Koora-Tuunshe

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Everything posted by Koora-Tuunshe

  1. Che-Guevara, it is not wise to use the term "adeer". You are only rendering the government as a "clan government". I am really surprised that you have been brainwashed you into believing this clan vs clan squabble.
  2. There is a substantial evidence of geological study and assessment on Ahl Medo (Al Mado, Cal Madow) region According to a team of geologists who had done this exploration in the late 50s, 60, and late 80s. According to them Al Mado basin contains considerable Jurassic oil reserves. Political risks in the whole country mostly hampered its development. Sedimentation and Tectonics in Rift Basins: Red Sea - Gulf of Adenby B. H. Purser, Dan W. J. Bosence - Science - 1998 More Documents:
  3. Barlamanka oo dood yeeshay 13 Apr 13, 2008 - 8:57:16 AM Xildhibaanada Baarlamaanka Somalia ayaa waxay maanta kulan xasaasi ah ka yeesheen dib u heshiisiinta ay ku baaqday Xukumadda uu hoggaaminayo Ra'iisul Wasaaraaha Somalia Nuur Cadde. Fadhiga Barlamanka uu maanta ku yeeshay Baydhabo oo uu shir gudominayay Sheekh Aadan Madoobe ayaa waxaa ka qaybgalay in ku dhow 140-mudane, iyadoo mudanayaasha maanta fadhigaas xaadirayna ay is dhaafsadee doodo kulul. Xildihbanada ayaa waxay ku kala aragti duwanayen ajandaha dib u heshiisiinta ee ay waddo xukumadda uu hoggaaminayo Nur Cadde, waxana mudanayasha qaarkood ay dhalliileen dib u heshiisiinta. C/rashiid Xiddig oo ka mid ah xildhibaannadii maanta doodda kulul ka jeediyay Baarlamaanka ayaa wuxuu sheegay in ajandaha dib u heshiisiinta ee la horkeenay uu yahay mid aan sharci ahayn, isagoo sheegay in sharciga uusan soo gaarsiin Wasiirka dib u heshiisiinta. "Sharcigan waxaan ku caddeyn inay soo ansixiyeen golaha Wasiirrada iyo in kale, sidoo kale qoraalkan waa mid uu soo saxiixay Ra'iisul Wasaaraha Somalia, waxaana meeshaas ka cad inuusan waxba ka ogeyn Wasiirka dib u heshiisiinta, sidaa daraadeed waxaan qabaa inuusan ahayn mid sharci ah" ayuu yiri Mudane Xiddig oo codsaday in dib loogu celiyo DF, ayna soo ansixiyan golaha wasiirrada. Fikir ka duwan midkaan ayaa waxaa qaba xildhibaan Geescadde oo hadal uu jeediyay ku sheegay in dowladdu ay tahay mid dib u heshiisiineed, sidaa daraadeedna ay tahay in la taageero dib u heshiisiinta oo aan hadal la gelin. Shekh Aadan Madobe oo soo dhexgalay fadhiga ayaa sheegay in xildhibannadu ay haystaan muddo 10-casho ah, ayna kaga soo baaraandagaan qoraalkaan ku saabsan dib u heshiisiinta, dabadeedna mar kale laga doodi doono. Xildhibaannada baarlamaanka ayaa waxay noqonaysaa markii ugu horeeyay oo ay ka doodaan ajande ku saabsan dib u heshiisiinta, waxaana lagu wadaa in fadhi kale looga doodo sharcigaan. Garowe Online, Baydhabo
  4. "The Kulmiye chairman vowed to discredit the unrecognized authority of the governor After May 17." Riyale 's apprehension of the opposition group is turning to be very obvious to the public view. The Elders' intervention derogates the tripartite agreement reached by the contestants. And It is instructive to note that Riyale has tampered with the Elders' hasty decisions to upset the process.
  5. Jacaylbare, thnigs won't be smooth. You have two secessionist groups vying for the control of the triangle.
  6. ^Adam Zayla, Superior factual analysis on the question of secession.
  7. "The Kulmiye chairman vowed to discredit the unrecognized authority of the governor After May 17." Riyale 's apprehension of the opposition group is turning to be very obvious to the public view. The Elders' intervention derogates the tripartite agreement reached by the contestants. And It is instructive to note that Riyale has tampered with the Elders' hasty decisions to upset the process.
  8. Originally posted by Libaax-Sankataabte: "Meet Your Ambassador" Jacayl, that sounds like a quote by Duke. I was thinking the same. Mimicking
  9. Originally posted by J.a.c.a.y.l.b.a.r.o: Don't be scared homeboy ,,,, you not gonna die from being online. I spend most of my online time reading academic literature when I am not working. I don't spend a whit of chance on youtubes/Myspaces and stuff like that.
  10. I have seen young and old Somalis wearing a T-Shirt with the name on it. It perpelexed me that people would sink so low to embrace this clannish idealogy at a painful time of despair and destruction that such tribal names braught up on our society. In the pre-colonial era, dominant clans were given the right to exericise sovereignty over their territories as this Map indicates when tribal names entered the political lexicon. I have no problem if you attribute your clan country to the territories where your beloved and noble O resides but do not claim other people's land and therefore wrap up your political whims, caprice and deception under the pretext for liberation. The Geri rebellion had lasted for 10 years after being subdued with British and American support and during which their leaders were hanged on public by the monarchical tyranny of Hailla Sallasie. The tragic consequences of and many other events tell us that politically designed organization is no cure to Somalia's ills. I am told that ONLF is liable for a cruel and collective punishments on the civilians. It is hard to believe even educated folks would defend this primordial clan organization. God have mercy on our people's ancient mentality.
  11. As Election Approaches, Demonization of KULMIYE Party Gains Momentum April 12, 2008 In this world where deception, disinformation, dirty politics and character assassinations are all part of the strategy to win an election, Somaliland government’s witch-hunt against the opposition party KULMIYE takes yet another diabolical approach—unheard and unprecedented before. Conveniently, as the election approaches explosions go off in Somaliland capital, Hargaisa. And surprisingly, before investigating who the real culprits are the government as well as the pro-government Media point fingers at KULMIYE party. How convenient and how fiendish? This is what exactly happens when a pathetic regime prematurely employs dirty tactics that it has not mastered yet—false pretences of fighting against terrorism in order to demonize the opposition parties. But unlike anywhere else in the world, such a villain strategy could result deadly consequences. Few months ago, I wrote an article entitled, “Somaliland: a democratic state in East Africa or a tinderbox waiting to explode?” published on http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/312/78.shtml and as it seems many of the catastrophes that I have predicted might happen if the upcoming Somaliland presidential election fails seem to be looming on the horizon. Worse yet, the government of Somaliland rather than avoid creating an Armageddon, it spurs one. For instance, with respect to the recent explosions in Hargaisa, the Interior Minster of Somaliland, Mr. Abdillahi Ismail Ali (Cirro) without a shred of evidences states, “What happened in the Parliament (The house of Guurti) was the work of KULMIYE party…” http://tinyurl.com/56r5nu Mr. Ali’s comment was not only unprofessional, but it was also dangerous. God help us all, but when the Interior Minster who supposed to be a responsible citizen and a government official turns out to be an inept person—if not a loose cannon on deck—and makes an outrageous comment, one wonders what to expect from the average political zealots, on the streets, who would do anything to make sure that his/her party succeeds in the upcoming election. Not to mention our fervent tribalism—the natural fuel needed for sparking hell—is abundant. Therefore, undoubtedly the deadly mixture of our deep-rooted tribalism myth and the government’s staged terrorism (the new sports) is the prelude for ominous clouds looming on the horizon. The whole notion of labeling KULMIYE party members as terrorists is ludicrous, and in fact this makes the current regime the laughingstock of the century. Congratulations! In the 80’s and 90’s many of the current leaders of KULMIYE party including its chairman, Mr. Mohammed Ahmed Silanyo fiercely and bravely fought against the former Somali regime. And they didn’t set off explosives in cities or in government buildings during their struggle against the ruthless dictator Gen. Siade Barre, so why would they resort to terrorism tactics now? Duh! Obviously, where commons prevails, the current regime fails. (Don’t get me wrong; I neither support KULMIYE, UDUB nor UCID party.) On the other hand, many of the ruling party UDUB members were not only the henchmen of Gen. Siade Barre but they also belonged to the notorious, most feared and ruthless organized criminals—an organization of terror— the HANGASH (Somali acronym for military police) also known as NSS. The NSS members were known to carry out terror warfare; setting up explosives, killing people, raping women, and kidnapping the opposition members. So in fact, in the Hargaisa bombings, the former NSS members should be suspect number one because not only do they have the training to carry out a terror plot, but they also have the resources. Let’s not kid ourselves here. History cannot and will not be rewritten. (Maybe now President Dahir Riyale Kahin got one year extension to stay in power, the bombing would stop.) Without a doubt, the government’s political experiment or its stupiddity towards KULMIYE party is not a leap in the dark; it is rather a deliberate attempt to demonize the opposition party so that it doesn’t stand a chance to win the upcoming election. Desperate times call for desperate measures. To sum up, Somaliland has been progressing by leaps and bounds. We cannot afford a setback. No way! That is we must press ahead and not reset the clock. And the current regime’s provocative character assassinations and preposterous accusations against the opposition party KULMIYE will run their course, and if anything, these ill-intended strategies may in fact be a blessing in disguise for KULMIYE. The more the current regime—led by UDUB party—insults our intelligences, the more the opposition party KULMIYE gains popularity. Oddly enough, sometimes one wonders whether some of the current UDUB members secretly work for KULMIYE because time and time again they make ridiculous comments about the opposition party, which in turn makes KULMIYE look impressive. Dalmar Kaahin Ottawa, Canada dalmar_k@yahoo.com
  12. Kashafa, you of all should not lecture me of morality. Your records of justifying the horrific beheadings of innocent civilians by the brutal Al-Shayaadiin have shown us your true color.
  13. Originally posted by Ibtisam: Shike Ali Warsame is not any more of a terrorist that I and you. (And before you ask, no I'm not related to him. ) :rolleyes: Daaka haaga baaxasado niniyahow. I didn't say they were terrorists but your reaction tells me that you gave a purposeful definition to Al-Itihaad. I nod that it is a notoriously ambigious term. This is the political reality in Bur'o , the center of Kulmiye supporters, whether you want to escape from it or not. They (Kulmiye and the ruling elite) might soon come into conflict since the political frameworks to which both the opposition and the current ruling elite draw their legitimacy are diametrically opposite. I do not think Kulmiye would be willing to directly involve in the pattern of domestic policies pursued by Riyale and his cronies if they succeed in their legal contest with the upcoming election. The ruling elites of Somaliland region has direct ties with Ethiopia, don't ya think?
  14. Excerpt Abridged from "My life as a Diplomat" Nurudin Farah My first meeting in town was with Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys, then the spiritual head of the Islamic Courts Union; he struck me as being more reasonable than many others in the group. In all, I spent three and a half hours in our first meeting, much of it alone with him. We were in an office with a huge escritoire, and we were cramped, sitting very close to each other, a low table on which he placed his notebook and I mine and also our teacups between us, the door left ajar. He leaned forward to enunciate his words with the slowness of someone used to speaking to blockheads. (Perhaps he thought me a halfwit, come from Cape Town, on a dubious peace mission; a fool proposing that he and President Yusuf, his adversary, make up for the sake of Somalia.) When I told him what prompted my visit, he confessed he had no recollection of agreeing that President Yusuf relocate to Mogadishu with a force from Puntland. The group’s position, he reiterated with emphasis, was that Ethiopia must withdraw its forces from Somalia before anything else could happen. He continued: “We control much of the country and the people are behind us. What does he control, this president, confined to Baidoa?” THIS was not an encouraging beginning. My subsequent meetings with the Islamists and their sympathizers were equally frustrating. There was no discussion of the peace plan that had brought me back to Somalia. Instead, the discussions centered on matters they deemed important: whether theaters should be open; whether girls could be permitted to wear jeans or go about unveiled; whether tea houses should play music, or young men watch soccer on television. There was no serious talk of governance. What struck me in these conversations was the presence of Arabic. These men, I surmised, had received their education in Sudan, Libya or Kuwait. For the first time since the Middle Ages, Arabic was the lingua franca in Mogadishu; Somali was practically a second language. After my meeting with the Islamists, I headed for Baidoa to meet the president. When we met in his office, across the courtyard from his residence — he emerged dressed in gray, his bearing immaculate, hair groomed with care and face glowing, after a good night’s sleep. (How, I asked myself, was this possible in a town with no modern amenities?) The president and I sat facing each other, and his intent stare reminded me that he and Sheik Aweys come from the same part of the country; I couldn’t help being mindful that the two of them had engaged in armed skirmishes in the early ’90s, soon after the structural collapse of the state. The sheik had led an Islamist takeover of Puntland; the president, opposing him, had won that round. The president accepted my offer to open channels between the two sides. But it was another message from him that would ring in my ears: “I know what war is,” he said. “I have fought in three of them. I won’t attack Mogadishu, but if the I.C.U. invades Baidoa, someone will regret it. Tell the sheik this. From me.” Back to Mogadishu. I met Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed, the executive director of the union; also present was the interlocutor who had called me in the first place. Regrettably, my interlocutor would allude neither to our initial conversation, nor to his suggestion that the transitional government move to Mogadishu, with guarantees. As we spoke, officials came and went, some bowing low, others kneeling in deference to the sheik. It was clear that I was in the presence of a power — a power who was unwilling to confirm that he had knowledge of my interlocutor’s offer. I had to wonder. Was the Islamic union negotiating in bad faith? Had I embarked on a peace mission that was doomed to fail? Or did the powers that be in the Islamic union reject the idea of a rapprochement with the government and forget to tell me? I chose to play dumb, and so I provided the sheik’s secretary with contact information for the president’s men — as if everything else was on track. The following day, I went to meet Sheik Aweys at his home. I got lost on the way. He lived in a part of town unfamiliar to me. With no paved roads, and with the rains having created ravines with crumbly sides, and with no street names, the entire area was virtually impassable. My driver and I got stuck in the sandy chasms. After I arrived, the sheik and I talked amicably, with his 2-year-old son sitting on his lap. I dared not share with him the president’s threatening remarks. Before we parted, he commended me for my “audacious” attempt to bring the Islamic union and the transitional government closer. He suggested not giving up hope, however, adding that there was bound to be further need for my involvement once “the Somali people” routed their enemies, “and you know who these are,” he grinned. I offered to return in a few months. ----
  15. O stands for? How about Somali National Liberation Front. http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=9612
  16. Explosion rocks Somaliland parliament building 9 Apr 9, 2008 - 4:39:42 PM HARGEISA, Somalia Apr 9 (Garowe Online) - A bomb exploded through a part of the parliament building in Somalia's separatist republic of Somaliland on a day of intense political negotiations to settle an enduring dispute about the upcoming elections. No one was wounded when the explosion happened at noon on Wednesday in Hargeisa, the breakaway region's capital city. But there was extensive damage to an office inside the parliament building, which is home to the House of Guurti (elders). Gen. Mohamed Dubad, Somaliland 's chief of police, told local media that six suspects have been apprehended in connection with today's explosion. Of the six suspects, four are reported to be employees who work at the parliament building, according to local sources. Somaliland Interior Minister Abdullahi "Irro" Ismail later told the BBC Somali Service that members loyal to the opposition Kulmiye party were behind the attack. He said two Kulmiye party members are in police custody for questioning. But Kulmiye party chairman Ahmed Silanyo dismissed the Interior Minister's allegations as "baseless." Prior to the explosion, the House of Guurti ended a heated discussion on a bill introduced by the government of President Dahir Riyale, sources said. According to the sources in Hargeisa, Riyale's bill is a request for a term extension for the incumbent president whose official term expires next month. The Somaliland leader wants the presidential elections postponed until October 2008, to complete an ongoing voter registration process. But Mr. Silanyo, the opposition leader, has been critical of the term extension proposal. On Wednesday, the House of Guurti failed to hold an official session because there were not enough lawmakers to complete the quorum. The explosion at the parliament building becomes the third bomb blast in Hargeisa over the past two weeks, including a grenade attack on the home of a Somaliland Cabinet minister last week. Somaliland , which declared independence from Somalia in 1991, maintains its own government, armed forces, flag and currency. But no country in the world has ever recognized the separatist region as an independent republic. Source: Garowe Online
  17. Somalia: Kulmiye party is behind the blast, says Somaliland Interior Minister The Somaliland Minister of Interior, Abdullahi Ismail Irro, has blamed the main opposition party in Somaliland, Kulmiye, for the explosion at one of the offices used by the members of the Somaliland Council of Elders ( Guurti) today. “The devise used for the explosion was a time bomb. The main suspects are men from the opposition party who ignored the security staff and gate-crashed the office. We think Kulmiye party is behind the blast” the minister told a BBC Somali Service interviewer A man was arrested for saying a blast would take place before midday, the minister said. The actual blast took place at noon. “Continuous intimidation from the opposition party preceded the blast. A house belonging to the National Electoral Commission member was targeted few nights ago,” said the minister who denied reports that the government is keen to have its mandate extended. It is not known how the minister’s remarks will affect investigations to be carried by the Somaliland police. No one was injured at the scene of the blast. Kulmiye party leader, Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, has dismissed minister’s remarks as baseless. “It is sad that the Minister of Interior did not think about what he had said to link a national party and its leaders to a blast. We challenge him to provide evidence for the allegations. ” © 2008 Somali Press Review
  18. Some observers of Somaliland political scene believe that elections may be postponed indefinitely, a move that will anger the two main opposition parties in Somaliland, Kulmiye and UCID.... Political temperature in Somaliland is rising. Yesterday a blast rocked a Council of Elders' adminstrative office in Hargiesa. The Somaliland Minister for Interior, Abdullahi Ismail Irro, blamed Kulmiye party for the explosion. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, the chairman of Kulmiye party denied the allegation and challenged the minister to back up his remarks with evidence. What about Qaran?
  19. Part of Nogal block is under occupation, and parts of Dharoor block(Makhir) and Al Mado(Maakhir) refused to be part of the exploration deals. Let us be honest with the reality on the ground.
  20. Originally posted by Suldaanka: If that comes at the expense of hosting American base in Berbera, so be it. The Americans had a base in Berbera before so I don't think it would make any difference. And besides, the only port that we rely on were built by the successive Russian and American governments. As well as Kismayo and Mogadisho. Our Berbera port was built by our former government. America and Russia gave us the technical assistance and loans.
  21. Who might they listen to as their Spiritual leader? Can they be contained or controlled? I don't think anyone has answers for this questions. Clearly what inspires these young men is not interest and nothing but religion, agreed to that, however, unfortunately in the wrong path, and that's why I see them as a very dangerous movement, I have never been so much frightened from any Somali group like them, and we will witness what they will come up with next... All I see is a gathared youth so energetic willing to die and kill for what they believe, inspired by religion(wrongly so), with no known religious nor political leader and have no feasible mission to achieve, forcefully trying and doing it nevertheless and on the route justifying the murder of many innocents... the outcome is a disaster if you ask me. Allow me to quote your brilliant remarks.
  22. Socod, this pretty much summarizes it. See the Link: Human rights abuses included unlawful and politically motivated killings; kidnapping, torture, rape, and beatings; official impunity; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; and arbitrary arrest and detention. In part due to the absence of functioning institutions, the perpetrators of human rights abuses were rarely punished.......Discrimination and violence against women, including rapes; female genital mutilation (FGM); child abuse; recruitment of child soldiers; trafficking in persons; abuse and discrimination against clan and religious minorities; restrictions on workers' rights; forced labor, including by children; and child labor were also problems. ............Members of antigovernment and extremist organizations like al-Shabaab, some of whose members were affiliated with al-Qa'ida, committed numerous human rights violations, including killings of TFG members and civilians; kidnappings and disappearances; restrictions on freedom of movement; displacement of civilians; and attacks on journalists and human rights activists.... Prominent peace activists, clan elders, and their family members became targets and were either killed or injured for their role in peace-building...... ....Use of excessive force by government forces, TFG militia, and ENDF troops resulted in the deaths of demonstrators during the year (see section 2.b.) .........During the year an estimated hundreds of civilians were killed in inter- or intra-clan militia clashes. Killings resulted from clan militias fighting for political power and control of territory and resources, revenge reprisals; criminal activities and banditry; private disputes over property and marriage; and revenge vendettas after such incidents as rapes, family disagreements, murders, and abductions. With the breakdown of law and order, very few of these cases were investigated by the authorities, and there were few reports that those cases resulted in formal action by the local justice system.
  23. Originally posted by Emperor: Aright, I understand the meaning of the word but how does it relate to the interclan conflict. I clearly underlined two security threats the government is dealing with. One is the inter-clan conflicts and the other is the suicide bombing tactics Al-Shabab employs. Isn't the government supposed to provide and improve the security of the country? eg. Who is supposed to respond when peace is disturbed or two persons fight? The Police, right? (inter-clan conflicts)
  24. Didn't Siilaanyo, the leader of the opposition political party Kulmiye, warn that he would boycott the extension of Riyaale's term? Was the convention party fruitless?