lol...I love my city because it is an ancient and historical city. I would rather have Barawe or Zeylac or even Beledweyne for a capital than Gaalkacyo or the other neighouring Gs. A capital city has to have something to offer to the visiting outsiders. I'm just being reasonable. It is all about location, location, and location my friend. Maxaa yaala Gaalkacyo? geed tiin tiin? lol... indhaha bus kaa galayso. Meesheeda ha naga joogto.

Somalia needs prayers and less haters.

I was talking about Galkacyo yaa Nukey! Gaalkacyo as the capital? in your dreams.

I have not belittled anyone GD. Don't make this meeting between the folks that share Mudug more than it is. They don't decide what the rest should or shouldn't do. Tooda haka soo baxaan first! simple as that. Galkacyo is a mess! no meeting for Somalis will be held there, and forget about the other G. Hargeysa will host the meeting. I prefer Borame but what the hey!

I hope not as it will be a disaster and it will set us back another 20 yrs.

Nah! aroos yaa waqti u haayo markaad yartahay... Waxaan ka wadey: enjoy life, travel and see the world, get a an education and become an active member of your community.

Duke, labo beelood oo isla dega oo marwalba is dagaala over ceelal ayaa heshiinaya. I think it is a good thing. Maxaa kale oo la aqrinaa oo meeshan yaala? Have a good one. Dib u heshiisin shir? yaala heshiisiinaa?

Thursday, February 17, 2011 DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania, Feb. 17 (UPI) -- A string of natural gas strikes along Africa's east coast, with reserves currently estimated at 21 billion cubic feet, is transforming the region into a world-class energy producer after years of being in the shadow of the oil boom in West Africa. Most of the gas discoveries are off Mozambique and Tanzania but exploration is also under way in Kenya, Ethiopia and the breakaway Somali state of Puntland. The Indian Ocean island of Madagascar is believed to hold "enormous reserves" of gas, industry sources say. Seismic data suggest that there are massive offshore oil and gas deposits along East Africa's coastline, centered largely on a fault line running from war-ravaged Somalia south to Madagascar, making it one of the last great frontiers in the hunt for hydrocarbons. Major energy companies such as Italy's ENI, Malaysia's state-owned Petronas and the giant China National Offshore Oil Corp. have all moved into the region in the last few years. Plans are afoot to construct a liquefied natural gas export terminal, the region's first, to supply ever-rising energy demand in Asia by tanker across the Indian Ocean. The gas reserves are expected to feed a proposed regional pipeline network to meet energy demands in the five-nation East African Community, which are forecast to increase considerably. "East African offshore oil and gas exploration, long eclipsed by … by activities in West Africa, is now gathering pace," a Feb. 3 assessment by global strategic analysts Oxford Analytica observed. "The discovery of hydrocarbon reserves along Africa's eastern seaboard remains dwarfed by those on the Atlantic coast. They have also taken longer to locate than the early pioneers had hoped. "However, the oil industry majors -- stung by the discoveries in Ghana and Uganda in areas they had long discounted -- are reluctant to repeat the error, which is likely to help sustain interest in exploration in the east." In Tanzania, the main operator of the offshore Songo Songo gas field is the Toronto-listed Orca Exploration through its subsidiary PanAfrica Energy, in cooperation with the state-run Tanzania Petroleum Development Corp. and Bermuda's Globeleq. Orca plans to boost production by 60 percent by next year to meet Tanzania's burgeoning demand for energy. The country has a generating capacity of 1,300 megawatts but can only produce 850MW, which entails power rationing. Ophir Energy of London operating with BG International, also London-listed, says it made two significant gas strikes in the northern Rovuma Basin in 2010. France's Maurel and Prom is exploring in that region, too. To the south in the former Portuguese colony of Mozambique, production is limited to a pair of onshore fields. But the state-owned oil and gas company, Empresa Nacional de Hidrocarburos, is to start drilling in central Mozambique's Buzi field soon. The Andarko Petroleum Corp., of The Woodlands, Texas, reported making three strikes in 2010 on the Mozambique sector of the Rovuma Basin. These are still being evaluated but Oxford Analytica noted that they "have changed the profile of East African natural gas potential." It concluded: "Combining Mozambique and Tanzania's natural gas potential to supply a new regional gas pipeline network will take many years and require substantial investment. "However, the precedent set by the West African Gas Pipeline demonstrates that such a project is politically and technically feasible. "Construction of a new LNG export terminal to supply rising Asian energy demand -- while significantly more ambitious -- is likely to be tempting due to the region's relatively shorter transshipment routes to eastern energy markets." In Uganda, the big Lake Albert oil field, discovered in 2006 by London's Tullow Oil, is expected to start production later this year. It's slated to reach 150,000-350,000 barrels per day. Lake Albert, which lies in the center of Africa between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, is estimated to contain up to 6 billion barrels of oil but wars and political instability in the region could crimp exploration efforts, particularly in Somalia, the DRC and insurgency-ridden Ethiopia. However, the prizes to be had may make the risk of operating in these zones irresistible. Somalia, which has been wracked by war since the fall of dictator Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991, could contain as much as 10 billion barrels of oil. Source: UPI

No fake flags in the pics. Nice!

lol...Marka waa labo miyaa? mid waa reer Togdheer midna waa SomaliGalbeed miyaa? Maxaa loo xirey? Farmaajo maxaadse u xiri weyseen? lol

Good on them!

:D 41 was a typo (it is obvious). No biggie... Next case please!

lmao......classic Xaji maanta waa historic day! the National Xabsi Day! Kaad xirteen ONLF supporter miyuu ahaa? it makes sense now.

Not getting uptight at all. I'm sure you can use Wikipedia, but just incase you can't here goes. The Somali Aeronautical Corps was the name of the Somali Air Force during the pre-independence (1954–1960) period. After 1960, when Somalia gained independence, the name changed to the Somali Air Force. The Somali Air Force was established before Somalia's independence, and was at first equipped with a small number of Western aircraft, including Beech 18s and C-47 Dakotas for transport tasks, a few Piaggio P.148 trainers, P-51D Mustangs used as fighters, and a pair of Bell 47 Sioux helicopters.

Wuu aroosey... congrats MMA Noo soo sheeg Islii waxa laga cuno maqaayadaha, dhar noocee ayaa la xirtaa IWM fadlan.

Was the man pro ONLF? lol...

Xaji Xunjuf dropped out from middle school, so I don't know where you get the uni story. :D He does look like a confused qowdhan.

And and...err eh...SL has been recognized by the international community for 20 years now.

Original English Version WILTON PARK: EMERGING THEMES AND ISSUES GENERAL The political process needs to move forward. Greater legitimacy and strengthened accountability are needed. The status quo is not acceptable. As we seek to move forward, the Djibouti peace process remains at the heart of what we all do. Progress in Somalia will not come exclusively through operating at federal government level, just as it will not come exclusively through operating at local and regional level. A differentiated approach is required, which should be recognised and accommodated by all authorities in Somalia. The reform process begun by the TFIs will need to be stepped up if they are to be enabled to succeed. The international community and the Somali authorities are engaged in a partnership. Each must work collaboratively, coherently and transparently, both with each other and with the Somali people. In particular there needs to be greater sharing of ideas between the neighbouring countries, whose understanding and influence is greatest, and the wider international community. The good offices mission of the United Nations Secretary General, led by his Special Representative, is the primary forum for this collaboration. A clear, shared political strategy is needed as a matter of priority to frame the military strategy and also to engage Somali groups coherently and consistently, including the private sector, religious leaders, Somali civil society, women and the diaspora. The SRSG is best placed to co- ordinate this Somali strategy with other key actors, including in particular the AU. The political process needs to be Somali-led. Participation by a wider number of Somali actors is key. The Somali voice, principles and traditional approaches need to be heard more clearly in all that is done. Grass-roots processes, working in the interests of peace-building, should be encouraged as a matter of urgency. Our shared, key priorities are: reconciliation and peace-building; security; the constitutional process; and, delivery of basic services to the Somali people. At the same time, we must work to address the humanitarian needs of the Somali people, including mitigating the devastating effects of the ongoing drought. RECONCILIATION AND PEACEBUILDING The political process needs to be inclusive and more participatory, bringing in currently under- represented groups. All groups prepared to renounce violence and armed conflict should be encouraged to participate. Criteria for engagement with these groups, including by the international community, need to be considered and developed. Traditional Somali reconciliation and peacebuilding processes, led locally by Somalis, should lie at the heart of our approach. CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS There are a number of potential constitutional outcomes for Somalia and it would be wrong to pre-judge the outcome of the constitutional process. Somalia’s constitution should be unique to Somalia, not a pre-defined Western model. The constitutional process must be based on the principles of inclusivity, accessibility, and transparency. It must be legitimate in the eyes of the Somali people and reflect Somali values and traditions. SERVICE DELIVERY (INCLUDING ENGAGEMENT WITH LOCAL AND REGIONAL ADMINISTRATIONS) Working at local and regional levels should involve working with the TFG as well as regional bodies. At the same time, the TFG should be assisted to deliver its own prioritised strategy. The international community should ensure it does no harm, remaining aware of the potential local impact of its actions. We should respond to Somalis’ identification of their own needs. We should support convergence, both vertically and horizontally. Areas of common interest for co-operation between federal and regional governments should be pursued. Local administrations should be supported to come together as regional administrations. Engagement with local administrations should be tailored to the specific context. Better analysis and assessment of requirements and conditions is required. Criteria should apply to engagement with local authorities. These might include: a social contract with the people; respect for human rights and shared identity; non-aggression with neighbouring regions; a commitment to delivering services in a transparent and accountable fashion. SECURITY The provision of improved security for Somali communities is essential to setting the conditions for more sustainable peace-building. Greater effort should be made to support AMISOM and to building Somali security forces that reflect Somalia’s diversity. Somali business people, clan influence and traditional mechanisms can help to improve human security, if used with caution. Protection of the Somali people should be a priority. We must provide AMISOM the support it needs to deliver the military strategy that supports our shared political strategy. Donors must come together to deliver adequate resourcing and other support. The TFIs should make use of the enhanced security provided by AMISOM to deliver progress on the key transitional tasks and enable the delivery of basic services. AMISOM needs to be able to engage widely as it builds its counter-insurgency approach. Insurgents and armed opposition groups not prepared to work in the interests of peace and Security should be isolated and addressed.

This is a Somali citizen voicing his concerns over the state of our affairs, it is simply none of your beeswax awoowe Xunjuf!

By DAVID CHANEN, Star Tribune Thursday, February 17, 2011 There wasn't nearly enough space in a small Anoka County courtroom Wednesday to accommodate more than 80 relatives, friends and Somali community members who came to support Mukhtar Abdulkadir, a Minneapolis police officer accused of hitting his wife with his service revolver while his young son screamed for him to stop. In another part of the courthouse, Abdulkadir's wife communicated through her attorney that she wanted to lift a no-contact order barring her husband from contacting her or his children after already recanting the abuse allegation. Amid those developments, in a twist that surprised everybody in the courtroom, including the judge, came word that Abdulkadir and his wife had been served with a child protection order to check on their two children's long-term welfare. The two are living with their mother. Abdulkadir, of Andover, is one of only a few Somali police officers in Minnesota. He is a role model whom kids look up to, said Omar Jamal, former director of the Somali Justice Advocacy Center who was at Wednesday's hearing. Now, said Jamal, the officer and father who is helping build relationships between the Somali community and police "is being destroyed right in front of us." In the courtroom, District Judge Tammi Fredrickson said that she wasn't thrilled with the timing of the child protection order and that "much of this case is unusual." She kept the no-contact order in place regarding his wife, but modified it to allow Abdulkadir to visit his children several times a week at a designated parenting center. Abdulkadir, 36, who has been on street patrol for a year and a half, has been on paid leave since he was charged in January with felony second-degree assault, terroristic threats and domestic assault. The internal affairs unit of the Minneapolis Police Department is investigating. The allegations According to the criminal complaint against him, Abdulkadir threw his wife on the couch after an argument and punched her in the ribs. As she was screaming, he put a pillow over her head, according to the charges. With his 3-year-old son yelling at him to stop, he grabbed a handgun from a closet and hit his wife in the face with the butt end, the charges said. She did not seek medical treatment. According to the complaint, she told police her husband had been violent with her in the past and had threatened to kill her. Several days later, she came to the county attorney's office and recanted her story, saying she had lied and wasn't sure how she was injured, the complaint said. On Wednesday, Abdulkadir pleaded not guilty, a step that usually takes place several hearings down the line. Robert Fowler, his attorney, said Abdulkadir wanted to plead early to signal his intent to fight the charges. "There are problems with this case," Fowler said. "The victim has made five statements. How credible is she?" Earlier, an outraged Ryan Kaess, representing Abdulkadir's wife, had asked for a recess because he had been served with the child protection order in the previous half-hour. He said that the action was outrageous and that he was greatly troubled that the county attorney's office would bring a petition against somebody who is a victim. "Her children haven't seen their father since he was charged," Kaess said. "She wants the no-contact order lifted. She's trying to put her marriage back together." The prosecution also learned about the child-protection order during the hearing. Paul Young, head of the violent crime unit of the Anoka County attorney's office, said social services had been involved in the case after the allegations came to light. In arguing to keep the no-contact order in place, he said his office recently received evidence that Abdulkadir hurt his wife in front of one of his children several years ago. Fredrickson agreed she was concerned about future risk to the children. Fowler also sharply criticized the timing of the child protection order, saying the county attorney's office was using it as leverage on Abdulkadir's wife. "She now faces a choice. If she makes her views known, she might lose her children," he said. "I've never seen the long arm of the law used in such an intimidating way." After ruling on the no-contact order, Fredrickson said she understands that Abdulkadir's wife might feel like she's being punished, "but I'm not willing to lift the order." David Chanen • 612-673-4465

General Duke;695825 wrote: To hell with all of them.

Where did you get your news from this thread? aha... You don't like this particular news eh? here is a tissue to wipe those tears! p.s. I put that there so you notice it. Smart man!

Maanta maxaa ku haayo?