Poetry on How Somalia was in 1960 This poem is composed in Gabay. It is called "in 1960 we existed". It was composed by Mohamoud Ahmed Abdalle (Shine). The poet composed this poem after he read the poem "1960" composed by Sahra Bashir. http://wardheernews.com/Articles_09/Nov/Sahra_Bashir/03_Kun_sagaal_boqol_&_lixdankii.html O’ lady your substantiated poem has penetrated deep in my psyche I am still conscientious otherwise I would not have ponder about your words It has gone through my skin and bones like a flowing bloodstream My wound was hurt and I felt the pain It has burned my morale like the fire your hell It has given me shivers and suffering at night Your lamentation gets to those who have feelings Somalis are all ******, thugs and weak Some are searching for power and leadership positions Satan that takes the soul of people is what they consider their government He gives them lessons about clanism that leads to eradication Nowadays the religions of Allah is used to murder people Some have become refugees and others are following Some live for victimising brothers & sisters & are alienated from Allah And there are middlemen who sold the country away to outsiders Today foolish Somalis are divided into these discontented three categories Instead of feeling for and taking care of the country Instead of feeling for the country and trying to take care of it Each vanquished person is laying down suffering from cold In the 1960s we existed as people and we governed ourselves Today we are sick people who have not stocked any medicine Only Allah knows how we will end up Don’t start giving me a bitter aloe and expose the corrosion that was covered Don’t remind me how my peers left me behind O’ Degmo it is your right today that you weep because of my suffering You have felt the anguish of the Somalis may the curtain be removed Only Allah can heal them from the cholera they are inflicted with Please say Amen to my prayer that they all follow the right path View Somali Translation Title: Lixdankii dad jira baan ahayn by Mohamoud Ahmed Abdalle (Shine) Poetry on How Somalia was in 1960 Gabay: Lixdankii dad jira baan ahayn by Maxamuud Axmed Cabdalle (Shiine). Gabayaagu wuxuu kaga jawaabaya gabayga ay tirisay Sahara Bashiir ee 1960: Gabadhyahay daliilkaaga gabay waygu duxayaaye Damiir baygu laabane indhaha kuma daliigsheene Diirkiyo laftuu xulay sidii dhiigga deeddama’e Damqashiyo xanuun baygu kacay doogtii aan qabaye Dubaakhayga waa gubay sidii dukhunka naareede Daliilyaan ka qaadiyo inaan diifto layl dhexe’e Dabuubtaadu waxay daarrantaa ruux dareen qaba’e Soomaali waa wada dammiin daaduf iyo liide Derejiyo in magac doonaysoo duubab loo sudhaye Shaydaanka duufsada khalqiga baa u dawladahe Dersinkii qabiilkuu u dhigay laysku dabar gooye Diintii ilaahbaa beryahan laysku dilayaaye Dar qaxootinimo laasimiyo qaar ku daba jooga Qaar dulin walaaluun u nool daa’in ka irdhoobay Iyo qaar dillaalloo dalkii dibad u iib geeyey Saddexdaa dudday maanta tahay doqontii Soomaale Cid u diirnaxdiyo daa daryeel lagula daalaaye Dulli waliba meeshiisibuu durey la jiifaaye Lixdankii dad jira baan ahayn duul ismaamula’e Maantana daleel baynu nahay daawa aan dhigane Duuggana Allaa garan halkuu nagu dambaysiine Waxba dacar ha igu oogin iyo milil *****llaaye Waxba qayrkay inan dib uga hadhay ha i dareensiine Degmooy waa gartaa maanta inad iga dul oydaaye Wax ku daaray Soomaalidaa daaha laga saarye Daacuunka galay qaaddiruun baa dawayn kara’e Dawgii san inay wada maraan ducada aammiin dheh! Email: mabdalle@gmail.com Src: Maankoris

By Mohamud Ahmed Email: maash68@gmail.com January 19, 2011 In Somalia, the clock is ticking toward the end of The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Prime Minister Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo. The TFG's tenure will expire in seven months, and the prospect of an extension is bleak. Farmajo's administration fills the most unstable government in the world. Oftentimes, its occupants last no longer than two years. The TFG is not elected by the people, and its members are often selectively appointed to fulfill unattainable goals: completion of the reconciliation process, restoring government institutions, holding a national election, etc. More often than not, the prime minister flouts these goals, whereupon he is excised by a no-confidence vote or a pressured resignation. Prime Minister Farmajo has assumed an office of ill repute. He replaced Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, who resigned because of political rifts between him and President Sheikh Sharif, not to mention widespread allegations of uncooperativeness, administrative opacity, and pointed ignorance to insurgent activity in government-controlled areas of Somalia. In fact, Villa Somalia is surrounded to this day, with only an 8,000-strong AMISOM force keeping it safe. Now it's Farmajo's turn to face the burdens of public scrutiny and a cannibalizing parliament entity. Halfway to his first hundred days, the PM has his work cut out for him. COMPLETE ARTICLE: http://www.hiiraan.com/op2/2011/jan/the_clock_is_ticking_in_somalia.aspx

By Mohamud Ahmed Email: maash68@gmail.com As the year 2011 hastens, the Transitional Federal government of Somalia has its clock ticking towards the proposed end date of the TFG Administration. The TFG tenure will expire in 7 months and the prospect of an extension is very bleak. However, for the Prime Minister, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, the year 2011 bears an over-sized load. Somalia's PM's office is the most insecure executive job in the world. Oftentimes its occupants last no longer than two years. Like the shifting sands of the Sahara Desert, people come and go--in and out--in Somalia's impaired government institutions. During the past decade, TFG’s top offices have changed hands more hastily than anticipated. The rationale of representative government is out of the question. The TFG has not been elected by the people, and its members have been selectively appointed to fulfill unattainable goals: completion of the reconciliation process, re-storing government institutions, holding a national election, etc. That has not materialized--at least 6 prime ministers short lived these goals, subsequently sucked after a tainted confidence vote or resigned due to pressure. Prime Minister Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo has inherited an office with a bad reputation. He has replaced Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke who resigned from the premier post attributable to political rifts that had developed between him and president Sheekh Shariif. Farmajo predecessor was accused to had been a failure in several fronts: lacking cooperation, nontransparent, and being insensitive to insurgents' advances into government controlled area. Amazingly, long after Omar’s departure, Villa Somalia is still surrounded, only safe for now in the presence of 8,000 strong AMISOM force. In essence, it's Farmajo's turn to face the burden of the public in silent scrutiny and the same cannibalizing parliament entity. Half way to his first 100 days, the security priority the PM mentioned in his speech to the parliament, has not substantiated. As daunting as his approval might had been, It is equally difficult for Farmajo to fix the profound disagreements within the TFG, unless he unleashes a mystery wand. Continue reading... http://somalitalk.com/2011/01/17/100days/ Mohamud Ahmed Email: maash68@gmail.com

The new prime minister is a flip-flopper when he said, "i don't believe in 4.5," he changed that later after he's been scolded by President Tuke.

The political absurdity emanating from the desolate precincts of Mogadishu these days knows no bounds. The chiefs of the world’s number one phantom “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) have gone down the deep end in their latest boorish attempt at backroom, political deal-making. Knowledgeable sources close to the two Shariif’s indicate that in the absence of viable vision on their part in moving the nation forward, advisors to (read clansmen of) Sheikh Shariif Ahmed have advised him to go for broke and make a daring gambit. They are said to have intoned in the recent premier sweepstakes that he set up the new lame duck administration solely on the basis undisguised clan reverse calculus, if he hopes to cling to the trappings of power. And so this is no run of the mill, austere way that Somali clans tended to share political power for decades—in the rare event that they agree on something of consequence. The reason this one takes the cake in is that it is borne out of sheer desperation. The aforementioned advisors have sought to take a page out of President Abdullahi Yusuf’s doomed playbook. He tried and failed to divide the ranks of the ****** to secure Villa Somalia. Shariif Ahmed’s copycats are obviously not dissuaded by that glaring failure staring them in the face. So they sought to do the old warrior one better. They consequently settled on a simplistic formula that in their churlish worldview must have looked to them rather elegant at the time. It was about the grand idea of dividing the ****** clan family in the way that this eclectic grouping has been rumored to have practiced for decades if not centuries against all other Somali clans and communities (though such a fable is not substantiated by the historical record). The resulting “strategy”, if that is the word, is decidedly harebrained as it is anachronistic. It’s built around the following elements: 1. The selection of a new premier who is ****** in name but with ****** upbringing 2. The marginalization of the ***** clan (particularly the ********** branch) of the ****** clan family. 3. The naming of a cabinet the majority of whom would happily go along with the ****** opposition to the draft constitution that recommends reconstituting Somalia as a federal republic. 4. The reconstitution of the old MOD (*******, ****** and ***********) coalition that held stay during the military regime headed by the late President Mohamed Siad Barre (of the ******* clan/****** clan family). As mentioned before the predicates of this crude strategy misses the forest for the trees. For one important thing the folks that devised it lack the type of power and secure territorial base from which to launch such an ambitious and far reaching program. Not surprisingly their efforts in this regard have virtually no chance of having the desired effect. The group’s deliberate alienation of the two supper states in the north in one fell swoop also does not bode well for Sheikh Shariif Ahmed’s geopolitical minded kitchen cabinet! The Galmudug general who, by way of endorsing this subterfuge, announced the budding alignment between his fiefdom and the SSC has added fuel to the fire that the amateurish Shariif policy seems dead set at igniting, with reckless abandon. By Ali A. Fatah Email: dhalool@gmail.com

After all, Silanyo comes back to Addis, his real home. 'Caadaadii nin baajo' 'Bahal caydhiin ma daayo' 'Caarre waa dhalankiisa' Cimri tegey ceeb ma lagu sagootiyaa?

Khalkhalka siyaasadeed ee curyaamiyey dawladda kumeelgaarka ah ee Soomaaliya waxaa ugu weynayd khilaaf iyo isqaqabsi had iyo jeer u dhexeeya madaxda sare ee dawladda siiba raysalwasaaraha iyo madaxweynaha. Laga soo billaabo khilaafkii riday dawladdii carta ee ka dhexeeyey madaxweynihii hore C/qaasim Salaad iyo raysalwasaarihiisii Cali Khaliif Galayr, Cabdullahi Yuusuf vs. Cali Geeddi, Cabdullahi Yuusuf vs. Nuur Cadde, tii u dambeysey Sheekh Shariif vs. Cumar Cabdirashiid, dhammaan khilaafyadaas waxa sabab u ahaa markasta qofka madaxweynaha ah oo rabay inuu isagu meesha taladiisa ku muquuniyo. Arrintaas oo fure ay u tahay in markaa madaxweynaha talada maroorsanayaa helo raysalwasaare u dhega nugul oo aan mawqil lahayn. Arrintaa ayaa waxay u meel martay markii ugu horraysay Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed oo helay Maxamed Farmaajo, oo ah raysalwasaare aad hebed u ah, wixii la rabana la marsan karo. Qodobbadan hoos ku qoran ayaa marag ah mawqif jileeca Maxamed farmaajo: 1. Ayaama ka dib markii jagada raysalwasaarannimo lagu magcaabay Maxamed Cabdullahi Farmaajo, laakiin aan weli baarlammaanku ansixin, ayuu soo saaray go’aankiisii siyaasadeed ee ugu horreeyey, go’aankaas oo uu raysalwasaaruhu sheegay:”anigu ma rumaysni wax la yiraahdo 4.5…wasiirradii dawladdii hore cidi kagama jiri doonto dawladdayda,” Raysalwasaare Farmaajo. Go’aankaas ayaa waxba kama jiraan noqday ka dib markii Sheekh Shariif ka cadhooday, xasuusiyayna raysalwasaaraha in isaga laftiisu meesha ku yimi xeerka 4.5 oo sal u ah dawladda taagta daran ee TFG. Go’aan jabkaas raysalwasaaraha dad badan baa la yaabay, qaarna waaba ka caroodeen. 2. Kolkii Shariif Sakiin uu baarlammaanka fariisin waayey, oo wacad ku maray inaanu ansixin Mr. Farmaajo, dedaal shacabka iyo xubnaha baarlammaanka ka yimi ayaa lagu meel mariyey in raysalwasaaraha la ansixiyo. Ka dib madaxweynaha ayaa ku amray Mr. Farmaajo inuu Shariif Sakiin la heshiiyo, inkastoo Maxamed Farmaajo markii hore ka biya diiday, aakhirkii waa la mariyey, waxaba weliba la oggolaysiiyey inuu wasiirrada Digil iyo Mirifle cidaan Shariif Sakiin ahayn lagala tashan. 4. Golaha wasiirrada markuu soo magcaabayey Maxamed Cabdullahi Farmaajo, wasiirradii beeshiisa loo gartay oo 4 ahaa, laba ka mida Sheekh Shariif ayaa ku soo magcaabay laba nin oo isaga xafiiska u shaqayn jiray: Cabdikariim Jaamac iyo Cabdirashiid Xaashi. Sidoo kale Xuseen Xalane ayaa isana waxa wada jir u soo magcawday AMISOM iyo Sheekh Shariif. Arrintan ayaa weli la isku haystaa, iyadoo meelo badan oo Soomaaliya ka mida muddaharaadyo ka dhaceen, beeshii wasiirrada xaqa u lahayd inay magcaabatana ay sheegeen inaan lagala tashan. Marka la isku soo duubo, madaxweyne Shariif oo isaga laftiisa lagu xanto nimaan mawqif adag lahayn oo isbedbeddel badan, ayaa Maxamed Farmaajo kala mid ah meelo badan. Liidnimada Shariifka iyo Farmaajo oo isaga ka sii liitaa waxa lagu macnayn karaa , “mmiskiin baa misko la fuulo leh…” Baalaaba siyaasigu hadduu raad qaadka horeba ku bilaabo mawqil liidasho, lama arko karti dheeri uu gadaal kala soo baxo. W.Q. Axmed Ugaas Mashqare

By Mohamud Haji Ahmed August 27, 2010 Abdirahman Farole, the president of Somalia’s Puntland state, is a latter-day Somali politician of the ilk that ruined Mogadishu and much of the south. Take the inanity of his indefensible tactics concerning the Galgala conflict—a confrontation that is largely of his making. Rather than addressing the legitimate grievances of a Puntland community that he and his predecessors exploited or shunned, he chose to silence their voices by opting for a shooting war. Interestingly, President Farole made this decision after turning his back on peace overtures from a wide array of community leaders, over a period of five months. The community leaders wanted to defuse a potentially explosive situation brought about by Farole’s labeling an entire sub region of Puntland a haven for wild-eyed radicalism. He called their defensive militia dangerous and an existential threat to Puntland. To this end, Farole and his minions began to make early pronunciations of unfounded, propagandistic claims against Galgala which is located in western Bari region of Puntland. In particular, the Farole regime started to vilify Mohamed Said Atom, the leader of the militia that seeks to defend that community from all kinds of harassment going back to the inception of Puntland in 1998. But the record shows that it was Farole and his predecessors that singled out that community for callous abuse that took many forms: arbitrary arrests, attempts at intimidation and, worse of all, targeted episodes of land grab. So it was after being variously ignored, boycotted and generally besieged by the regime that a defensive militia began to emerge in the western Bari community’s mountainous area of the previously hospitable Galgala town and its surroundings. There, members of the community sought to organize makeshift defenses led by the now famous or infamous (depending on one’s point of view) Mohamed Said Atom. Contrary to the Farole propaganda machine, this militia is, according to knowledgeable sources, recruited from within Puntland and the overwhelming majority of its members hail from the hamlets of the western Bari sub region. Their leader, Mr. Atom, is not a radical individual nor is he, unlike President Farole, given to dictatorial tendencies. Those who know him well say he is a mild-mannered, thoughtful person. Nor is his philosophy particularly anti-Western in outlook, as the regime would have the world belief. The reason Farole’s Puntland is hounding him has to do with his unwillingness to leave the fate of his community to its acknowledged tormentors. For example, in a recent speech to his sub clansmen, President Farole counseled the besieged community to “vacate [their ancestral] land—which happens to be endowed with substantial natural resources including oil and minerals—and “move elsewhere”! The mountain villagers are largely traditional farmers or they raise livestock. They supply substantial farm products in the form of fruits and vegetables to the city of Bosaso. They are known for being peaceful but also fiercely independent. The reason that Farole and his predecessors continue to harass this community is not well known to the general public in Puntland or to the wider Somali community, for that matter. Most of what the media picks up is the much rehearsed propaganda speaking points mouthed by Farole and underlings. But the truth is entirely different than what they say, as it will become clear later. After refusing all manner of peaceful settlement of the artificially created conflict, President Farole, suddenly and without prior notice, called for an all out war against the defenders of Galgala town and nearby settlements. It is ironic that in the subsequent assaults, the regime paid a heavy price in the loss of both men and material. It is note-worthy that President Farole’s clan-tinged call for an all out war was not fully heeded by the people of Puntland. But that too did not faze him as he went ahead anyway to use the State’s military and economic resources under his disposal: first to isolate the target community and then to launch a number of vicious attacks on their villages. Predictably, many lives were lost, mostly on the side of the attacking forces. Throughout the crisis, the regime made baseless claims each of which is more outrageous than the previous one. President Farole claimed for example that the entire western Bari sub region was infested with Al-Shabab militants; a charge that turned out to be blatantly untrue, as the regime has to date produced not a shred of evidence to back their scurrilous charges. He repeatedly stated that Mr. Atom was a radical, dangerous individual linked to known outlaws who must be stopped by force. But in interview after interview, with all kinds of media outlets, including the Voice of America and the British Broadcasting Company, it turned out that the opposite was indeed the case. Atom himself insisted that he is in no way linked to any of the radical groups operating in the South such as Al Shabab, Hizul Islam, etc. When Horseed Radio in Bosaso, in an interview with Atom, broadcasted this fact, the director of that prominent Puntland media outlet was arrested and given an extrajudicial sentence six years in kangaroo court, dictated to by President Farole. President Farole vehemently rejected peace offerings and negotiated settlement that would have removed all hostility between the peaceful people of Galgala and nearby settlements, and his administration. Instead he issued more threats sprinkled with wild, unfounded claims all the while urging the international community to support his unilateral declaration of an internecine war within Punland—a move that boggles the mind. Imagine! All this holier than thou attitude and righteous indignation coming from a man whose campaign for president was principally financed with cash from pirates headquartered in his hometown of Eyl. It is there that an internationally known band of criminals enjoy the tacit acceptance if not the full support of the Farole’s Puntland regime. There is a reason to believe that President Farole continues to cuddle those same pirates that elude international capture. Under the nose of the Puntland regime, the same pirates operate from bases and sanctuaries not only the pirate den of Eyl town but also in Garowe and other locales in the State. This is the kind of support system that allows pirates and their cohorts to launder ill gotten ransom moneys from the owners of the commercial vessels they routinely commandeer in the high seas. It also enables them to hide from the reach of international law. After he kindled a needless war in which his forced suffered heavy losses, Farole’s jackbooted militia was able to take Galgala. But that is due to the fact that the defenders vacated the town to spare the community the kind of destruction that would inescapably result from mechanized combat in a population center. Not surprisingly, President Farole’s forces were unable to show any kind of evidence or proof of Al-Shabab or other outside fighters ever being there. This put the lie to the regime’s claims that Galgala housed fighters from all over the Somali peninsula and beyond. It was also discovered that the man Farole called public enemy number one was not the monster he insisted on painting falsely. He turned out to a local Sheikh with a militia force estimated at 60 young men and boys recruited from the Puntland sub region. What followed in the next few weeks surprised Farole and his regime. It was reported that Atom got a substantial support from the surrounding settlements, which allowed him to stage daring attacks of his own that took the wind out of the sail of the regimes army. This forced Farole’s army to retreat to hastily Karin after the spectacular Madarshoon battle in which his forces beaten rather badly. Subsequently, soldiers from almost all Puntland regions, began to abandon their posts and desert the regime’s armed services, which they saw as oppressors. They got wind that they were being used as cannon fodder for a secret war aimed legitimating attempted robbery involving land and natural resources. But it was the sudden resignation and departure from the battle scene by the regime’s top military officer, Tutaweyne, that sealed Farole’s fate in the looming protracted war. To add insult to injury, President Farole’s forces proved to lack the most basic training in dealing with civilians regarding humanitarian considerations. As a consequence, they left a searing tragedy in their wake. It is reported that Farole’s occupation forces plundered the small town of Galgala and surrounding hamlets. They destroyed houses. And, they tragically burned to the ground historic farms of old growth date palms and other fruits trees that were planted and nurtured by local families in more than one hundred years of toil. The would-be occupiers also forced the people of the town to flee their houses in order to avoid the harm from unchecked military onslaught by the regime’s army. Consequently, Galgala, the oasis of the Bari desert, became a virtual ghost town, for a while at least, with its residents scattered, to fend for themselves in the rugged mountains of eastern Al Madow. This is particularly onerous since the Galgala conflict will probably continue, even escalate, unless cooler heads prevail on President Farole or he is impeached, by the rubberstamp parliament, both of which are highly unlikely. The situation is in some ways becoming a quagmire. Its unforeseen consequences are already indicating dire circumstances for Puntland under President Farole. One particular concern is the spillover effect in the form of the shooting war that pitted two branches of President Farole’s immediate constituency around the Puntland capital of Garoe. This armed confrontation already claimed substantial casualties. Clearly, events of this sort can only spell bad news for the weakening authority that the rapacious Farole regime exercises in many parts of the Puntland State. The Root Causes of the Conflict: It is all about the natural resources, ******! As mentioned before, the western Bari region of Puntland in which Galgala is located is endowed with untold riches in minerals and petroleum oil—resources that if properly developed would make not only Puntland but the whole of Somalia a wealthy nation. Moreover, the people of Puntland share kinship and are not given to pursuing mindless conflicts. With good leadership, they would be happy to live in peace side by side as they have done for eons. It is the insatiable, greedy ruling elites that are behind the conflict that is negatively impacting on the brotherly citizens of the Puntland State. President Farole’s is the last of three regimes led men whose arrogance is only exceeded by their awfully short-sighted and self-serving policies. He and his two predecessors, Abdullahi Yusuf and Ade Muse were never accused of being visionaries. They are typically egotistical and exceedingly condescending to all communities outside of their immediate circle of affiliation. They are also war hounds who do not entertain peaceful co-existence prior to their realization of certain defeat at the hands of their opponents! As heads of autonomous, “self-governing” state, they somehow got hold of data indicating the riches laden in parts of Puntland, including western Bari sub region, Sanaag, Hylan, Sool, among others that fall outside of their immediate constituencies. They dreamed that perhaps the folks in those parts could be hoodwinked and their territories exploited at random for the benefit of the circle of ruling elites and their associates. So they tried to exploit the discovered oil in Hol hol area of Sool a few years ago but were soon turned back on their heels. They then went to Majiyahan and a war ensued in which the Puntland regime was badly beaten by a local militia that included Mohamed Said Atom as one of the defenders. Today, President Farole has a deadline to meet and Puntland State has a date with destiny. His charge, see attached digital maps, is to clear a certain area of Puntland by a date certain, say the Fall, 2010. Reliable sources indicate that this would signal African Oil, a Canadian firm, to make an initial payment of $2.8 million dollars to regime for “making the [target] area safe” enough to start drilling the “discovered” oil well at (Ceel) Maroodi near Galgala. But that short-sighted plan, like others before it such as Mijiyahan, is likely doomed to failure. The reason is simple. President Farole is committed to facing his waterloo in the off chance of hitting pay dirt by illegally authorizing a fly by night Oil Company to drill oil on land area the residents of which were never so much as consulted. They would not under the circumstances let that happen. Therefore, the Farole regime’s increasingly incoherent propaganda notwithstanding, the struggle for the soul of Puntland State would continue! But the good news is this. The eastern Al Madow mountain folks, having justice on their side, will prevail and in the end the Puntland State will be better for it. Mohamud Haji Ahmed E-Mail:maash68@gmail.com

I understand the outburst of the author and the anger towards the General. However, we Somalis have major problem called 'expectation.' I do not think anyone will survive the court of public justice, if there are any.

For those of you that do not ponder history, name calling is not something new to Somalis. I remember at a young age, my neighbors harassed by Siad Barre’s Red Berets on the grounds that they were SSDF or SNM sympathizers. Of course, many people remember Kulmis, Mahbar, **********, etc. What amaze me is the fact that the same people that once where the victims of ‘name calling,’ accuse others of being Argagixiso/terrorist and the like. I am sure many of you in this forum understand what I mean.

Gabayga GALGALA iyo Gardarrada Faroole…. Buntilaan barwaaqada gingiman guusha libinteeda Shacabkay u gaar tahay haddaan lagu gardiidayne Gacal iyo sokeeya leh haddaan gebi la jiidhayne Maammulkaa ka gaabshoo xilkii waajibkii gudane Caqli lagu gorfeeyiyo kolkay garab xigaal weydo Guddoon nabadda jecelbaa talada loo golayn jiraye Gufaacooyinkeer soo kiciyo belada guuxaysa Nin garaadle waa garanayaa godobta hoos taalle Gardarrada Faroolow ka joog geesiyaa go’iyee Afartaasi guud arara iyo ga’ iyo wowgeed dheh Gudgudiyo hillaac galalacliyo gamashi dayreed dheh Afar kalena godolkii murtida gogoldhiggeedii dheh Faroolow gar waa loo islaam guurti baa tiriye Nin galda’a ayaa tahay afxumo gees walbow dira’e Go’aankaad la yeedhay dadkii wada giriifiinee Goblan tala adduuneey waqtigu gelinba waa cayne Galladaha ilaahay darbaan guulle garansiine Gol ka-muusannowgii la yaab gelelefkaagiiyee Koonfur gebawarkeediyo fidnada haatan gami weydey Gabbal baasi wuxuu reer u dumay gabantu yuusaysay ******* gumaadaay kolkii loo guddoonsadayee Adiguna geddaasaad fidnada ugu garmaamayne Nin qabiil u geylamahayoo gaasirmaa tahaye Gudcur baad gudaysaa sidii gool maraadiyaahee Gulufkeer Galgala lagu wadiyo Gobolka Haylaan ah Dadku uma gudboonee adaa gaar u weerariyee Argagixiso iyo maanay gelin good iyo abeese Gungunnaanfka Ina Calishiree tiisii garan waayey Ee Gobolladiisii rag kale gebagebaynaayo Iyo Yuusuf Gaballaaxis baa gaabis kaa dhigaye Garsoorkii duqaydiyo waxgarad waad ka gooddidaye Cidna uma garawdide cidlaad gumuxsanaysaaye Garashiyo aqoon waxaad ka tahay sida gambooleeyee Afartaa Garoowiyo u tebi Gaalkacyiyo Eylba Goobyaal halkii lagu shiraba ceebta kugu gaaxdey ******teenku gaar haw maqleen kugu gar weeyaanee ********** gefkaagii ka dirir mana garaystaan dheh Geyigooda lama dhaafsan karo gini nijaaseed dheh Guryahaan ka qaxa idhi ayay wada guhaadmeen dheh Gabay oo xilkii lay idmaday waa gelgelintaa dheh Laascaanood garkay uma huree waan gabbaatiyay dheh Reer Bari Galgale lagu beddelo baan guddoonsay dheh Garabyaan u qaybshoo *****gii waysku go’aayaa dheh Goshu way bannaantoo wadnuhu way gig leeyahay dheh Gaalkacayo gacan haadintii garey Saleebaan dheh Afartaa makala gawdhinine gobo’ kalaan baanay Maalintay gabaahiirantooy gubato Boosaaso Sidii gabadintii Xamar kolkii laysku soo giirto Garoowaa xigaysee mardhow sow ka gudi maysid? W.T. Maxamuud Axmed Cabdalle Email: mabdalle@gmail.com

Radio daljir oo wareysi la yeelatey oday dhaqameed ka mid ah kuwa Galgala oo ka warbixiyey xaalada Galgala Colaadii maanta ka dhacdey deegaanada galbeedka Bari oo ay isku gacan saareen ciidamada PIS ta iyo kuwa darwiishta oo dhinac ah iyo ciidamada deegaanka oo ka amar qaata Sh. Maxamed Siciid Atam. Radio daljir ayaa waxay wareysatey dad kala duwan oo ay ka mid yihiin afayeenka ciidamada deegaanka galbeedka bari, madaxweyne ku xigeenka puntland, iyo nabadoon ka mid ah nabadoonada magaalada Galgala oo lagu magacaabo Cali Maxamed Muuse “Cali Bilig” ayaa sheegay in deegaankaasi dhibaatooyin hore loogu hayay. HALKAAN KA DHAGAYSO: http://www.dhahar.com/article.php?articleid=9486

Mr. Goth's faith is sealed. Would he dare offer an appology? May be

By Dr. Abbas Mohamed March 28, 2010 The era of Somali warlords has ended, but sadly, another dimension of warlordism has began to emerge: a new generation of warlords who are armed, not with guns, but with poisonous pens full of venom and whose aim is to spread secessionism and an archetype of disintegration among the Somali people. And this brings me to Bashir Gosh’s article entitled: “Somaliland: America’s underestimated friend”, currently posted on Hiiraan Online and WardheerNews respectively. The title of Mr. Goth’s article is very attractive, but the downhill slope of his writing is steep and quick. From the first few lines, it was already messy and abusive. If I were asked to revise its title, I would put it as: “Somaliland: Ethiopia’s Underestimated Friend”. Writing purely from a secessionist point of view and with a great influence of tribe loyalty in its negative perspective, Mr. Gosh has insulted 16 out of 18 provinces that form the Somali Republic as a sovereign nation. He praised the two north-west regions of Somalia on tribal basis. He based his abusive criticism against Somalia on certain problems that are obvious and already known to everyone such as piracy, religious extremism, lawlessness, a weak government and so forth. The man has denied mentioning that similar problems can also be found in the two regions that he gloried blindly. He also intentionally ignored to underscore that the leaders of Alshabab group have made their way from the North to create chaos in the South and to prolong the civil war and political anarchy that have afflicted and still bedevil in the southern part of the country. Alshabab’s misguided interpretation of Islam has finally taken them to destroy the graves of some of Somalia’s most prominent clerics of the last century. When you read his recent article, you will understand how deep the man hates Somalia except his hometown. His biased comparison is only a small part of what he believes about the rest of Somalia. Who knows what he says over the tea and during the “fadhi ku dirir” sessions. Mr. Goth’s rhetoric and fallacious words reveal that the man wishes to see Somalia remains where it is today. What a fake dream from a secessionist man! Previously, Mr. Goth has written many fascinating articles that attracted many readers. He should use his pen to unite his people instead of using it to propagate secessionism. One may ask the motive behind this ridiculous article. Is he seeking a political post in Hargeisa or the man is just desperate to get attention? I don’t know the answer. All I know is that Mr. Goth is contradicting himself and his writing is quite confusing! Why confusing? Because the man who is insulting Somalia today is the same man who was defending Somalia with his pen when the Kenyan lawyer Mr. Donald B. Kipkorir has made a call to annex Somalia and divide it between Ethiopia and Kenya. In his response to the Kenyan Lawyer, Mr. Goth wrote a wonderful article entitled: “Mr. Kipkorir: Annexing and dividing Somalia is a call for balkanization of Horn of Africa”. In this article which was posted on many Somali websites on October 5, 2008, you will find the following statements: “Remember Mr.Kipkorir, it is these people that you call rag-tag army of semi naked men that stood against the British and Italian armies for 20 years in one of the longest drawn out African rebellions against foreign occupation. It was the dervish movement led by the Somali hero Mohammed Abdulla Hassan, known in history as the Mad Mullah, the derogative name given to him by the British, that the Royal army failed to defeat until it used military aircraft against them in the first aerial bombardment ever used by a European power in Africa, even before the Italian air bombardment of Libya.” In his recent article, he described Somalia as a land of pirates and terrorists, but in his previous article in 2008, he denied all these. He wrote and I quote: “Somalia was not a haven for terrorists and pirates as you tried to paint it but as you know Somalia had the strongest and best disciplined army in the 70s. It was Somalia that negotiated a peace deal between the neighboring countries of Nyerere’s Tanzania and Idi Amin’s Uganda”. When the guns fall silent, Somalia will get its old glory: It is possible that Mr. Goth despises Somalia just because of the chaotic turbulence that the country is going through at the moment. But one should love his country in thin and thick times. There is an Italian proverb that says: “defeat is an orphan, victory has hundred fathers”, meaning to say: when there is a defeat, nobody wants to be part of the team, but when there is a victory, everybody wants to be part of the team. This is really true as there are certain people who have a “socio-pathological distance-taking manner” who prefer to deny their own country in times of deep crisis. Just imagine seeing a stable Somalia, a peaceful Mogadishu where law and order are in place, kids going to school, it economy having a double digit growth, and its people living in harmony and peace. I wonder if Bashir Goth would still be having the same distance-taking behavior that he is displaying today!. The Extradition of a Grandma to Ethiopia: Oops! Where is the judiciary system? It was just a month ago when Bishaaro Wacdi, a 50 years old grandmother was kidnapped from her house in Hargeisa and was handed over to Ethiopia. She was not taken to the court, nor was she allowed to have access to a lawyer. So, where is the judiciary system that Mr. Bashir Goth is talking about? We all know that in Somali culture, women enjoy a great deal of respect in the society. For instance, if a woman does something wrong to a man, the man will never take revenge on her. Instead, he will look for any male to whom the woman is related to. And even according to the modern nation-state system, an extradition can only take place between two sovereign states. A world of nation-states implies an international system of pure sovereign entities, relating to each other legally as equals. Today, it is very sad to see that the basic principles and values have changed so much in our Somali society. The extradition of a grandmother was extremely shocking. Somalis began to ask themselves: what is the threat that an old woman can impose on Hargeisa or Ethiopia?! This is an unprecedented act of betrayal and the first of its kind in Somali history? What a shame! Somalis believe the woman became a target because: (1) She belongs to the ****** clan that constitutes the backbone of the ****** National Liberation Front (ONLF) who is fighting to create an independent homeland for the population dwelling in the ****** region in eastern Ethiopia; (2) Authorities in Hargeisa wants to showcase their unquestioning obedience and loyalty to Ethiopia, that they will do everything for Ethiopia including the extradition of a grandmother, if need be. In my opinion, it was better for Bishaaro Wacdi to live in her homeland Jig-Jiga than in Hargeisa. Perhaps she made a miscalculation assuming that the city of Hargeisa will be a safety net for her. She may forgot that it was Ethiopia – the country of Bilal Al-Habshi - where our beloved Prophet Muhammad (peace from Allah be upon him) asked his companions to emigrate to in order to escape the torture, killings, and the oppression imposed on them by the pagans of Makkah. Hargeisa Airport: Who is in-charge, please? Few years back when Dahir Riyale wanted to fly out of Hargeisa, the only choice available was an Ethiopian aircraft. When the “president” wanted to board, the Ethiopian security officers stopped him. They told him that they need to check him and his luggage, in which failure to do so will lead him to miss the flight. After some quarrels and arguments that took some time, the “president” was screened by foreigners in his own city. What a humiliation! Is this the country that gained its independence from Britain in 1960 and has become a full member of the United Nations, as Mr Bashir Goth claims?! In my judgment, Mr. Goth’s article is not worthy of reading. His arguments are baseless and beyond rationality. The disgusting description that he gave Somalia is an insult. The way that he glorified his hometown is not more than a fake dream that exists only in his fantasy. As a final point, Somali intellectuals are convinced beyond a shadow of doubt that in a globalized world, believing in tribal allegiance and secession is an old disease, and indeed this is what Mr Goth’s article represents. Dr. Mohamed Abbas E-mail:kismaayo91@hotmail.com

Feb 19, 2010 – Ila wareedyo lagu kalsoonyahay oo aannaan magacooda shaacinayn ayaannu ka xaqiiqsannay inay jirto dhac loo geystey ummadda Soomaaliyeed, dhacaas oo ah mid baahsan. Illaa iyo intii xilka loo magcaabay Madaxweyne Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed waxa ka sii daray ammaankii dalka, iyadoo la barakiciyey malaayiin dad Soomaaliyeed. Hirdanka siyaasadda Soomaaliya oo hadda u dhexeeya kooxaha diinta iyo qabiil is huwan, ayaa dhanka kale wax ku dhinac qarsoon lunsasho maaliyado loogu deeqay ummadda Soomaaliyeed. Waxa kaloo jira in baddii Soomaaliyeed la iibsaday qayb ka mid ah. Xubno ka mid ah baarlammaanka ayaa muddaba ku hawlanaa sidii maalin uun loola xisaabtami lahaa labada kolayle iyo asxaabtooda. Haddaba xogtaas waa sida hoos ku qoran. 1. Kenya waxay badda Soomaaliya ku iibsatay maal dhan 9 milyan oo doollar. Lacagtan ayaa waxa qaybsaday Axmed Walad Cabdalla iyo labada Shariif. 2. Dawladda Sucuudiga ayaa dawladdii Cabdullahi Yuusuf ugu deeqday maal dhan 160 milayn oo doollarka Maraykanka ah. Lacagtaas 37 milyan oo ka mida waatii Cali Maxamed Geeddi ka soo qaaday, markii dambena lagu eedeeyey inuu lunsaday lacagtaas. Intii soo hadhay oo ah 123 milayn waxay gacanta u gashay koox maafiya ah oo Sucuudiya kana wakiila labada Shariif, waxayna lacagtan ku qaateen iyagoo sheegay inay Soomaaliya isgaarsiin casriya gelin doonaay. Meeshay martay lacagtaasi ilaa hadda lama oga. 3. Sidoo kale 35 malyan oo dawladda Japan bixisay 4. Liibiya oo bixisay 3.5 malyan 5. Suudaan oo bixisay 2 milyan 6. Ciraaq oo laga helay 4.5 milyan 7. Sucuudiga oo isna bixiyey 10 milyan oo kale 8. Maraykanka oo ku deeqay 3.5 milyan 9. Dawladda Qadar oo iyana bixisay 3.5 milyan Maaliyaddan ayaa waxay jeebka u gashay labada Shariif iyo horboodayaashooda, iyadoo aanay jirin xisaabi xil maleh, ama cid kula xisaabtantay meeshay mariyeen maaliyaddaas. Halka shacabkii Soomaaliyeed noqdeen kuwa dayac iyo gaajo ka dheregtey, labada Shariif iyo tuugada ku wareegsani waxay mashquul ku yihiin sidii ay uga taajiri lahaayeen dhiigga dadka Soomaaliyeed. Dhoof aan micno ku fadhiyin oo lagu macnayn karo nooca maafiyada iyo isbahaysi qabiilaysi ku dhisan oo marba magac loo bixinayo sida kan hadda la wado ee lagu sheegay Ahlusunna iyo KMG wadajirkoodu, ayaa dawladnimo kaga egtahay. Ummadda Soomaaliyeed ilaahbaa u maqan, aayahooda mugdiga ku jira tuug kasti inuu ka faa’iidaysanayo waa muuqataa. Wixii arrimahan ka soo siyaada kala soco shabakadda Laasqoray online. Mahadasanid.

Secessionits in different colors. Sorry! Viva Somalia. We have the same destiny no matter what you might invent--fabricated stories. hmmmmm!

By Mohamud Abdalla daljir1960@gmail.com “Do unto others as you would have others do unto you.” Feb 15, 2010 - Late last week, on Thursday, February 11, 2010, one of the pro-secessionist’s websites claimed that an official of the State of Israel hinted the possibility of recognizing Northwestern Somalia’s clan enclave ‘Somaliland,’ a region disputed by various hostile clans. The account of the news was originally published on Somalilandpress.com, a childish website run by a group of novice journalists willing to do everything in order to make a case for the unrecognized entity– Somaliland. Nothwithstanding the sesessionists’ sympathizers entertained that idea and believed the baseless propaganda, but 4 days later, since the story appeared on Somalilandpress.com, neither the Israeli Government nor anyone else came forward to prove it. The bearers of the horror story proclaimed that Israel was the first country that recognized Somaliland in June 26, 1960, and based on this, Israel is willing to renew a diplomatic relationship with Somaliland–that never existed. Perhaps, those people have no idea what Israel is all about. Do they? The State of Israel was found, according to its Zionists creators, to make a home for the Jewish peoples. At least, a widespread Jews suffering in the hands of European tyrants, was one of the reasons that made Israel. Israel and its leaders know better; interfering another homogeneous nations’ affairs is not the interest of Israel. In fact, Israel was the second country after Pakistan that recognized Somalia in July 01, 1960. The other hand, shamelessly, the article bashed Muslim-Arab and the African Union for not recognizing Somaliland. The question is: why in the world any one should recognize a clan entity whilst there are far more important issues? Indeed, conflicts like Darfur, Chechnia, Kashmir, ******, Oromia and the like are genuine cases, but so far the international community has defied separatist’s calls and continues discouraging farther divisions and sub-divisions of the world’s sovereign states. That lesson has been learned during the collapse of the then Soviet Union. The Sates that emerged after the fall of the communism added fuel to the world’s problems. The cold-war dormancy kept things together, however with the demands of the new States and the fear of nuclear arsenal proliferation has substantiated new strategies including changing alliances and outsourced wars. In a subsequent article, the secessionists posted an audio clip recorded from a Somali elder. According to them, the old man expressed hate towards Israel and other infidels, as they put it. But when you listen to him, you can understand it’s a made up story and has no merit whatsoever. Yet in another promulgated propaganda, those misguided writers tried to label their brotheren Somalis as terrorists and terrorists’ sympathisers. Amazingly, they forgot that the most dangerous terrorists in the Horn of Africa belong to Northwestern part of Somalia. For example, the Amir of Alshabab Mujahedin, Ahmed Abdi Godane, Sheikh Sayli’i, Sheikh Ali Warsame (a low profile Alshabab leader situated in Buroa,) are none but **** … In fact, the first stoning of a human being took place in Hargeisa in January 1993. Five women were pronounced as sinners and were stoned to death in a broad-day-light. Moreover, they emphasised the occupation of Lasanod by Ethiopian-backed Somaliland forces as a just war. Who the hell is going to put an stock on their story? Everybody knows the motive behind Lasanod occupation. The people of Lasanod refuted the pro-Melez Somaliland Army and declared war against the aggressors. The recent Horseed Conference held in Nairobi was a milestone and had the support of all traditional leaders, intellectuals, politicians as well as the diaspora. Though the secessionists portraited Lasanod Conflict as an insurgency struggle to subdue radicalized elements, the international community disagreed and Riyaale’s Militia is losing the grip. The head of the junta forces was recently assassinated in Lasanod; the stalled governor has been wounded in an attack; the death is mounting as demonstrations continue to gain momentum by the day. Conclusion In June 26, 1960 there wasn’t known diplomatic arrangements between Israel and the self-declared Somaliland enclave. Soon after the British withdrew, Somaliland Protectorate willingly joined Italian Somaliland and the two parts became today’s Somalia. On the record, the blue-five-starred Somalia’s flag was first raised in Hargeisa’s Freedom Park (Beerta Xurriyadda.) The subsequent Somalia’s governments entered membership agreements with the League of Arab Nations in 1976 ratified by none but Omar Arte Qalib, an ****; Somalia also joined the African Union, formerly known as OAU in 1974 as well the OIC (Organization for Islamic Conference) in 1969. The accusations labeled at those entities is counter productive and is in direct violation of the member states’ rights as stipulated under the organizations’ charters. The international community sees the occupation of Lasanod as a self-inflicted wound and will not change opinions on secession. Diverting facts and projecting baseless accounts will farther complicate the ‘recognition’ ideologue secessionists deploy. Last but not the least, since the collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991, the pro-secessionists Somaliland sympathizers have been engaged in propagating baseless propaganda campaign to lure the international community to believe Somalia’s Northwestern clan motives. The latest unilateral proclamation is nothing but another tactic to promote sesessionists’ doctorine.

Faadumooy dhammays baa tahay dheg iyo miisaan leh Dheeho lix iyo toban sano jirtoo aan dhib soo marine Alla dhawryeey aabbooy! ducaan kuu dhafrinayaaye U dhug yeelo waanadaan ku faro dheguhu yay seegin Adigoo dhabtii hooyaada dhaafin maradeeda oo dhixir sidaa tahay ku maran dhinaca geesteeda Ayuu eebbe iisoo dhigay dhul aanan doonayne Dhulkii hooyo waxaynu uga nimid dhoyga geli caawa Dhololkayga maahayn inaan debed u dhoofaaye Kuma dhiirranayn abidinkay inaan dhuyaalaaye Dalkeennaa dhisnaa oo ahaa midaan dhantaallayne Dhereg iyo barwaaqaa dhexyiil dhayda caanaha Dhankastaad u eegtaba nimcaa dhoobanayd gebiye Bulsha dhaqan wanaagluu lahaa oo is dheefsada Maammul loo dhegtaagaa jiroo qaran ku dhaataaye Dhakhtarriyo iskuulliyo daryeel dhawran baa jiraye Dhagta waaga waxan aadi jiray shaqo aan dheerayne Galabtii kolkaan soo dhacee daal dhanba illaawo Dhalad ehela iyo derisyadaan soo dhowayn jiraye Dhawaaqaan maqlaba wuxu ahaa dheemman iyo luule Innagoo dharaar gurigayaga aayar dhacadiidna Oo Villa dhaayuhu qabtaan nabad u dhoocaarna Dhitaduna inoo taal anfaco dhiil walbiba buuxdo Ayuu amar dhacoo la isku galay Xamar dhexdeediiye Dhamacdiyo rasaastaa sidii roob u soo dhacaye Dhalfiiftay noqdeen deriskayagi dhaaxa badidoode Dhimbiilaa ku yaacoo arlada dhuudhibaa galaye Dhiigbaa dariiqyada qulqulay suuqyo nagu dhowe Cabsi baan la dhirifniyo Madfaca dhararqdiisiiye Hurdo dhinaca dhigiwaaga iyo dhiilladiyo tawsta Dhaca tuugadiyo boobka iyo dhidarka ********ta Wax dheeraa qabiil dhuuntog iyo dhac iyo laystaane Goortii dhuuni daayoo waxbadan gaajo lagu dheelmay Goortaan dhabqalalownayee baahi dhugatownay Goortaad habeen iyo dharaar oohin dhalandhooshay Ayuunbaan sidaan kuu dhib tiro dhooleey soo qaxaye Lixdan baan u dhaxay Baydhabiyo dhegedkii Waamoode Dhagax quudannaa iyo dhunkaal dharaq ku leelleelka Waayeel dhanqalan iyo carruur waaqla lagu dhaafay Dhaayahaygu waxay soo arkeen dhawr kunoo melege Dhiilladiyo colaaddaa ku fiday taniyo Dhoobleeye Dharab lagu badbaadiyo kolkay nabadi dheeraatay Dhabbadii Habaar Waalidbaan Dhooleey soo maraye Dhafoor moordi Keenyaan ah baan dheef ka saanyadaye Dhabatada sideedaa xeryaha deyr naloo dhigaye Dhamas baa dugaal noo noqdiyo hoy dhilmaanyalehe Dhurwaa iyo abeesaan rafiiq noqonnay dhawr goore Dhoorlaha libaax reemayaa noogu soo dhacaye Waxa aan aroor dheelmadoo dhuuni kula raadshey Dhakal caydha waxan lalansadoo badar kusoo dhaanshey Dhufays sidan ku jiro waxan lignaa dhoobadiyo ceelka Dhooleey aqooniyo inaad dhaxal u aydaaye Dhoofkii Marakani anigu uma dheg taagayne Kolkii uu dalkii dheelliyee dhiillo dami weydey Adna aad dhallaan nolol dhur sugi noqotay dhaameelka Ayaan talo ku dhoobdhoobay inaan tago dhul gaalaade Rabbi kama abaal dhicine way dhaqay ilaahaye Inkastoon dhulkii tebahayoon gacal ka dheeraaday Inkaastaannu hoy Dhookir iyo David wada joogno Kolkii aan ku dheehdaa farxadi igu dhammaataaye Dhebigii Caleed sida tihiyo Dhuurta iyo Jiica Ama dhumuc Galool yeeshayoo Damal ka dheeraaday Abbooy mid kula dhalan ah duni hooyo may dhaline Dhal jacaylka waa waalid uun dhamamixiisiiye Dhaqankaaga iyo diinta iyo dhawro sharaftaada Dhaddig hooyadaa kaga dayoo eedyar ha u dhaafin Afkeennaan dhaliil aan lahayn dhaxal aan guurayne Maandhey cilmiga dhigo adoon dhuminin tawxiidka WT. Mohamoud A. Abdalle

By:Abdurahman Abdullahi (Baadiyow) January, 02, 2010 - Militancy simply means having a combative character; aggressive, especially in the service of a cause. Adding Islamic adjective signifies that certain interpretation of Islam is used as the guiding ideology of that militancy. The first such militancy in the history of Islam was labelled “al-Khawarij” ["the Seceders" or the Rebels] because of their rebellion [khuruj] against fourth Imam of Islam ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. In the opposite stands the terminology of moderation “balanced” “al-Wasadiyah” which signifies being within reasonable limits; not excessive or extreme, and not violent or subject to extremes. In general, Islam calls for moderation in everything: in belief, warship, conduct, and legislation; and warns against all forms of extremism: ghuluw (excessiveness), tanattu’ (meticulous religiosity) and tashdid (strictness). Moderation, or balance, is not only a general characteristic of Islam, it is a fundamental landmark. In the Qur’anic verse (2:143) Allah says: “Thus, have we made of you an Ummah (Nation) justly balanced, that you might be witnesses over the nations and the Messenger a witness over yourselves”. The phenomenon of Islamic extremism was well articulated by Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qardawi in his booklet “Islamic Awakening between Rejection and Extremism” which is very useful to briefly understand current militancy in a balanced way. Looking into the history of Somalia in the 18th and 19th centuries, the revival of Islam was carried by the Sufi Brotherhood movements and legendary Sufi scholars belonging to the three main Sufi Orders: Qadiriyah, Ahmadiyah and Salihiyah had emerged. The names of Sheikh Madar, Sheikh Abdirahman Al-Zayli, Sheikh Aweys al-Baraawi, Sheikh Mohamed Guleed, Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, Sheikh Ali Maye, Sheikh Sufi and many others are well known teachers and respected Islamic Scholars in Somalia. Sufi brotherhoods are generally moderate and use peaceful means of propagating Islam that offer due consideration to the norms and customs of the people. Often, they use innovative means to assimilate and absorb the pastoral and illiterate masses and mobilize them into common action. Bloodlettings being the most heinous crime in Islam, Islamic scholars usually abstain from recurrent clan fighting in the harsh pastoral environment. Their role is limited to conflict resolution, community education and conducting various religious functions. However, there were three historical events in the history of Somalia when Islamic militancy emerged and certain Islamic scholars led internal fighting to gain politico-religious hegemony. Such historical events have historical importance and constitute precedents for current Islamic militancy and extremism in Somalia. It offers lessons that doctrinal differences and political ambitions may develop into violent wars under the leadership of charismatic and ambitious scholars. 1. The first event occurred around Baardheere town in the southern Somalia as a confrontation between the Bardheere religious settlements (Jamaaca) and the Geledi Sultanates at Afgoye. The Bardheere settlement was founded in 1819 by Sheikh Ibrahim Yabarow, introducing some Islamic reforms such as outlawing tobacco and popular dancing and prohibiting ivory trade. They began to implement some elements of Islamic Shari’a, such as the wearing of decent Islamic dress for women. In the mid-1930s, receiving strong adherents, the Jamaaca decided to expand its sphere of influence to other regions during era of Sharif Abdirahman and Sharif Ibrahim from Sarmaan in Bakool. By 1840, the Jamaaca warriors reached Baidoa area and Luuq and finally sacked Baraawe, the historic seat of the Qadiriyah Order where both Sultan Ahmed Yusuf of Geledi and Sheikh Maadow of Hintire clan learned, the most powerful leaders who together reacted to the Baardheere expansions. The town of Baraawe accepted their capitulation conditions that include prohibiting tobacco and popular dancing, adopting the Islamic dress code and so on. They also agreed to pay an annual tax of 500 Pessa. This action provoked a concerted response from the clans of the inter-river areas under the charismatic leadership of Geledi Sultan Yusuf Mohamed. The Sultanate mobilized an expedition force of 40,000 from all clans, stormed Bardheere and completely burned it. Professor Cassanelli characterized this conflict as between the rising power of Islamic reformists and the established traditional power of the Geledi. Moreover, he adds the economic factor of curbing the lucrative ivory trade as well as a clan aspect, which stemmed from the armed immigrant nomads, the followers of the Jamaaca, being perceived as a threat to the local population. The external actors’ role in this conflict was not well researched, however, it is said that Sayid Bargash, the Sultan of Zanzibar, was on good terms with the Geledi Sultanate in the confrontation, perceived to be a Wahabi “Salafia” penetration into Somalia. 2. The second event is connected with the arrival of Sheikh Ali Abdurahman (*****tain) (1787-1952) in Merca in 1946 and his confrontation with the dominant Geledi Sultanate. Sheikh Ali *****tain was born in Nugal region between Growe and Laas-Aanood in the current Puntland. He traveled to Mecca and Baghdad for further learning where he met “with the disciples of Mohamed Abdulwahab” and came back to his home area. He established an Islamic education center at Halin (Xalin) wells near Taleex. However, he emigrated from his home after conflict with his clan and moved to the eastern region under the tutelage of *****tain Sultan Nur Osman. Here also, Sheikh Ali found it unacceptable to live with the overt violation of Islamic Shari’a by the Sultan Nur of *****tain, forming an alliance with Haji Farah Hirsi, a rebel Sultan of *****tain who attempted to establish a new sultanate or to overthrow his cousin, similar to the Saudi style where Haji Farah would take political responsibility and Sheikh Ali would administer religious affairs. To achieve this goal, Sheikh Ali sent a letter to the ruler of Sharja Sheikh Saqar al-Qasimi offering his allegiance and requesting his support. However, Sheikh Saqar could not respond promptly and, dismayed, Sheikh Ali traveled to Zanzibar and remained there for 15 months under the custody of Sultan Said al-Bu-Saidi. Having in mind to establish an Islamic Emirate, Sheikh Ali had arrived in Merca in 1946, three years after the defeat of Baardheere Jamaaca and the dominance of Geledi Sultanate over the vast southern regions. However, Biimal clan, the major clan of Merca, was rebelling against the Geledi sultanate at that time. Sheikh Ali *****tain had arrived in Merca in alliance with Biimal clan, with 5 boats carrying 150 followers and substantial quantities of firearms and ammunition. He settled near Merca with the consent of the Biimal clan and began his activities and education programs. First, he attempted to play the role of a peacemaker between Sultan Yusuf and the Biimal clan and sent a letter to Sultan Yusuf requesting that he accept his reconciliation efforts. However, when Sultan Yusuf refused his offer, he arbitrarily declared war against him. Sheikh Ali’s followers confronted the Geledi sultan in 1846 without the support of Biimal clan and were easily defeated. His expectation of receiving assistance from Sultan of Zanzibar was dashed, and instead the Zanzibar sultan helped the Sultan of Geledi to confront what was perceived as the threat of the “Wahabis”. The doctrinal inclination of Sheikh Ali is evident in the letter he sent to the clans of Brava showing that he considered the Geledi Sultanate to be a deviated sect (firqa dalah). Commenting on the outcome of war, Sheikh Ali stated according Aw Jamac Omar Iisse that “in reality ours [deaths] are in paradise and theirs are in hell” and “if you are among the deviated sect whom Sultan Yusuf leads, there is no relation between us, and your blood will not be saved from us”. The intolerance of Sheikh Ali to the propagation of Islam among his people, his mobilization of armed followers and his siding with the Biimal clan against the Geledi sultanate, all indicates that he belonged to a militant ideology similar to that of Bardheere Jamaaca. 3. The third significant event was the arrival in Berbera in 1895 of Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, which was not only the beginning of armed encounters with the colonial powers but also initiated internal conflict among the Somali Sufi Orders. Upon his arrival in Berbera, Sayid Mohamed challenged the authority and credentials of the Qadiriyah establishment, setting up the competing Salihiyah Order. He publicly criticized some practices of Qadiriyah Sheikhs, and introduced new verdict (fatwas) on some issues, such as prohibition of chewing Qaad and tobacco, although tolerated by other scholars. However, Qadiriyah scholars succeeded in overcoming these challenges through religious debates. Scholars, like Aw Gas and Haji Ibrahim Hirsi, invited Sheikh Madar from Hargeysa, the head of the Qadiriyah Order in the region, and Sheikh Abdullahi Arusi, the teacher of Sayid Mohamed, to participate in a meeting held in Berbera in 1897 to discuss issues of lawful and prohibited in Islam raised by Sayid Mohamed. However, after heated discussions on the major disputed issues, followers of Qadiriyah in Berbera rebelled against Sayid Mohamed and the British authorities intervened to maintain public order. As a result, Sayid Mohamed was compelled to emigrate from Berbera, carrying with him doctrinal enmity against Qadiriyah. This deep-rooted conflict between Qadiriyah and northern Salihiyah had two dimensions, political and doctrinal. First, Sayid Mohamed was aiming to establish an Islamic Emirate under his leadership without consulting other prominent scholars. His unilateral, authoritarian and violent approach annoyed many scholars and clan leaders. Second, Salihiyah questioned the doctrinal credentials of the rival Qadiriyah Order, condemning them as heretical and claiming that only Salihiyah was authentic and original. This theological controversy escalated into the trading of polemics and then developed into bitter propaganda against each other. For instance, Sheikh Aweys al-Baraawi, the famous leader of Qadiriyah in southern Somalia wrote poems vilifying Salihiyah Order. Here are some selected excerpts from the poem, translated by B.G. Martin: The person guided by Mohamed’s law, will not follow the faction of Satan [salihiyah] Who deem it lawful to spill the blood of the learned, who take cash and women too: they are anarchist Do not follow those men with big shocks of hair, a coiffure like the Wahabiya! Publicly, they sell paradise for cash, in our land; they are a sect of dogs They have gone astray and make others deviate on earth, by land and sea among the Somalis Have they no reason or understanding? Be not deceived by them But flee as from a disaster, from their infamy and unbelief. This verbal polemic was countered by a similar diatribe of poems by Sayid Mohamed, which he concluded as Professor Said Samatar related: “A word to the backsliding apostates, why have gone astray, from the Prophet’s way, the straight path? Why is the truth, so plain, hidden from you?” This developed into physical attacks on the leaders of Qadiriyah, and on April 14, 1909, followers of Salihiyah murdered Sheikh Aweys al-Baraawi at Biyooley. Unfortunately, when Sayid Mohamed heard of the death of Sheikh Aweys he recited a victory hymn saying “behold, at last, when we slew the old wizard, the rains began to come!” (Candhagodoble goortaan dilaa roobki noo da’aye). The implications of this conflict in Somalia were tremendous, affecting anti-colonial resistance and tarnishing the image of the Salihiyah Order among the population. On other hand, before the arrival of Sayid Mohamed in Northern Somalia, there was the Dandarawiyah Order, an offshoot of Ahmadiyah, in the towns of Sheikh and Haahi. It was introduced into Northern Somalia by Sayid Adan Ahmed, a disciple of Sayid Ibrahim Al-Rashid. Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan claimed to be the sole authorised legitimate heir of the al-Rashidiyah Order in Northern Somalia and demanded that Dandarawiyah Order in the town of Sheikh and Hahi (Xaaxi) follow him, which they have utterly refused to do. Against this background, Sayid Mohamed’s forces burned the Ahmadiyah centers in the town of Sheikh as reported by Abdirisaq Aqli in his book “Sheikh Madar”. Sayid Mohamed’s bright points were romanticized by the Somali nationalists in their efforts to nurture national consciousness by narrating glorious past and reconstructing symbols, heroes and myths. In this approach, self inflicted wounds, civil wars, massacres, and human atrocities are downplayed and belittled. However, in tracing the background for the current extremism in the name of Islam, it is necessary to bring up other episodes of the Sayid Mohamed that suggest the historical roots of the current extremism in Somalia. In conclusion, the early militancy in the name of Islam resembles current militancy in (1) the exclusion of other Islamic groups, (2) monopoly of religious legitimacy; (3) excessive use for violence against other Muslims; and (4) selective and haphazard application of Shari’a. All these forms of militancy have its roots, connections and influences of the Salafia (Wahabi) school of Saudi Arabia. The current extremism and militancy, however, is rooted to the emergence of Al-itihad al-Islami in 1980s and its militaristic adventure in 1990s which ended in the disastrous defeat in Kismayo, Puntland and Gedo in 1991, 1992 and 1996 respectively. Moreover, although current extremism in the name of Islam is a recent phenomenon and an expression of anger responding to various internal and external tensions, it is not without precedence in Somalia and the above stated three episodes attest the occurrences of similar phenomenon despite the fact that it happened in different context and conditions. Furthermore, all the three events ended with military defeat and massive human suffering which most likely will be the fate of current militancy in Somalia. Abduraxman Baadyow abdurahmanba@yahoo.com

By:Abdurahman Abdullahi (Baadiyow) January, 02, 2010 - Militancy simply means having a combative character; aggressive, especially in the service of a cause. Adding Islamic adjective signifies that certain interpretation of Islam is used as the guiding ideology of that militancy. The first such militancy in the history of Islam was labelled “al-Khawarij” ["the Seceders" or the Rebels] because of their rebellion [khuruj] against fourth Imam of Islam ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. In the opposite stands the terminology of moderation “balanced” “al-Wasadiyah” which signifies being within reasonable limits; not excessive or extreme, and not violent or subject to extremes. In general, Islam calls for moderation in everything: in belief, warship, conduct, and legislation; and warns against all forms of extremism: ghuluw (excessiveness), tanattu’ (meticulous religiosity) and tashdid (strictness). Moderation, or balance, is not only a general characteristic of Islam, it is a fundamental landmark. In the Qur’anic verse (2:143) Allah says: “Thus, have we made of you an Ummah (Nation) justly balanced, that you might be witnesses over the nations and the Messenger a witness over yourselves”. The phenomenon of Islamic extremism was well articulated by Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qardawi in his booklet “Islamic Awakening between Rejection and Extremism” which is very useful to briefly understand current militancy in a balanced way. Looking into the history of Somalia in the 18th and 19th centuries, the revival of Islam was carried by the Sufi Brotherhood movements and legendary Sufi scholars belonging to the three main Sufi Orders: Qadiriyah, Ahmadiyah and Salihiyah had emerged. The names of Sheikh Madar, Sheikh Abdirahman Al-Zayli, Sheikh Aweys al-Baraawi, Sheikh Mohamed Guleed, Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, Sheikh Ali Maye, Sheikh Sufi and many others are well known teachers and respected Islamic Scholars in Somalia. Sufi brotherhoods are generally moderate and use peaceful means of propagating Islam that offer due consideration to the norms and customs of the people. Often, they use innovative means to assimilate and absorb the pastoral and illiterate masses and mobilize them into common action. Bloodlettings being the most heinous crime in Islam, Islamic scholars usually abstain from recurrent clan fighting in the harsh pastoral environment. Their role is limited to conflict resolution, community education and conducting various religious functions. However, there were three historical events in the history of Somalia when Islamic militancy emerged and certain Islamic scholars led internal fighting to gain politico-religious hegemony. Such historical events have historical importance and constitute precedents for current Islamic militancy and extremism in Somalia. It offers lessons that doctrinal differences and political ambitions may develop into violent wars under the leadership of charismatic and ambitious scholars. 1. The first event occurred around Baardheere town in the southern Somalia as a confrontation between the Bardheere religious settlements (Jamaaca) and the Geledi Sultanates at Afgoye. The Bardheere settlement was founded in 1819 by Sheikh Ibrahim Yabarow, introducing some Islamic reforms such as outlawing tobacco and popular dancing and prohibiting ivory trade. They began to implement some elements of Islamic Shari’a, such as the wearing of decent Islamic dress for women. In the mid-1930s, receiving strong adherents, the Jamaaca decided to expand its sphere of influence to other regions during era of Sharif Abdirahman and Sharif Ibrahim from Sarmaan in Bakool. By 1840, the Jamaaca warriors reached Baidoa area and Luuq and finally sacked Baraawe, the historic seat of the Qadiriyah Order where both Sultan Ahmed Yusuf of Geledi and Sheikh Maadow of Hintire clan learned, the most powerful leaders who together reacted to the Baardheere expansions. The town of Baraawe accepted their capitulation conditions that include prohibiting tobacco and popular dancing, adopting the Islamic dress code and so on. They also agreed to pay an annual tax of 500 Pessa. This action provoked a concerted response from the clans of the inter-river areas under the charismatic leadership of Geledi Sultan Yusuf Mohamed. The Sultanate mobilized an expedition force of 40,000 from all clans, stormed Bardheere and completely burned it. Professor Cassanelli characterized this conflict as between the rising power of Islamic reformists and the established traditional power of the Geledi. Moreover, he adds the economic factor of curbing the lucrative ivory trade as well as a clan aspect, which stemmed from the armed immigrant nomads, the followers of the Jamaaca, being perceived as a threat to the local population. The external actors’ role in this conflict was not well researched, however, it is said that Sayid Bargash, the Sultan of Zanzibar, was on good terms with the Geledi Sultanate in the confrontation, perceived to be a Wahabi “Salafia” penetration into Somalia. 2. The second event is connected with the arrival of Sheikh Ali Abdurahman (*****tain) (1787-1952) in Merca in 1946 and his confrontation with the dominant Geledi Sultanate. Sheikh Ali *****tain was born in Nugal region between Growe and Laas-Aanood in the current Puntland. He traveled to Mecca and Baghdad for further learning where he met “with the disciples of Mohamed Abdulwahab” and came back to his home area. He established an Islamic education center at Halin (Xalin) wells near Taleex. However, he emigrated from his home after conflict with his clan and moved to the eastern region under the tutelage of *****tain Sultan Nur Osman. Here also, Sheikh Ali found it unacceptable to live with the overt violation of Islamic Shari’a by the Sultan Nur of *****tain, forming an alliance with Haji Farah Hirsi, a rebel Sultan of *****tain who attempted to establish a new sultanate or to overthrow his cousin, similar to the Saudi style where Haji Farah would take political responsibility and Sheikh Ali would administer religious affairs. To achieve this goal, Sheikh Ali sent a letter to the ruler of Sharja Sheikh Saqar al-Qasimi offering his allegiance and requesting his support. However, Sheikh Saqar could not respond promptly and, dismayed, Sheikh Ali traveled to Zanzibar and remained there for 15 months under the custody of Sultan Said al-Bu-Saidi. Having in mind to establish an Islamic Emirate, Sheikh Ali had arrived in Merca in 1946, three years after the defeat of Baardheere Jamaaca and the dominance of Geledi Sultanate over the vast southern regions. However, Biimal clan, the major clan of Merca, was rebelling against the Geledi sultanate at that time. Sheikh Ali *****tain had arrived in Merca in alliance with Biimal clan, with 5 boats carrying 150 followers and substantial quantities of firearms and ammunition. He settled near Merca with the consent of the Biimal clan and began his activities and education programs. First, he attempted to play the role of a peacemaker between Sultan Yusuf and the Biimal clan and sent a letter to Sultan Yusuf requesting that he accept his reconciliation efforts. However, when Sultan Yusuf refused his offer, he arbitrarily declared war against him. Sheikh Ali’s followers confronted the Geledi sultan in 1846 without the support of Biimal clan and were easily defeated. His expectation of receiving assistance from Sultan of Zanzibar was dashed, and instead the Zanzibar sultan helped the Sultan of Geledi to confront what was perceived as the threat of the “Wahabis”. The doctrinal inclination of Sheikh Ali is evident in the letter he sent to the clans of Brava showing that he considered the Geledi Sultanate to be a deviated sect (firqa dalah). Commenting on the outcome of war, Sheikh Ali stated according Aw Jamac Omar Iisse that “in reality ours [deaths] are in paradise and theirs are in hell” and “if you are among the deviated sect whom Sultan Yusuf leads, there is no relation between us, and your blood will not be saved from us”. The intolerance of Sheikh Ali to the propagation of Islam among his people, his mobilization of armed followers and his siding with the Biimal clan against the Geledi sultanate, all indicates that he belonged to a militant ideology similar to that of Bardheere Jamaaca. 3. The third significant event was the arrival in Berbera in 1895 of Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, which was not only the beginning of armed encounters with the colonial powers but also initiated internal conflict among the Somali Sufi Orders. Upon his arrival in Berbera, Sayid Mohamed challenged the authority and credentials of the Qadiriyah establishment, setting up the competing Salihiyah Order. He publicly criticized some practices of Qadiriyah Sheikhs, and introduced new verdict (fatwas) on some issues, such as prohibition of chewing Qaad and tobacco, although tolerated by other scholars. However, Qadiriyah scholars succeeded in overcoming these challenges through religious debates. Scholars, like Aw Gas and Haji Ibrahim Hirsi, invited Sheikh Madar from Hargeysa, the head of the Qadiriyah Order in the region, and Sheikh Abdullahi Arusi, the teacher of Sayid Mohamed, to participate in a meeting held in Berbera in 1897 to discuss issues of lawful and prohibited in Islam raised by Sayid Mohamed. However, after heated discussions on the major disputed issues, followers of Qadiriyah in Berbera rebelled against Sayid Mohamed and the British authorities intervened to maintain public order. As a result, Sayid Mohamed was compelled to emigrate from Berbera, carrying with him doctrinal enmity against Qadiriyah. This deep-rooted conflict between Qadiriyah and northern Salihiyah had two dimensions, political and doctrinal. First, Sayid Mohamed was aiming to establish an Islamic Emirate under his leadership without consulting other prominent scholars. His unilateral, authoritarian and violent approach annoyed many scholars and clan leaders. Second, Salihiyah questioned the doctrinal credentials of the rival Qadiriyah Order, condemning them as heretical and claiming that only Salihiyah was authentic and original. This theological controversy escalated into the trading of polemics and then developed into bitter propaganda against each other. For instance, Sheikh Aweys al-Baraawi, the famous leader of Qadiriyah in southern Somalia wrote poems vilifying Salihiyah Order. Here are some selected excerpts from the poem, translated by B.G. Martin: The person guided by Mohamed’s law, will not follow the faction of Satan [salihiyah] Who deem it lawful to spill the blood of the learned, who take cash and women too: they are anarchist Do not follow those men with big shocks of hair, a coiffure like the Wahabiya! Publicly, they sell paradise for cash, in our land; they are a sect of dogs They have gone astray and make others deviate on earth, by land and sea among the Somalis Have they no reason or understanding? Be not deceived by them But flee as from a disaster, from their infamy and unbelief. This verbal polemic was countered by a similar diatribe of poems by Sayid Mohamed, which he concluded as Professor Said Samatar related: “A word to the backsliding apostates, why have gone astray, from the Prophet’s way, the straight path? Why is the truth, so plain, hidden from you?” This developed into physical attacks on the leaders of Qadiriyah, and on April 14, 1909, followers of Salihiyah murdered Sheikh Aweys al-Baraawi at Biyooley. Unfortunately, when Sayid Mohamed heard of the death of Sheikh Aweys he recited a victory hymn saying “behold, at last, when we slew the old wizard, the rains began to come!” (Candhagodoble goortaan dilaa roobki noo da’aye). The implications of this conflict in Somalia were tremendous, affecting anti-colonial resistance and tarnishing the image of the Salihiyah Order among the population. On other hand, before the arrival of Sayid Mohamed in Northern Somalia, there was the Dandarawiyah Order, an offshoot of Ahmadiyah, in the towns of Sheikh and Haahi. It was introduced into Northern Somalia by Sayid Adan Ahmed, a disciple of Sayid Ibrahim Al-Rashid. Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan claimed to be the sole authorised legitimate heir of the al-Rashidiyah Order in Northern Somalia and demanded that Dandarawiyah Order in the town of Sheikh and Hahi (Xaaxi) follow him, which they have utterly refused to do. Against this background, Sayid Mohamed’s forces burned the Ahmadiyah centers in the town of Sheikh as reported by Abdirisaq Aqli in his book “Sheikh Madar”. Sayid Mohamed’s bright points were romanticized by the Somali nationalists in their efforts to nurture national consciousness by narrating glorious past and reconstructing symbols, heroes and myths. In this approach, self inflicted wounds, civil wars, massacres, and human atrocities are downplayed and belittled. However, in tracing the background for the current extremism in the name of Islam, it is necessary to bring up other episodes of the Sayid Mohamed that suggest the historical roots of the current extremism in Somalia. In conclusion, the early militancy in the name of Islam resembles current militancy in (1) the exclusion of other Islamic groups, (2) monopoly of religious legitimacy; (3) excessive use for violence against other Muslims; and (4) selective and haphazard application of Shari’a. All these forms of militancy have its roots, connections and influences of the Salafia (Wahabi) school of Saudi Arabia. The current extremism and militancy, however, is rooted to the emergence of Al-itihad al-Islami in 1980s and its militaristic adventure in 1990s which ended in the disastrous defeat in Kismayo, Puntland and Gedo in 1991, 1992 and 1996 respectively. Moreover, although current extremism in the name of Islam is a recent phenomenon and an expression of anger responding to various internal and external tensions, it is not without precedence in Somalia and the above stated three episodes attest the occurrences of similar phenomenon despite the fact that it happened in different context and conditions. Furthermore, all the three events ended with military defeat and massive human suffering which most likely will be the fate of current militancy in Somalia. Abduraxman Baadyow abdurahmanba@yahoo.com