RAYAALE NEEDS TO CLOSE DOWN TO BORDER I HATE WHEN PPL OF THE PUNTILAND COME TO OUR PROVINCES

i hate when they say dawlada la magac baxday somaliland whats the point of deneyng the truth

lascanood is part of puntland for now

hadhwanaag 2006-09-11 (Hadhwanaagnews) BURCO(HWN) waxaa saaka subaxnimadii soo gaadhay xarunta gobolka sool ee laascaanood wafti uu hogaaminaayo madaxweynaha maamulka putland cade muuse xirsi. Safarka uu ku joogo magaalada laascaanod madaxweyne cade muuse waxa uu la xidhiidha hawlo maamul fidin iyo dhul balaadhsi uu doonaayo inuu kula wareego meel ka tirsan gobolada togdheer iyo sanaag. Cade muuse oo hadalo dhaadheer ka jeediyay magaalada lascaanood saaka waxa hadaladiisii ka mid ahaa ,mar uu ka hadlayey xiisadihii dhowaanaha laga soo sheegayey gobolka mudug (Galkacayo) ayuu sheegay in uu layaaban yahay dadka leh waa la qabsanayaa puntland isagoo ka hadlayana waxaa uu yidhi( maaha inaad cabsatiin anagu amaanka dowlad goboleedka puntland waa ku filanahay , isakaba dhaaf wax kale 200 oo askari ayaan ku difaaci karnaa Laascaanood. Cade muuse oo ka hadlaayay safarkiisa uu ku doonaayo in uu ku tago magaaloyinka Buuhoodle iyo Badhan . Waxaana hadaladiisi ka mid ahaa waan tagayaa Buuhoodle cidina igama celin karto xitaa ina riyaale. Hadii laysku dayo in nalaga celiyo dagaalban ku tagaynaa. Tan iyo markii uu general cade muuse soo gaadhay magaalada laascooneed ee xarunta gobolka sool la sheegayna inuu safar ku tagaayo magaaloyinka Badhan iyo Buuhodle hadal hayn badan oo lays waydiinaayo sababta cade muuse xirse uu xiligan u bilaabay is balaadhint waxase hubaal in uu doonaayo in uu buuhoodlena iyo badhana Mariyo wadi laascood martay. Shacabweynaha somaliland waxay isweydiinaya amusnanta ayxukuumada uu hogaamiyo madaxweyne Daahir Riyaale ka a wali ka aamusantahay iyadoo dhulkeedi lagu wado xad gudub. Wariye Cabdisalan ilkacase HadhwanaagReporter Burco s/land Ilkacase1@hotmail.com (Garaad jaamac iyo cade muuse )

ma quraanka bey ku qorrantahay iley somaliay miid tahay

Somaliland's plight Posted on Sunday, September 10 @ 04:39:15 PDT by admin The Washington Post September 10, 2006 By Geoff Hill There's an old saying: "A squeaky hinge gets the oil," meaning those who howl the loudest gain attention, while the meek soldier on. But when we don't hear much about a country, it can be a sign of success: What do you write about in the absence of war, famine or bad government? When did you last see a lengthy piece on Switzerland? It's neutral, wealthy and democratic, and you don't get many headlines out of chocolate and well-run banks. Sadly, this rarely applies in Africa. Corruption in Nigeria or Angola, tyrants like Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and the genocide of Darfur in Sudan are big stories. But there is a democracy near the Red Sea that has been developing faster than many of its neighbors. We all know Somalia, with its war-torn capital, Mogadishu, which appears now to be in the hands of an African Taliban, determined to impose a Muslim equivalent of the Spanish Inquisition, with public floggings, torture and execution for those who resist their radical take on religion. The country was formed in 1960 when the former British and Italian Somaliland -- two states that had both been granted full independence by that time -- merged into one with its capital in southern city of Mogadishu. Like Yugoslavia, Senegambia (the short-lived union of Senegal and Gambia) and Libya's attempt to merge with Egypt in the 1960s, the marriage existed in name only, while the people retained a mental independence. So it wasn't surprising that, in 1991, when the Mogadishu government collapsed and dictator Said Barre fled to Nigeria, the English-speaking north declared itself independent. A decade and a half later, no country recognizes Somaliland, but that hasn't stopped the government at Hargeisa from making progress, as I saw on a recent visit. Tar roads cover much of its 137,000 square-kilometers, children are in school, hospitals have been set up, towns bombed by the late Said Barre have been rebuilt and, last year, Somaliland held the kind of general elections one would hope will come one day to Zimbabwe, Swaziland and even Somalia. Parties campaigned without hindrance, most of the media are in private hands and there was no intimidation of voters. So why is the country not recognized? The European Union, America and most African countries accept Somaliland passports, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Dubai have direct flights to Hargeisa, and, on trips abroad, the democratically elected president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, is welcomed as a visiting head of state. But the African Union has real fears. In 1993, it recognized the split of Ethiopia and Eritrea, but the two states are still at war. In theory, this could also happen with Somalia, which is determined to retake Somaliland, though Mogadishu has no army or even a public service. More worrying is the precedent that could see other enclaves in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon and Nigeria claiming the right to secede. But this is a nonsense because, like Senegal and Gambia which joined together in 1982 and split again in 1989, the two Somali entities were sovereign states when they merged in 1960. No other territory can claim this in postcolonial history. The African Union recognized this in a statement following a fact-finding mission to Hargeisa last year and called on members to "find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case." The mission report commends the new nation for its progress, but this document has yet to be tabled and discussed. But Somaliland must make an effort to gain attention. To date, its media push has not been fierce enough, its demands too polite. This month, Mr. Kahin and colleagues have been on a tour of Europe and Washington, but you would hardly have guessed: Only a small public-relations team to crank up things; no spin to feed the press. For as long as the issue fails to make news, calls for recognition will be ignored and, like other successful states, Somaliland will stay out of the headlines. Maybe that's not a bad thing. but it doesn't change the fact that 3.5 million Somalilanders, having worked so hard to build a free, stable and economically viable nation, should be rewarded for their efforts. The United States and former colonial power, Britain, could take the first step, but believe, correctly, that Africa should take the lead. However, it is time Washington and London opened debate about Somaliland in the United Nations. If America wants to see the growth of freedom and democracy around the world, what better way than to stand up for a country that has shown how both can be achieved, not in Europe, but in one of the world's toughest neighborhoods. Geoff Hill is eastern and southern Africa correspondent for The Washington Times. SOMALILAND HAA IS RAACDO

Somaliland's plight Posted on Sunday, September 10 @ 04:39:15 PDT by admin The Washington Post September 10, 2006 By Geoff Hill There's an old saying: "A squeaky hinge gets the oil," meaning those who howl the loudest gain attention, while the meek soldier on. But when we don't hear much about a country, it can be a sign of success: What do you write about in the absence of war, famine or bad government? When did you last see a lengthy piece on Switzerland? It's neutral, wealthy and democratic, and you don't get many headlines out of chocolate and well-run banks. Sadly, this rarely applies in Africa. Corruption in Nigeria or Angola, tyrants like Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and the genocide of Darfur in Sudan are big stories. But there is a democracy near the Red Sea that has been developing faster than many of its neighbors. We all know Somalia, with its war-torn capital, Mogadishu, which appears now to be in the hands of an African Taliban, determined to impose a Muslim equivalent of the Spanish Inquisition, with public floggings, torture and execution for those who resist their radical take on religion. The country was formed in 1960 when the former British and Italian Somaliland -- two states that had both been granted full independence by that time -- merged into one with its capital in southern city of Mogadishu. Like Yugoslavia, Senegambia (the short-lived union of Senegal and Gambia) and Libya's attempt to merge with Egypt in the 1960s, the marriage existed in name only, while the people retained a mental independence. So it wasn't surprising that, in 1991, when the Mogadishu government collapsed and dictator Said Barre fled to Nigeria, the English-speaking north declared itself independent. A decade and a half later, no country recognizes Somaliland, but that hasn't stopped the government at Hargeisa from making progress, as I saw on a recent visit. Tar roads cover much of its 137,000 square-kilometers, children are in school, hospitals have been set up, towns bombed by the late Said Barre have been rebuilt and, last year, Somaliland held the kind of general elections one would hope will come one day to Zimbabwe, Swaziland and even Somalia. Parties campaigned without hindrance, most of the media are in private hands and there was no intimidation of voters. So why is the country not recognized? The European Union, America and most African countries accept Somaliland passports, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Dubai have direct flights to Hargeisa, and, on trips abroad, the democratically elected president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, is welcomed as a visiting head of state. But the African Union has real fears. In 1993, it recognized the split of Ethiopia and Eritrea, but the two states are still at war. In theory, this could also happen with Somalia, which is determined to retake Somaliland, though Mogadishu has no army or even a public service. More worrying is the precedent that could see other enclaves in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon and Nigeria claiming the right to secede. But this is a nonsense because, like Senegal and Gambia which joined together in 1982 and split again in 1989, the two Somali entities were sovereign states when they merged in 1960. No other territory can claim this in postcolonial history. The African Union recognized this in a statement following a fact-finding mission to Hargeisa last year and called on members to "find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case." The mission report commends the new nation for its progress, but this document has yet to be tabled and discussed. But Somaliland must make an effort to gain attention. To date, its media push has not been fierce enough, its demands too polite. This month, Mr. Kahin and colleagues have been on a tour of Europe and Washington, but you would hardly have guessed: Only a small public-relations team to crank up things; no spin to feed the press. For as long as the issue fails to make news, calls for recognition will be ignored and, like other successful states, Somaliland will stay out of the headlines. Maybe that's not a bad thing. but it doesn't change the fact that 3.5 million Somalilanders, having worked so hard to build a free, stable and economically viable nation, should be rewarded for their efforts. The United States and former colonial power, Britain, could take the first step, but believe, correctly, that Africa should take the lead. However, it is time Washington and London opened debate about Somaliland in the United Nations. If America wants to see the growth of freedom and democracy around the world, what better way than to stand up for a country that has shown how both can be achieved, not in Europe, but in one of the world's toughest neighborhoods. Geoff Hill is eastern and southern Africa correspondent for The Washington Times. SOMALILAND HAA IS RAACDO

Somaliland's plight Posted on Sunday, September 10 @ 04:39:15 PDT by admin The Washington Post September 10, 2006 By Geoff Hill There's an old saying: "A squeaky hinge gets the oil," meaning those who howl the loudest gain attention, while the meek soldier on. But when we don't hear much about a country, it can be a sign of success: What do you write about in the absence of war, famine or bad government? When did you last see a lengthy piece on Switzerland? It's neutral, wealthy and democratic, and you don't get many headlines out of chocolate and well-run banks. Sadly, this rarely applies in Africa. Corruption in Nigeria or Angola, tyrants like Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and the genocide of Darfur in Sudan are big stories. But there is a democracy near the Red Sea that has been developing faster than many of its neighbors. We all know Somalia, with its war-torn capital, Mogadishu, which appears now to be in the hands of an African Taliban, determined to impose a Muslim equivalent of the Spanish Inquisition, with public floggings, torture and execution for those who resist their radical take on religion. The country was formed in 1960 when the former British and Italian Somaliland -- two states that had both been granted full independence by that time -- merged into one with its capital in southern city of Mogadishu. Like Yugoslavia, Senegambia (the short-lived union of Senegal and Gambia) and Libya's attempt to merge with Egypt in the 1960s, the marriage existed in name only, while the people retained a mental independence. So it wasn't surprising that, in 1991, when the Mogadishu government collapsed and dictator Said Barre fled to Nigeria, the English-speaking north declared itself independent. A decade and a half later, no country recognizes Somaliland, but that hasn't stopped the government at Hargeisa from making progress, as I saw on a recent visit. Tar roads cover much of its 137,000 square-kilometers, children are in school, hospitals have been set up, towns bombed by the late Said Barre have been rebuilt and, last year, Somaliland held the kind of general elections one would hope will come one day to Zimbabwe, Swaziland and even Somalia. Parties campaigned without hindrance, most of the media are in private hands and there was no intimidation of voters. So why is the country not recognized? The European Union, America and most African countries accept Somaliland passports, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Dubai have direct flights to Hargeisa, and, on trips abroad, the democratically elected president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, is welcomed as a visiting head of state. But the African Union has real fears. In 1993, it recognized the split of Ethiopia and Eritrea, but the two states are still at war. In theory, this could also happen with Somalia, which is determined to retake Somaliland, though Mogadishu has no army or even a public service. More worrying is the precedent that could see other enclaves in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon and Nigeria claiming the right to secede. But this is a nonsense because, like Senegal and Gambia which joined together in 1982 and split again in 1989, the two Somali entities were sovereign states when they merged in 1960. No other territory can claim this in postcolonial history. The African Union recognized this in a statement following a fact-finding mission to Hargeisa last year and called on members to "find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case." The mission report commends the new nation for its progress, but this document has yet to be tabled and discussed. But Somaliland must make an effort to gain attention. To date, its media push has not been fierce enough, its demands too polite. This month, Mr. Kahin and colleagues have been on a tour of Europe and Washington, but you would hardly have guessed: Only a small public-relations team to crank up things; no spin to feed the press. For as long as the issue fails to make news, calls for recognition will be ignored and, like other successful states, Somaliland will stay out of the headlines. Maybe that's not a bad thing. but it doesn't change the fact that 3.5 million Somalilanders, having worked so hard to build a free, stable and economically viable nation, should be rewarded for their efforts. The United States and former colonial power, Britain, could take the first step, but believe, correctly, that Africa should take the lead. However, it is time Washington and London opened debate about Somaliland in the United Nations. If America wants to see the growth of freedom and democracy around the world, what better way than to stand up for a country that has shown how both can be achieved, not in Europe, but in one of the world's toughest neighborhoods. Geoff Hill is eastern and southern Africa correspondent for The Washington Times. SOMALILAND HAA IS RAACDO

Somaliland is doing so good so far samatars brothers are just haters. they belive in a mogadisho wich is dead the past 16 years no prespective noo future no somali natinalisme in somaliland we build companys its economical stable for nor but most in portend its peacefull And noo guns alowd in the streets of hargeysa burco berbera borame ceerigabo Samatar brothers cant handel that thats why they so obssesed with somaliland

Somaliland uses Ethiopia its not the other way around they build roads for uss they pay big money for dekkade berbera and if you look for recognition somaliland has an ambasador in Ethiopia and they have an embassy in Somaliland BUT XINI FINIIN THATS WHAT FAYSAL CALI WARAABE CALLS IT NOT ME

hey Ethiopia dislikes The icu but wants somaliland and tfg and mejeerteniya to be on Ethiopia side but somaliland can stand mejeerteniya or the tfg Soo there for ICU AND SOMALILAND WILL UNITED

yes but djbouti and somaliland are economical stable if somaliland is recognized verry soon international organisation cant come somaliland can make deals with forgeinc companys . Al so the international bank can lone as money. But djbouti and somaliland cant tace care of there ppl low population

Somaliland: Aniis Abdillhe Essa Presents Document for the Recognition of the Somaliland Republic -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- () hadhwanaag 2006-08-30 (Hadhwanaagnews) THE ARGUMENT FOR RECOGNITION OF SOMALILAND REPUBLIC I. Introduction After a bloody civil war, in January 1991 Siad Barr’s Twenty-one-years regime was overthrown in Somalia. The Northern Half of Somalia Declared its Independence as the Republic of Somaliland in May 1991. This outline summarizes the main arguments for the propriety of such a declaration and its recognition as an independent state under international law. A thorough study is under preparation. The State of Somalia, which came into existence in 1960, resulted from a merger between two independent states, the Northern Somaliland, a British Protectorate and Southern Somalia, an Italian Trust Territory. General Siad Barre took over the administration in a coup in 1969 and led the country through a calamitous period of chaos and repression until he was deposed by the combined might of several liberation movements such as the Somali National Movement (SNM), which had been waging its battle against his regime since 1981. After his overthrow, the south has been a Habbesian nightmare of interclan fighting whereas the independent Somaliland remains the most stable region in the Horn of Africa. II. Validity of Independence in Historical Perspective Somali society is comprised of various clans such as Digil, ********* , *** , ***** , ****** , and ****** , and the dynamics of interaction between them determines the distribution of political power in Somlia. 1 The Legal Regime of State and Sovereignty The primary issue is the extent to which the assertion of independence is a valid manifestation of sovereignty over territory and thus forms a legal basis for the formation of a state under international law. A survey of the applicable law reveals that the issue can be broken down into the question of the nature of Somaliland’s sovereign rights before and after the act of Union of 1960 and the extent to which this will be dispositive of the viability of the Union. 2 Sovereignty Under the Treaties of 1884 and the Act of Union of 1960 Britain signed formal treaties with the Somali Clans in 1884. These treaties were specifically intended to ensure the maintenance of the Independence of the Somali clans and did not cede any territory to Britain. Further, the treaties were also of a provisional character. The nature of the treaties leave no doubt at all that the Somali clans retained a large measure of sovereignty. The capacity to conclude treaties is itself an attribute of international personality. Old international law may have considered such treaties as not international, but the contemporary standards exhibited by the World Court in the Western Sahara case in 1975 reject such views. As a result, the Somali Clans existed as international persons. The two territories were independent countries with no links between them. There was no unifying force from within. On the contrary, two external factors served to bring about this precipitate union. The first was the proposal by the British Foreign Secretary Mr. Beven in 1946 to create a “ Great Somaliaâ€. The second was the cession of the Haud and ****** to Ethiopia by Britain in 1954. Both served as stimulants of national identity. When the union was signed there were a number of legal loose ends. Since both the North and South were Independent countries, they could unite only by an international treaty as in the case of the Germanys. Such a treaty was never signed. The Somaliland “ North†passed a “ union law†which did not have any legal validity in south and the constitutional requirements regarding the election of the President were never completed. Conscious of such legal loopholes, the National Assembly attempted to remedy the situation by passing a retroactive “ union†law in January 1961. The absence of the legal basis for the union is clear and convincing. Furthermore, the North “Somaliland†decisively rejected the draft constitution in a referendum evidencing a permanent rift between north and south. III-Arguments for Independence under Contemporary International law 1-Violation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms It has always been an accepted rule that oppression, including the deprivation of basic rights such as right to life, justifies secession. Hugo Grotius mentions that a ruler who shown himself to be the enemy of the people can be deposed and vattle emphasizes that the primary duty of the ruler is to safeguard the welfare of the citizens and once he/she violates that cardinal rule, he can be deposed. In International law, human rights are embodies in various treaties such as the International Bill of Rights and are also acknowledged to be rules of jus cogens. Accordingly, there is a right to secede from a state, if the political establishment engages in such gross and grave human rights violations including genocide. This finds support among many jurists. The test to determine the extent of deprivation of human rights and the legitimacy of secession is whether a group is being targeted due to its ethnic, cultural of other unique characteristic. The regime of General Siad Barre “ Afweyne†practiced genocidal attacks on the Northern Clans, especially ***** . The bombing and shelling of two cities in the North Hargeis and Burao alone killed 50,000 and another 2,000,000 fled to Ethiopia. African Watch reports that inhuman practices were committed on woman and children. Most of the people killed or displaced were ***** . The government forces also looted everything and laid over a million land mines in the North “ Somalilandâ€. Several U.S. government documents including the State Department’s Human Rights Reports attest to the massive violations of human rights such as rights to life and habeas corpus. Under these circumstances the SNM and the people in the North “ Somaliland†had a legal right under international law to at in their self-preservation. 2-Self-Determination Article One of the International Bill of Rights refers to the right to self-determination, as does the U.N.Charter in Article 1 and 55. The principal questions here are however, whether the right to self-determination is applicable in Somalia and if it is, whether it will entitle Somaliland to claim independence. There are sound reasons why the right to self-determination should be conceded to Somaliland. First, one of the reasons behind Somaliland’s assertion of Independence is the incompatibility between northern and southern regions. The incompatibility arises from distinct colonial experiences, which contribute, to a unique identity. Where the reason for self-determination claims lay in historical experiences that are grounded in colonialism, there is no reason to deny the right to the people who wish to exercise it. Second, when the assertion of self-determination does not result in changes in international boundaries and does not pose a threat to inter-state peace, it ought not to be denied to achieve the short-term goal of doctrinal uniformity. Somaliland has expressly stated that it accepts the boundaries of the British protectorate in 1960. Third, when the assertion of self-determination is more conducive to inter-state peace, its validity is strengthened manifold. It is to be noted that Somaliland has the potential of solving longstanding regional disputes with Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti, due to its acceptance of colonial borders and close ties with Ethiopia. Finally, legal right of self-determination arise upon the abuse of the political principle of self-determination. In this connection two related issues have to be remembered. First, North “ Somaliland†had overwhelmingly rejected the unified constitution in a referendum. Second, the U.N. practice of conducting plebiscites prior to desalinization, as in the case of British Togo land. Under these circumstances, right to self-determination appears to be applicable to Somaliland. The exercise of such a right should also enable it to claim its independence. IV.The Arguments for Recognition 1. The legal nature of recognition Old International law settled questions of title by the tool of recognition. Theories such as “ declaratory†and “ constitutive†were used to debate about the nature and function of recognition. However, in contemporary international law, recognition alone is not dispositive in determining the legal status of states. Other norms of a humanizing character have entered the process of making states. To the extent however, that recognition enables a people to internationalize their claims, it is useful. A head count of all authorities shows that the declaratory view prevails, that recognition only confirms the fact of existence of a state. It is not practical politics to refuse to recognize a state if it possesses attributes of statehood. The attributes of statehood as laid down in the Montevideo convention are a government, territory, defined population and a capacity to enter into international relations. It is evident that Somaliland possesses all the attributes of statehood. Its distinct people occupy their traditional territory and the government has effective control over the population. Under these circumstances, the recognition of Somaliland is an international imperative. 2. Conformity with international law As indicated above, Somaliland has renounced territorial claims on other countries that the earlier Somalia had subsumed under its banner of “ Greater Somalia “. It has accepted the colonial borders. As is well known, Somalia irredentism was a major source of instability on the Horn of Africa and its removal paves the way for peace stability and prosperity in the region. Furthermore, the acceptance of colonial borders is in accordance with the OAU policy. Fears of balkanization as a result of the recognition of Somaliland are unfounded since no new border is being created as in fact, for the first time colonial borders troubled borders are those of Somaliland. Lastly, the International community is under an obligation to recognize because of the obligation to protect and promote human rights under Articles 55 and 56 of the U.N. charter. Only international attention can assist the fledgling state to stand on its own feet. V.Conclusion The Birth of Somaliland is an inevitable result of a distinct colonial experience. It is also the result of extreme economic exploitation and human suffering. The irredentist policies of Somalia also contributed to the alienation of the northern population, which never acceded to the union in the first place. While the past cannot be undone, the international community has a rare opportunity to bring peace and prosperity to the Horn. By a single act of recognition, it can end the sad sage of human suffering, enhance the prospects for peace in the region by putting an end to the Greater Somalia concept, and enable the people of Somaliland to reclaim their future. Source: UNPO

why do call them secessionist its there land right so they can do what they want if they consider them self somalilander let them . It was them the first time they came with the flag 2 somalia wiht love they had for there brothers in somalia. And that love was answerd with russian war planes, I am from seylac awdal and are 100% behind our leaders And its not that i have hate for my brothers in somalia but there can not be one centrel goverment for all somalis just like djbouti somaliland is doing great so far the last 16 years

The horn is about 2 explode we have the courts now the tfg and yusufs goverment. We have barra hiiraale in kismayo and the jubbaland state We have cadde muse and the Ethiopian troops in galkacyo. We have the warlords who are still runing We have the cabdi qeybdid and many lifes has fallen for him in mogadisho We have somaliland who are tryng to get international Recognition To be compleetely independent from somalia there are independent now We have Egypt and sudan who are blocking this recognition We also have the onlf And the olf in Ethiopia Ethiopia is about 2 colapse somalia is with out a goverment Ethiopia benefits from this Ethiopia wants 2 rule somalia becous they belive this is there land even in maxammedds time becous the belive places as galkacyo berbera and hargeysa where habashi towns and we are now here. Soo how do you guys think this will end up And all these things a named are the problems

So you belive the tfg backt from adisebebe did something good for somalia or this so calt dawlaad in baydhabo they did nothing yusuf and geedi all they did is get international aid from Un eu au arab leage And they make there privite army you will see soon geedi and yusuf will be 2 warlords

what the point of sudan in all of this Sheek sharif from the icu want an islamic somali state and yusuf doesent thats where talks always end Sheek sharif doesent belive in tribical things but in deen

oke but still oke i will say somaliland folks its a nice songs for the somaliland folks

YES ITS VERRY GOOD SONG IT TALKS ABOUT ISXAAQ HALGAN IYO CULUMMADA

Waxa kale oo uu wargeysku sheegay in afar dawladood oo kala ah Koonfur Afrika, Itoobiya, UK iyo Sudan ay ictiraafeen Somaliland. Waxa kale oo uu Wargeysku soo xigtay war-murtiyeedkii ku saabsanaa booqashada Madaxweyne Rayaale ee London, kaas oo ay labada dhinaca ee Somaliland iyo UK ka soo saareen wada-hadaladii dhexmaray. read that part

i dident say i am from xudun but i know Somaliland dominant tribes live in xudun and u get me Me from seylac dhinacaas iyo lawyacadde na waan joogey jirey

you forget about boodhoodle iyo yagoori we are in adhicadeeye 15 km away And even there is a somaliland flag in lasqoray But there is no problem u keep waiting for somalia the sinking ship Cous somaliland policy is keep somaliland ****** free cous as we are now in sool and the soldiers are away from the lasanod town

naxar nugaaleed i am from seylac i suport somaliland 4 100% and so do my ppl the days of somali is gone and about sool aand sanaag the mamuul of somaliland is in ceerigabo iyo inta ka shisheeye becous somaliland dominant tribe lives there and the great isxaaq shayk is burried there soo they also live in xudun the sl soldiers are just 15 km away from lasanod so. Actually this recognition will bring only economical benefits for uss. i dont know why somalis are agains that. cous we reacht every where now we have our own paspoort airlnes daalo airlines star african airlines our own embassy in adisebebe. and we have our own embessay in somaliland. We build our own companys like stc telecom companys. And now and days we have our telephone code no more 025 but 029 thats walahi horomar fiican. So think the rest of somalia must just let somaliland go just the same way the led ****** djbouti nfd goo cous we allno maxammed siyaad barre signd the paper that somali will never claim back nfd

Kadib Markii Ay Yemeni Israa’iil Iska Hortagtay Isticmaalka Babal-Mandab,Ayaa Somaliland looyeedhay â€Wargeyska Al-Sharq -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- () hadhwanaag 2006-08-22 (Hadhwanaagnews) Doha, Qatar, Wargeyska maalinlaha ah magaciisana la yidhaahdo Al-Sharq ee ka soo baxa magaalada Doha ee dalka Qatar, ayaa war uu ku soo daabacay cadadkiisii shalay ku sheegay in dawladaha UK, USA iyo Midowga Yurub ay ku dedaalayaan sidii ay u diciifin lahaayeen gacan ku haynta dawladaha Carabta ee marinka istaraatijiga ah ee Baabal Mandab ee Badda Cas, kadib markii ay dawladda Yemeni dhowr toddobaad ka hor ay Israa’iil iska hortaagtay in maraakiibteedu isticmaalaan marinkaas, taas oo ka dhalatay dagaalkii bil ka hor ka dhex qarxay Israa’iil iyo ururka Xisbullaah, iyadoo ciidamada badda ee Yemen ay Maraakiibta ganacsiga ee Israa’iil ka mamnuucday inay maraan Baabal-Mandab. Warka oo uu Wargeyska Al-Sharq ka helay weriyihiisa u fadhiya London oo magaciisa la yidhaahdo Jamaal Shaahiin, wuxuu ku tilmaamay booqashada Madaxweynaha Somaliland, Daahir Rayaale Kaahin ku tegay London mid ujeedadeedu tahay sidii ay dawladda UK Somaliland uga caawin lahayd dhinaca ammaanka. Weriyuhu wuxuu sheegay inuu ka soo xigtay ilo xog-ogaal ah oo ay ka mid yihiin masuuliyiin ka tirsan dawladda Ingiriiska, waxaanu yidhi: “Masuul ka tirsan dawladda UK ayaa ii sheegay in London ay maalmahan la yeelatay wada-hadal Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland Daahir Rayaale Kaahin, kaas oo nuxurkiisu yahay sidii loo taakulayn lahaa xukuumadda Somaliland si ay isaga caabido Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ah ee gacanta ku dhigay dhulka Somalia intiisii badnayd, haatana qarqarka u saaran inay guul kama-dambays ah ka gaadhaan qabqablayaasha dagaalka si ay dib ugu mideeyaan Somalia, taas oo la odhan karo haddii xukuumad Islaami ah oo la mid ah tii Daalibaan ay xukunka la wareegto gacantana ku dhigto mandaqadaasi istaraatijiga ah inay khasaaro weyn u keeni doonto reer Galbeedka. Sidaas darteed Washington, Midowga Yurub iyo London waxay doonayaan inay Masar iyo dawladaha Afrika ku qanciyaan sidii ay ictiraafi lahaayeen Somaliland, taas oo wadada u furaysa inay hesho aqoonsi caalami ah.†Wargeysku wuxuu intaas ku daray in dawladaha reer Galbeedku ay Madaxweynaha Somaliland hore ugu qanciyeen inuu heshiis la galo Itoobiya si ay mid ka mid ah dekedaha Somaliland u isticmaalaan. Waxa kale oo uu wargeysku sheegay in afar dawladood oo kala ah Koonfur Afrika, Itoobiya, UK iyo Sudan ay ictiraafeen Somaliland. Waxa kale oo uu Wargeysku soo xigtay war-murtiyeedkii ku saabsanaa booqashada Madaxweyne Rayaale ee London, kaas oo ay labada dhinaca ee Somaliland iyo UK ka soo saareen wada-hadaladii dhexmaray. Haatuf

ther is it the somaliland flag tribute song ku raaxeyso sxb