someone will have to pay dearly! He is not a judge or a priest to take the time to ascertain who is innocent or guilty! He is a soldier. And, a 'fine' one for that! He always believed they are all the same — 'yaw nachaw'; his catch word. All the Somali’s! Leboch (thieves)! Until now, Abdi, who is a lame man, has escaped the suspicion of the Tigrayan military. However, the killing of six senior army intelligence officers by unidentified gunmen last night in front of the plot of land where he sells imported second-hand clothes muddied the waters. A week ago, when two soldiers were ambushed and killed near the main motorized water well in the center of the town, the army commander responded by heading straight to the house of the district chairman, Omar-Dahir, and putting ten bullets in his skull in front of his children. He later justified his soldier’s actions in the joint security meeting with the ‘civilian’ administrators; stating that he had 'evidence' of the chairman's involvement in the ambush. No one dared to question his 'evidences.' In the mud house of Amran, apart from the Eid (holiday), the jubilation was for one more reason. It was at the dawn of the same day that she finally delivered a health baby girl after long hours of labouring. Nim'o was born on that Thursday, a day of feast and happiness. Hours later, Abraha was addressing the over two hundred men who were praying in garoonka, a vast area enclosed for Eid prayers. These men were the last ones leaving the scene, having done their Salat (prayers), when they were surrounded by three land cruiser pick-up trucks full of soldiers. Stay put where you are; one soldier ordered-before Abraha majestically jumped out of the cabin of one of the cars. He made a speech. "Listen! Ye Somale shimagilewooch (Somali elders!). Last night, six of our bravest fighters — flag-bearers — of the "generation that rocked mountains," who played pivotal role in defeating the 'cannibal' Derg army, were killed by your sons. I don't care if they are called URLF, or GST, or Al-Itahaad or Al-Mubaarakat! I am in no mood to indulge in etymology of weird acronyms and Arabic nouns. They are all Somali's. You know them and you supply information, money and moral support to them. Now, I give you an ultimatum: produce the killers right here, or no one is walking from this sun alive." He was not finished. "When one of your own is killed by another, you find out and take revenge or settle the issue through reparations. When one of our men is killed, all of a sudden you play deaf and dumb. That is not going to work anymore." After 'soaking up' the sun for nearly three hours, with Abraha taking shade under one of the vehicles, one frail old man stood and spoke, trembling. "I think we have seen many governments before. We have also witnessed similar incidents. But this is the first time that, on a day of mammoth significance to us, we are forced to sit under the sun and confess 'crimes' which a) we don't know who did, b) we haven't done, and c) even if we knew, we could have done nothing to stop it." The old man was agitated. "Is this fair? What kind of justice is this? What kind of humans are you when you don't respect men in their seventies and eighties who just concluded a tough holly month; and for your information, haven't eaten since this morning? It is already 3 in the afternoon and our children are waiting to share the Eid with us. Order your 'intelligence folks' to investigate and let us go to our homes." First, Lt. Abraha stepped forward and caught the left ear of the old man with a vicious slap. "Quch bel (sit down)" he ordered him. The old man fell to the ground well before the order. As he walked back to his car, he told the 'hostages,': "Fine. I see you have decided to protect your darlings. You can go now. I know what to do. Tayalaachu (you will see it)." The dust of his speeding vehicles dirtied some white dresses close by as he dashed to the military camp. That afternoon, Abraha took out a piece of paper and asked all the members of the district executive committee to name the most influential personalities in their sub-clans. When the list reached forty-eight, he was satisfied. For each of the Tigrayan 'hero' murdered, he will kill eight Somalis. Of course, some might spoil his plan if they 'buy themselves out' of the death sentences. That is, if they pay ten thousand Birr each. If that happens, the monetary gain will offset some of his disappointment, as long as a minimum of twenty are killed. In retrospect, it is still unbelievable how Amran’s husband, Abdi, hadn’t heard of what virtually everyone in town knew about. That the army commander, Lt. Abraha, mentioned his name in a recent meeting as the 'number one' conduit and supplier of information to the rebels. Almost everyone in town who heard of this news rushed to warn him. The first was his elder brother, who whispered to him, "Wait for me till I finish my prayers, I have a piece of information for you." But Abdi completely forgot this message as he limped off hurriedly to the main market to get supplies to the new mother and her baby. When his brother was done with prayers, and saw that he is not around, he dashed to the only market where he knew he would find him. He wasn't there. Instead, he opted to spend time with few Eid revelers. Abdi’s friend, who knew that his friend is in danger, thought he can wait until next day. He was of the opinion that he shouldn’t dampen his sprits on this important day. Even Halima, Abdi’s younger sister, who was sent by a member of the district administration, a sympathetic fellow clans-man, to warn her brother, couldn’t deliver the message. She had a bad week with her fiancée, and when he insisted that she must see him, she never thought it would take her that long. By the time she was done and came out of her lover’s tiny house, Abdi had already been picked up. They got him near his house just after sun set, as he walked to his house to deliver clothes and food stuffs he bought for his wife and the new baby. He must have been coming, most likely, from Habiib’s house — his neighbour — where he was watching latest news from the lonely satellite dish in the town. Half-a-dozen soldiers suddenly stopped him. They didn’t produce any warrant, nor did they say a word. They pushed and shoved him, and took him away. He begged them to let him see his new baby; but quickly gave up as one of the soldiers hit his groin with the butt of the gun he was carrying. Amran is not mystic and doesn’t believe in presentiments and ominous auguries. If she did, the falling of Abdi’s shirt three times from the nail on the wall of her room could have given her a critical hint. She was surprised, but she took it as one of many 'inexplicable experiences' she encountered all her life. The Commander, Abraha, knows he had ordered the execution of twenty-six of the men arrested that night. And had it not been for the wicked 'ingenuity' of his deputy, the diminutive Takle, he would have displayed all of the dead bodies. Takle suggested that fourteen of them be strangled to death and their bodies buried inside the camp. Unlike his bullish boss, Takle is more calculative and cunning. But his meanness and barbarism is unmatched by any in his regiment. His undisguised hypertrophic sense of 'gallantry' is annoying to most of his subordinates, as well. Displaying the dead will satisfy his burning desire for revenge, in addition to the ‘terror’ that it will send down the spine of the 'coward' Somali's. Hiding the rest of the dead will quell the feeling of desperation that could result in an outburst of violence, and will serve the purpose of extorting extra 'income' from anxious family members. Three months after the Eid, the fortunate ones who cheated death by the grace of God, came out one after another to the hug and cries of their beloved families. Amran and Abdi's family stood there for hours waiting patiently. All in all, the numbers of men who walked out of the military camp were fourteen. If all twenty-six ordered executions were carried out that Ciid night, there will still be eight more men an accounted for. To date, no one can tell where they are. The army that took them didn’t offer any explanation, not only about them, but also about those buried en mass in undisclosed location. Dr. Roble is not a psychiatrist, but a general practitioner. Yet, the enormity and diversity of health problems in this small town turned him into 'a doctor for all.' He just can’t sit back and protest it is not his area of specialization whenever desperate villagers bring all kinds of patients into his two-room pharmacy/clinic. He does his best, and the community is grateful. When they brought Amran to him, nearly a year after that eventful Thursday, she had already lost her sanity. They told him that she looked for her husband in all the jails of the country, in vain. Amran's account of that 'epoch of lunacy' is different, as she told her brother-in-law when she brought Nim'o for medical treatment thirteen years later. She says she saw her husband walking in the street and run after him to tell him how much pain she has gone through while he was away. She says, she is sure that it was him. Those that witnessed the incident in which she threw away her toddler and run bare-footed into the traffic in Harar say they saw no one in the direction she ran to. She still claims that every night, analogues to the character in James Joyce's Finnegan's wake, her sub-conscious "breaks open" as she sleeps, Abdi walks in silently, and then they would have a fabulous time together. That is why she dislikes the crow of cocks in the early morning, which "puts back together" her skull in the morning. In Gabriel Garcia Marquez's acclaimed novel, Love in the time of Cholera, the lovesick Florentino Ariza, at one point conflated his physical agony with his amorous agony; when he vomits after eating flowers in order to imbibe Farmina's scent — his love who is happily married to the respectable medical doctor, Dr. Urbino. The novel is a tale of unrequited love that explores the idea that suffering for love is a kind of nobility. In a bizarre analogy, Amran, in this desolate town in Hawd, finds similar solace from knowing all her misery is for her lost husband. Florentino Ariza lived long enough in that fifty-year love triangle, to share moments of happiness with the widow Farmina after the tragic death of her beloved husband. The societal view that love is a young person's prerogative, when indeed they were now ebbing to their last days, was the only drawback to their enthralling tale. Amran finds happiness in the fantasy realm of her own imagination. Only in that mystical world does her passionate heart overwhelm her passionless mind. For her, "in the beginning was the love-not the thought." All the real word offers to her is the glaring tragedy of her "loss", of the promising days that never materialized, of the deprived joy of lifetime with the irreplaceable Abdi; and that awakes her to the odour of putrefaction inside her. She views accepting the endless "you can't kill yourself like this," and "keep up your spirits, life goes on" advices of well-wishers as being tantamount to profanation of the purity of her love to her late husband. Cruelly, that augurs an uncertain future to her. So, she neither listens nor adheres to it. Long ago, she has forfeited the temptations of carnality, and opted to live in the 'spiritually rewarding' world of madness. It doesn't matter what she argues, and in the definition of this society, she is a 'mentally unfit' women. Sadly for her, that is also the judgment of the last psychiatrist who saw her. He said, if she follows medication properly and lowers her stress, the frequency of the lapses she encounters would reduce. It is only Amran who still buys into that story of the unaccounted 'eight'. She believes her man is alive somewhere. "I know he is," she murmurs indignantly whenever they tell her to "move on." Poor pitiful woman! Her daughter also doesn't refer to her father as "the late." When she has to talk about him, it is "my missing" father. Since the day she started identifying the good from the evil, she vowed not to celebrate any Eid. When her peers ask her when she shall dance with them, she replies, when my father comes back! Amran's misery is not something that was done purposely to spoil her life. She is too insignificant to have been targeted. Her crime is more like the young princes who had to be butchered trying to get through the thorn-hedge that surrounded the proverbial sleeping beauty, just because they had the bad luck to be born before her hundred-year curse expired. Amran had the bad luck to have been born to the arid land of acacia and camels of Hawd (******) where a militia of an 'angry' tribe descended on and decided to 'rule' — or rather misrule — by the barrel of the gun. She is even more wretched, as 'her curse' — unlike that of the sleeping beauty — is indefinite. Neither the 'good fairy', which made the princess sleep, nor the prince’s son who would kiss and awaken her, are guaranteed to come for her emancipation. That grisly Eid-day, when women’s wailing and ear-piercing cries replaced the customary cheers and rhymes of hope and ecstasy, left a panoptic memory of pain in the minds of all those who had the misfortune to witness it. It left a picture of the savagery of the 'devil' in the skin of a human, and of an endless suffering of the 'cursed people'. That day's ordeal was too horrific even by the standards of the land of widows, and orphans!! The land of ******. ———————— The writer can be reached at moogedahas2008@yahoo.com

HIDDEN IN PLAIN VIEW THE FORGOTTEN PLIGHT OF ****** REFUGEES IN THE EASTERN AFRICA Displacement of ****** nationals Today, because of state sponsored violence, and a century long protracted ethnic-based conflict, the people of ****** are internally displaced and are forced to flee from their homes. It is important to note, unfortunately, this had happened too many times. Just like what is happening right know, massive displacement of people and mass exodus from the ******. The 1977 Somali – Ethiopian war reeked havoc in this region. After this war, there was a mass exodus from this region into neighbouring countries in the Horn of Africa. And there were thousands of people who ended up in refugee camps in Somalia. For instance, there were no less than ten refugee camps in Northern Somalia, and five refugee camps in Central Somalia. In 1991 when the Somali state totally collapsed, and the Somali civil war erupted these refugees were once again forced to repatriate into ******. However, a large number of them fled to Kenya and to seek refugee status again under the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in northern Kenya. Many of them switched their nationality and claimed to be Somali nationals after they arrive in northern Kenya refugee camps due to the following reasons: - *The discouragement by UNHCR for the registration of non Somalis new asylum seekers *Fear of persecution from the Kenya government since there were good political relation between Kenya and Ethiopia. *Lack of education towards our people, who do not understand the importance of record keeping Discrimination against ****** Refugees /Asylum Seekers in Dadaab/Nairobi Members of the ****** community who were victims of human right abuses find their way to the eastern Africa refugee camps specially those at Dadaab refugee camps. A large number of them who smuggled themselves in, all the way to Dadaab refugee camps were subjected to discrimination, fear of persecution and stress. Asylum seekers under go a long time, Refugees Determination Test (RDS) under the UNHCR; this may take as long as two years without and any other humanitarian assistance. Moreover, quiet significant numbers were given rejection letters sending them into disbelief and distress, this was not applied to other asylum seekers i.e. Somalis. A survey and interviews conducted by ****** rescue committee (O.R.C) on July 2006 in Dadaab refugee camps shows statistic of asylum seekers known as the Bahaane ( the hungry) were denied recognition as a refugees. Some even posses vital document in support of their claims for Refugee Determination Status and proved their nature of origin but an unexpectedly give rejection letters, a number of them have physical injuries and traumas that were inflicted upon them by the brutal regime. ****** refugees in Dadaab refugee camps are being discriminated by UNHCH on the bases of benefiting from the beneficial programmes offered to the registered refugees in the camps i.e. Resettlement, Scholarship, Minority groups programmes, Social service programmes, rape cases and registration of new arrivals. In 2001, ****** asylum seekers arrived at Nairobi UNHCR Branch office for their refugee’s status, since there was registration exercise taking place, but a number of them were given rejection letters after their Determination Test, with no farther explanation as to why they had been denied their rights. Habiba Aden Korane 42, is one a good example of ****** single women of asylum seekers who had suffered in the hands of the Ethiopian army after she was detained in 1998 in Godey town of ******, International Red Cross Committee (I.C.R.C) Delegation had visited her in the cell at Godey, and facilitated her release and hence documented it, (please see attached document). Habiba happened to be one of the asylum seekers who came to Nairobi, Branch office in Nairobi and was as well denied recognition, Habiba possessed her ICRC document and with a broken arm that clearly shows her physical injuries which she tried to explain to the UNHCR officer interviewing her case. Habiba is now desperately living in Garissa slums after she failed to live in the harsh living condition in Nairobi, with less hope in her life. There are other scores of similar cases. ****** nationals were also denied other programmes like scholarship and settlement that were offered to other refugees by the UNHCR branch office. This was not applied to other refugees. However, on 2004, a huge influx of asylum seekers were totally denied registration at the Nairobi branch office compared to the other Ethiopian ethnic communities I.e. Amharas, Oromos, Gambelas ,etc, simply because they could not be differentiated between them and other Somalis by UNHCR, Somalis were scheduled to register at Dadaab refugee camps. Persecution of Somalis from the ****** in Hargeysa. Somalis from the ****** region who fled from Ethiopia government unceasing infringement on their basic human rights are being persecuted in Somalia (Somaliland, Puntland and TFG Area), where they are constant imprisoned, tortured and then handed over to the Ethiopian government in exchange for ammunition, materials or simply to prove loyalty, cooperation and friendship to Ethiopia. Nevertheless, in the past 12 years many Somalis from the ****** were detained, tortured, their properties confiscated and then handed over to the Ethiopian government against their will, in exchange for ammunition and other materials. Most of them were traders, residents and visitors, who were not involved in any illegal activities and have no any political affiliation whatsoever. On 31st July1996, three Somalis from ****** were detained in Hargeysa, while they were visiting their relatives in the area. On 20th October, 1996, they were handed over to the Ethiopian government against their will. On September 2nd 2005, 28 detainees have been brought before the Hargeysa Court, to examine their cases and the court acquitted them, ordering their immediate release for lack of evidence. However, the police and the public prosecutor, in defiance of the court order, returned them to their respective cells which consequently lead to the death of two detainees in custody. (Please find their names) Hiis Musse Jamaa was subjected to extensive physical and psychological torture in Hargeysa Central Jail. He was denied medical treatment and died in his cell in September 2005. Ahmed Mohamud Hussein died in Hargeysa central jail on December 30 2005, due to unsaid circumstance. On April 10th 2002, a large number of Somalis from the ****** were rounded up and detained without charges, Hargeysa, by Somaliland and Ethiopian security forces. Many of them were transferred to Baligubadle a border village between the ****** and Northwest Somalia – and were handed over to the Ethiopian government forcefully. On November 30th 2003, Somalis from the ****** were arrested and their properties confiscated, in Hargeysa, following raids conducted by Somaliland militia and Ethiopian security forces. The detainees were humiliated and beaten up, and were held in incommicado detention, On April 10th 2002, a large number of Somalis from the ****** were rounded up and detained without charges in Hargeysa by Somaliland and Ethiopian security forces. In Galkacayo, Puntland, on May 05th 2007, members of the Ethiopian forces killed Gurey Abdullah Tababi and Khadar Hassan Tamin both civilians from the ******. No reason was give for their assassination. Scores of civilians from the ****** who fled from the Ethiopian atrocities are also been held in harsh conditions without charges or trail in Bosaso prison, Puntland. ****** Refugees Faces Roundup, Killings and Deportation in Somalia. Since December, 2007 after the occupation of Ethiopian Military in Somalia in support of the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) have caused havoc to the ****** Refugees. Right groups and other international organizations i.e. ****** Human Right Committee (OHRC) has constantly reported on the said issue. Report by OHRC says refugees are fleeing to the neighbouring countries after arrest, killings and forcible deportation by the Somali authorities and handed over to the Ethiopian troops. The news released by the Voice of America (VOA) bureau in Nairobi says ethnic Somalis are escaping Ethiopian government crackdown. The report indicates that the Somali authorities are trading and capturing refugees in return of ammunition and other materials or simply prove loyalty and friendship to Ethiopia. Senior Ethiopian government official Bereket Simon denied the allegation in an interview made by the VOA’S Peter Heinlein, Bereket says those arrested were terrorist, “we have detained terrorist groups, this is normal, he said, we will do it again if we got the chance, I do not think we should be denied the rights to defend ourselves”. There are other numerous incidents that occur in different parts of Somalia that are not able to be documented in any local or international human right organization. Kenya Illegally Arrests and Renders ****** Somalis to Ethiopia[n] Military in Somalia On December 31st 2006, the Kenyan government have arrested Bashir Ahmed Makhtal, a Canadian citizen, age 42, Makhtal returned to Somalia about four years ago run his business. Abdi Abdullahi Osman, a Somali citizen age 41, Ali Afii Jamaa a Somali citizen age 33 and Hussein aw Noor Guraase age 35. The above victims were all born in the ******, and all merchants trading on second hand clothing in the Horn of Africa. Those four ****** nationals were held in Kenyan custody for three weeks without properly being charged with any offence. They were interrogated by Kenya officials without the presence of their lawyers, or Canadian Embassy officials for Mr. Makhtal who holds a valid Canadian passport. Mr. Makhtal was denied access to the Canadian High Commission for the two weeks, but on January 15th 2007, Mr. Makhtal was granted brief visit with a Canadian High Commission officials. On January 21st 2007, 1pm, all the above four ****** nationals with other large number of Somali nationals were flown to Somalia from Kenyatta International Airport, by private charted air craft, African Express airliner. Upon arrivals at Mogadishu International Airport all the detainees were illegally handed over to the Ethiopian Army in Somalia, the Ethiopians army are in Somalia to back the Somali transitional Government. Given that that those are ****** Somalis they were tortured and subjected to other kinds of cruelty on the basis of their Clan/Ethnical identity. 0n February 2007, all the above four ******s were moved to Ethiopia where they are currently detained under the harsh condition with tortured and subjection of all kinds of cruelty on the basis of their Clan/Ethnical identity. Mr. Makhtal is now detained in Makalawi military barrack prison in Addis Ababa. To Individuals Local Human Rights and Humanitarian Organization ****** Rescue Committee request individuals, local human right and humanitarian organization to support its efforts to promote and improve the human rights cause in the ******, and recommends the following. ****** Rescue Committee asks UNHCR provides necessary shelter protection and maintenance to the Somali refugees from the ******. Ask your government exert pressure on Ethiopia, Somaliland and Puntland administrations to improve their human rights record. We urge that all political prisoners be either immediately and unconditionally released or charged with recognized criminal offences, and give fair trials, and to give unrestricted and regular access to their family members and other international organisations. Ask your government to support efforts to appoint a UN Special repporteur on human rights as well as sending an independent fact-finding mission to the ****** in order to prevent more human right violations in the country. Hanqadh

^^^ Ethiopia is not abusing them because it thinks them as "its own people" but precisely because it knows that they are not its own people. Brother/Sister that is precisely why ethiopia is subjugating these innocent people so mercilously. they wish to eradicate and done away with them. cadawtinimadha etiopia waa mid aad uu qoto dheer. the somali character coupled with the religion of islam, they fear, is the ingredients to the extinction of their very existance. they think and approach problems in a very perimitive ways. you have seen what they have have done in moqdishu the past couple of weeks. here check it out similarly that is what they have been doing and still doing in ******ia today.

the 9th of March, 2008 Khadkii Telefonada ee Jigjiga oo la jarey March 09, 2008 Wararka ka imanaya magaalada Jigjiga ayaa sheegaya in doraad wadooyinka magaalada la soo dhoobey Ciidamo aad u badan, kuwaas oo xayirey dhamaan isu socodka ganacsiga ee magaalada. Ciidamadan ayaa waxaa lagu sii dhexdaayey bulshada dhexdeeda iyaga oo xabsiga dhigayey qofkii aanan haysan waraaqaha aqoonsiga. Sidoo kale, waxaa isla doraad la jarey dhamaan khadka Telefonada ee Magaalada. Dhinaca kale, waxaa aad looga soo calaacalayaa xaalada abaareed ee saamaysay shacabka dalka oo dhan, haba ugu darnaato biyo la aani. Sida warku sheegayo waxay Ciidamada Itoobiya hor istaageen booyado biyaha ka ganacsada oo doonaya in ay dadka tabaaleysan biyaha ka iibiyaan. Halkii Foosto ee biyo ah ayaa hadii la helo waxay magaalada Dhagaxbuur ka maraysaa 30 Bir. --****** Online News

the 9th of March, 2008 Garabaciise businesses Looted March 09, 2008 Reports reaching our service desk from Garabciise indicate massive looting of businesses in the town. Most of the business looted belonged to ****** Somalis. The looting is said to have been organized and carried out by the Ethiopian military. The objective is said to forcefully remove the local Somali entrepreneurs from the environs of the road that connects Djibouti and Addis Ababa. Garbciise is a business town. Locals familiar with the business in the town estimate the value of the businesses there at around one hundred million Birs. This looting follows mass murder carried out recently by the Ethiopian military in the town of Cambule, which is also in the vicinity of the road between Djibouti and Addis Ababa. So far eyewitnesses confirmed the detention of up to 37 civilians. 25 of these 37 are said to have already been transferred to Addis Ababa. Only 12 remain in the Havana prison in Jig Jiga --****** Online News

update: massacre continues. the 9th of March, 2008 Ethiopians carry out mass murder in Cambule March 09, 2008 Reports reaching our service desk from the town of Cambule confirm mass murder carried out by the Ethiopian military and the local Somali police. Cambule is on the paved road between Djibouti and Addis Ababa. Credible sources within the Ethiopian government confirmed that Meles Zenawi, the head of the Ethiopian ruling clique, personally ordered the mass murder carried out by the Ethiopians. A venerable resident of the town confirmed that Mohamoud Dirir, a minister in the Ethiopian federal government, and the local administration spearheaded the despicable operation carried against the ****** civilians in the town of Cambule. It is reported that the whole town was firebombed. Most of the basic Somali dwellings in the town are said to have been destroyed by the deliberate fire. It has been difficult to receive accurate information from the town since the Ethiopians and their allied local administration have refused anyone to leave or enter the town. So far the death of six civilians whose bodies are on the town streets have been confirmed. The civilians who were able to escape the death and destruction caused by the marauding Ethiopian military and its associated local administration police are reported to be camping outside the town. It also reported that these civilians are now in need of food and drinking water, which have not been supplied by neither the Ethiopians nor the non-governmental organizations present in neighboring towns and cities. --****** Online News

peacenow. saxib you seem to be confused. its no secret that this man is a jew but what does that have to do with arabs, islam, and more importantly the topic?

The stories and the evidence of endless brutality are telling of Ethiopia’s scorched earth strategy against the @gaden people. It’s no secret anymore that the Ethiopian government is in the business of killing people and putting them in mass graves. It’s evident to everyone in the world that actions truly do speak louder than voice. hence those who value human life should stand for what is moral right and to quote what Sen. Feingold said, the world and "The Bush administration must live up to its own rhetoric in promoting democracy and human rights by making it clear that we do not – and will not -- tolerant the Ethiopian government’s abuses and illegal behavior."

In Ethiopia, does staying silent save lives? February 26, 2008 Government warns aid workers if they talk to press about atrocities in Somali region, they will lose access. By Nicholas Benequista | Contributor to The Christian Science Monitor Jijiga, Ethiopia Spotting a plume of dust from an approaching vehicle, residents of Gudis village ran to tell their neighbors to hide. Then someone saw the flag on the white Land Cruiser; international aid workers were coming. "We thought you were the military," said one man to an aid worker who later recounted the story. The residents of Gudis, a village of pastoralists in Ethiopia's Somali region, had not seen an aid worker in the six months since the Ethiopian military sent thousands of troops to the area to put down a renewed surge by a separatist rebel group, the ****** National Liberation Front (ONLF). Now the village was eager to share its secrets. In the middle: Villagers, like these in Degahabur, are caught between separatist rebels and Ethiopian government forces. anita powell/ap At dusk, accompanied by just one villager, the group drove a few miles beyond the cluster of thatched roofs to four, freshly dug mass graves. "They begged us to stay," said the aid worker, requesting anonymity. Indeed, aid workers want to stay, but their presence in places like Gudis comes at a price. As the military campaign winds down in the vast portion of the Somali region known as the ******, international humanitarian groups have been gradually allowed to return, though only in exchange for their silence. "We have two options: either we come out with a nasty press release tomorrow on protection of human rights, and we will have to leave behind a substantial population still facing atrocities, or we just do our work," the aid worker said. Those who do talk – and they are few – whisper stories of public executions, arbitrary detentions, rapes, beatings, and torture of civilians by government forces intent on crushing a guerrilla insurgency that draws on sympathetic villagers for support. Others describe equally heinous acts committed by rebel forces against those civilians – often from rival clans – who refuse to help the insurgents, whom the government labels as terrorists. With journalists prohibited from entering the area under military occupation, most of these allegations are hard to verify, and conflicting versions of the same story are common. For instance, Gudis residents told the aid workers that the 47 young men buried in the mass graves were innocent civilians killed by government forces. An elder from the Abdili subclan that inhabits Gudis said the 47 had been coerced to join a government militia and were slaughtered in a confrontation with the ONLF. The government denies any wrongdoing by federal troops, including the allegation that soldiers have forced civilians to form militias. "I can assure you that the government is not in the business of killing people and putting them in mass graves," says government spokesman Bereket Simon. "That is why we fought against the military regime." Mr. Bereket, like Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and many high-ranking members of Ethiopia's government, was himself once an insurgent in the movement that overthrew a socialist military dictatorship in 1991. The former revolutionaries claim to know from experience how brutal military tactics can backfire by galvanizing support for rebels. The ONLF has been fighting to win greater autonomy for Somali-speakers, about 5 percent of the population, for more than two decades. The simmering conflict flared up again last April when the ONLF attacked a Chinese-run oil exploration facility, killing 74 people. The United Nations has called for an independent investigation into allegations across the region, but the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights still has no access; meanwhile, international aid workers say they cannot wait for justice. In Gudis, and in hundreds of similar villages, food and water are in short supply, leaving the residents to rely mostly on camel's milk for sustenance. Medical supplies ran out long ago. "You always come down on the same side," said the director of one organization operating in the region. "It's better to keep yourself operational and to do something." Still, questions remain about whether the food aid is reaching the people who need it – about 750,000, according to a recent US-funded assessment. Amid the conflict, food disbursements have been slow. The World Food Program (WFP) planned to distribute 53,000 metric tons of food aid in the ****** in the three months beginning in December. As of last week, less than 10,700 metric tons had reached beneficiaries. "One of the things we want to make sure about is that the food gets to the people," said Gregory Beals, a spokesman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the agency acting as interlocutor for aid efforts in the region. "That may mean that the food will go a little slower than we originally planned." Yet even at the slow pace, aid workers and clan elders say that regional government officials and military forces still manage to divert supplies away from villages suspected of sympathies with the ONLF. Some aid workers, increasingly frustrated by the situation, are discreetly speaking out. Many say they quietly and privately inform the head of the UN mission in Ethiopia, Fidele Sarassoro. The US Embassy has also convened a roundtable meeting on the Somali region. For international staff, these surreptitious confessions may put their mission at risk, but for national staff – some who are from the Somali region – the stakes are even higher. Most refused to cooperate on this article for fear that they might be imprisoned or killed. In spite of the perceived risk, a few local aid workers are eager to confide. "It's a relief to speak with you," said one local aid worker. "You hear these things and they weigh on your heart." http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/0226/p07s03-woaf.htm

Keep quiet about atrocities, Ethiopia warns aid workers 27 Feb 2008 16:44:00 GMT Written by: Joanne Tomkinson An Ethiopian man carries food aid received from a relief agency near Mekele, north east Ethiopia. REUTERS/Radu Sigheti Aid workers in Ethiopia's remote ****** region are currently facing an impossible dilemma. In order to carry on helping people in the east of the country, the government has warned them that they better keep quiet about allegations of army atrocities in the area. International humanitarian staff have spoken anonymously to the Boston-based Christian Science Monitor about public executions, rapes, torture, arbitrary detentions and beatings of civilians by government forces in ******, where most people are ethnic Somalis. Aid workers also accuse separatist rebels in the ****** National Liberations Front (ONLF) of terrible crimes against civilians who refuse to help them. Relief agencies were expelled from ****** during Ethiopian government crackdowns on the ONLF in late 2007. They are now gradually being allowed to return with food and medicines - but only if they stay silent about what they see. "We have two options: either we come out with a nasty press release tomorrow on protection of human rights, and we will have to leave behind a substantial population still facing atrocities, or we just do our work," an aid worker said to the Monitor. ******'s residents have greeted aid workers enthusiastically, eager to share their stories with humanitarians. "They have begged us to stay," an aid worker tells the paper. Conflicting reports from locals, and a ban on journalists entering the area, mean that allegations are hard to verify. The government denies its troops have committed any atrocities. "I can assure you that the government is not in the business of killing people and putting them in mass graves," government spokesman Bereket Simon told the Monitor. The need for aid workers in ****** is great. Food and water are in short supply and medical supplies in the Somali area ran out long ago. The U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights still has no access to investigate allegations, and the World Food Programme's food aid distributions have been hampered by conflict in the area. "You always come down on the same side," the director of one organisation operating in the region said to the Monitor. "It's better to keep yourself operational and to do something." Some frustrated aid workers are beginning to speak out discreetly, but it's dangerous. International staff run the risk of being expelled or seeing their operations closed down, but the stakes are even higher for local staff. Many said they didn't want to say anything to the Monitor for fear they might be imprisoned or killed. One local aid worker who talked to the paper said: "It's a relief to speak with you. You hear these things and they weigh on your heart." But for now, most aid workers are just getting on with the job of delivering humanitarian relief. When does the moral duty to bear witness outweigh the need to try to save lives? Or where is it more important to stick by people who are suffering, even if it means not speaking out about what's going on? Does it depend how many aid agencies are on the scene? Is it possible to tell the truth and keep running a relief programme? What should aid agencies do?

Ethiopia's war on its own template_bas template_bas The government is accused of a reign of terror similar to what is happening in Darfur. By Ronan Farrow February 25, 2008 DADAAB, KENYA -- The bullet tore through Ibrahim Hamad's torso and lodged in his hip. The 26-year-old teacher was at home with his elderly father when government forces swept through his town in the ****** region of Ethiopia, burning huts and killing civilians. "The young girls were the first to die. The soldiers shot them and gathered the bodies and burned them," he said. The troops demanded that surviving men join their ranks, threatening those who refused with torture, imprisonment and death. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- FOR THE RECORD: An earlier version of this article made reference to "Somalia's Darfur region." Darfur is in Sudan. Also, Ethiopia was misspelled in the headline as Ethiopa. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- "When they came to my home, I told them, 'I am just a schoolteacher, I will not leave my family,' " said Hamad. In a bleak whisper, he recounted the ordeal that followed. "They strangled my father with a wire and hung his body in a tree. Then they shot me and left me for dead." Hamad now struggles to survive in this remote refugee camp in northern Kenya, joining thousands who have fled a reign of terror by the Ethiopian army. Little noticed by the world, Ethiopia is waging war against its own people in the ****** desert. Long-simmering tensions erupted last April when separatist rebels attacked a Chinese-run oil field. The Ethiopian government responded by ejecting humanitarian agencies and launching a scorched-earth campaign in the region. The targeting of the predominantly ethnic-Somali ****** population has led to accusations of ethnic cleansing. In October, Human Rights Watch warned that events in ****** were following a "frighteningly familiar pattern" to those in Sudan's Darfur region, noting "ethnic overtones" to attacks and accusing Ethiopia of "displac[ing] large populations" and "deliberately attack[ing] civilians." Government forces have been implicated in escalating looting, burnings and atrocities. Recently, soldiers have begun a brutal campaign of forced conscription, often torturing or killing those who refuse to join. The Ethiopian government has suppressed most news from the region, sealing ******'s borders and denying access to the media. Last May, three New York Times reporters researching the crisis were held for five days and had their equipment confiscated. Ethiopian officials have been quick to dismiss mounting reports of bloodshed as propaganda. But in this camp, refugees fleeing ****** tell stories of rape, torture and mass murder perpetrated against civilian villages by Ethiopia's military. However, it is the U.S. government, not Ethiopia's, that elicits the most anger from Hamad and the other ******is seeking shelter in Dadaab. The bullet that shattered Hamad's hip, and the gun that fired it, were likely supplied by the United States. The soldier who pulled the trigger was almost certainly compensated with U.S. military aid. The U.S. has historically provided Ethiopian forces with arms, funding and training. In recent years, the bond has deepened, with Ethiopia's military serving as a proxy for American interests in a region increasingly viewed as a crucial front in the war on terrorism. Since 9/11, military aid to Ethiopia has soared, growing at least 2 1/2 times by 2006. A close intelligence-sharing relationship between the governments has burgeoned. In the face of mounting evidence of atrocities, some U.S. officials are questioning the no-strings-attached backing of Ethiopia's army. "This is a country that is abusing its own people," said Rep. Donald M. Payne (D-N.J.), chairman of the House subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, accusing the Bush administration of "look[ing] the other way" as Ethiopia's abuses worsen. Last fall, the House passed the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act, sponsored by Payne, to limit military aid to Ethiopia. It awaits action by the Senate. "The United States cannot afford to allow cooperation on the war on terror," Payne said, "to prevent us from taking a principled stance on democracy and human rights issues." Ironically, unbridled support of Ethiopia's army in the interest of combating terrorism may serve as a powerful catalyst for anti-U.S. sentiment. "We hate the U.S.A. more than the Ethiopians," one ******i told me. "It is guns and money from the U.S.A. that are killing our people." If Washington wants to fight the rising tide of terrorism in the Horn of Africa, it cannot continue to turn a blind eye to the abuses of its closest ally in the region. The U.S. wields unique influence over Ethiopia; how it uses that influence will determine ******'s future. Legislators should continue to press the Bush administration to help stop the bloodshed. Current levels of U.S. aid should be made contingent on Ethiopia halting its attacks on civilians. That might sacrifice some goodwill with Ethiopian officials -- but it could save the people of the ******. Ronan Farrow, a student at Yale Law School, has worked on human rights issues for the House Foreign Affairs Committee and recently accompanied a congressional delegation to the Horn of Africa.

Congressional Record Statement of Senator Russ Feingold On the Political Crisis in Ethiopia Source: United States Senate Posted on March 5, 2008 Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the political situation in Ethiopia. The US-Ethiopian partnership is an incredibly important one – perhaps one of the more significant on the continent given not only our longstanding history but also the increasingly strategic nature of our cooperation in recent years. Ethiopia sits on the Horn of Africa – perhaps one of the roughest neighborhoods in the world, with Somalia a failed state and likely safe haven for terrorists, Eritrea an inaccessible authoritarian regime that exacerbates conflicts throughout the region, Sudan a genocidal regime, and now Kenya descending into crisis. By contrast, Ethiopia seems relatively stable with its growing economy and robust poverty reduction programs. Indeed, one look at the deteriorating situation on the Horn of Africa and it is clear just how essential our relationship with Ethiopia really is. Unfortunately, the Bush Administration’s approach to strengthening and building bilateral ties with Ethiopia has been short-sighted and narrow. As in other parts of the world, the Administration’s counter-terrorism agenda dominates the relationship, while poor governance and human rights concerns get a pass. Mr. President, genuine democratic progress in Ethiopia is essential if we are to have a healthy and positive bilateral relationship. We can not allow a myopic focus on one element of security to obscure our understanding of what is really occurring in Ethiopia. Rather than place our support in one man, we must invest in Ethiopia’s institutions and its people to create a stable, sustainable political system. As we are seeing right now in Kenya, political repression breeds deep-seated resentment, which can have destructive and far-reaching consequences. The United States and the international community can not support one policy objective at the expense of all others. To do so not only hurts the credibility of America and the viability of our democratic message, but it severely jeopardizes our national security. Mr. President, I am seriously concerned about the direction Ethiopia is headed – because according to many credible accounts, the political crisis that has been quietly growing and deepening over the past few years may be coming to a head. For years, faced with calls for political or economic reforms, the Ethiopian government has displayed a troubling tendency to react with alarmingly oppressive and disproportionate tactics. For example, Mr. President, in 2003, we received reports of massacres of civilians in the Gambella region of Ethiopia, which touched off a wave of violence and destruction that has yet to truly loosen its grip on the region. At that time, hundreds of lives were lost, tens of thousands were displaced, and many homes, schools, and businesses throughout the area were destroyed. Credible observers agree that Ethiopian security forces were heavily involved in some of the most serious abuses and more than 5 years later no one has been held accountable and there have been no reparations. The national elections held in May 2005 were a severe step back for Ethiopia’s democratic progress. In advance of the elections, the Ethiopian Government expelled representatives of the three democracy-promotion organizations supported by USAID to assist the Ethiopian election commission, facilitate dialogue among political parties and election authorities, train pollwatchers, and assist civil society in the creation of a code of conduct. This expulsion was the first time in 20 years that a government has rejected such assistance, and the organizations have still not returned to Ethiopia because they do not feel an environment exists where they can truly undertake their objectives. Despite massive controversy surrounding the polls, it is notable that opposition parties still won an unprecedented number of parliamentary seats. Their pursuit of transparency and democracy was again thwarted, however, when they tried to register their concerns about the election process. In one incident, peaceful demonstrations by opposition members and their supporters in Ethiopia’s capital of Addis Ababa were met with disproportionate and lethal force that killed more than 30 people and injured over 100. In another incident, the Ethiopian government arrested thousands of peacefully protesting citizens who took to the streets in support of the opposition. The systemic nature of this crackdown was revealed in credible reports coming from the Oromia and Amhara regions that federal police were unacceptably threatening, beating and detaining opposition supporters. Indeed, international human rights groups documented that regional authorities were exaggerating their concerns about armed insurgency and “terrorism” to try to justify the torture, imprisonment and sustained harassment of critics and even ordinary citizens. This tendency to portray political dissent as extremist uprisings has been repeated more recently with regards to what is being characterized by some as a brutal counterinsurgency operation led by Ethiopia’s military in the ******, a long-neglected region that borders Somalia. Certainly I recognize the serious security concerns in this region, made worse by the porous borders of the failed state just a stone’s throw away. But it is precisely because Ethiopia is our partner in the fight against al Qaeda, its affiliates and allies, Mr. President, that I am so concerned about what I understand to be a massive military crackdown that does not differentiate between rebel groups and civilians. While I am sure there are few clean hands when it comes to fighting in the @ga@den region, the reports I have received about the Ethiopian government’s illicit military tactics and human rights violations are of great concern. I have been hearing similar reports of egregious human rights abuses being committed in Somalia, about which I am gravely concerned. When I visited Ethiopia just over a year, I urged the Prime Minister not to send his troops into Somalia because I thought it might make instability there worse, not better. Tragically, more than a year later, it seems my worst fears have been realized as tens of thousands of people have fled their homes, humanitarian access is at an all time low, and there are numerous reports of increasing brutality towards civilians caught in the crossfire. In the interest of its own domestic security, Ethiopia is contributing to increased regional instability. Mr. President, what troubles me most is that the reports of Ethiopia’s military coming out of the @g@d#n and Mogadishu join a long list of increasingly repressive actions taken by the Ethiopian government. The Bush Administration must not turn a blind eye to the aggressive – and recurring – tactics being utilized by one of our key allies to stifle dissent. I certainly welcome the role the Bush Administration has played in helping to secure the release of many -- although not all -- of the individuals thrown in jail in the aftermath of the 2005 elections. I welcome the Embassy’s engagement with opposition members and their efforts to encourage Ethiopian officials to create more political space for alternative views, independent media, and civil society. These are all important steps Mr. President, but they do not go far enough. The Administration’s efforts at backroom diplomacy, Mr. President, are not working. I understand and respect the value of quiet diplomacy, but sometimes we reach the point where such a strategy is rendered ineffective – when private rhetorical commitments are repeatedly broken by unacceptable public actions. For example, recent reports that the Ethiopian government is jamming our Voice of America radio broadcasts should be condemned in no uncertain terms, not shrugged off. The Bush administration must live up to its own rhetoric in promoting democracy and human rights by making it clear that we do not – and will not -- tolerant the Ethiopian government’s abuses and illegal behavior. It must demonstrate that there are consequences for the repressive and often brutal tactics employed by the Ethiopian government, which are moving Ethiopia farther away from – not closer to – the goal of becoming a legitimate democracy and are increasingly a source of regional instability. Mr. President, I’m afraid that the failure of this Administration to acknowledge the internal crisis in Ethiopia is emblematic of its narrow-minded agenda, which will have repercussions for years to come if not addressed immediately. Worse yet, without a balanced US policy that addresses both short- and long-term challenges to stability in Ethiopia, we run the risk of contributing to the groundswell of proxy wars rippling across the Horn – whether in Somalia, eastern Sudan, or even the ****** region. And those wars, in turn, by contributing to greater insecurity on the Horn and providing opportunities for forces that oppose U.S. interests, pose a direct threat to our own national security as well. I yield the floor A senator that represents his constituents very well indeed.

^^^does that includ your secessionist leaders?

Shirka ka socda Qaloocan maxay tahay Ujeedadiisu? Gobolada bariga ******ia ayaa maalmahanba si aada u gabagabeysnaa iyadoo odayaashiina si qasaba baabuur loogu guray loona qaadey tuulada Qaloocan oo Wardheer ka xigta dhinaca bariga una jirta 70km. Wiilka baryahan ka soo caan baxay Kililka ee lagu magacabo Daa'uud Amxaar ayaa isagu ah midka qafaalka ku qaadey odayaasha qabqablana ka ah abaabulka shirkaas isagoo si aada ula shaqeynaya saraakiisha Tigreega oo soo dhoobay ciidamo aad u fara badan dhamaanba xadka bariga ******ia uu la leeyahay gobolada Somalia. Sidoo kale odayaal ayaa laga soo qaadey degaano ay ka mid yihhiin Laascaano,Buuhoodle,Caabudwaaq & dhamaanba Gobolada Puntland oo dhanba ooy weheliyaan maamulada Puntland ee goboladaas. Sida aan ku hayno warar xogogaala ayaa waxay tahay ujeedada la isagu keenayo odayaashan & maamulka Puntland-ba inay tahay sidii loola dagaalami lahaa loona soo qaqaban lahaa xubnaha Ururka ONLF ee lagu sheego deegaanadaas gacantana loogu soo galin lahaa ciidamada Ethiopia,talaabadan oo ah mid ay Ethiopian-ku horey uga hirgaliyeen gobolada W/galbeed sida Hargeysa & Burco,sida aad wararka ku maqleyseenba maalmahan Cade Muuse waxaa u yeedhay Ethiopian-ka ujeedada ugu weyna waxay ahayd siduu u hirgalin lahaa go'aamada ka soo bixi doona shirkaas Qaloocan ka socda. Shirkan ayaa magac ahaan waxuu wataa inuu yahay shirka odayaasha ******* ee deegaanadaas waa siday Tigreegu ugu magac dareene,shirkan waxyaabaha ka soo baxa & gabagabadiisaba dib ayaan idinkala socodsiin doonaa. Hanqadh