I wonder how they collect their statistics while most statistics forms lump Somalis with Black Africans except some boroughs like Tower Hamlet and perhaps Camden.

BARBER shops are excellent places for gossip. Hassan Ali’s place in Kentish Town is no different. The north Londoner arrived in Britain from Somalia with dreams of becoming a mechanic. But he was good at cutting hair: you do whatever work you can, he says. Most Somalis—Britain’s largest refugee population—do not work. They are among the poorest, worst-educated and least-employed in Britain. In a country where other refugees have flourished, why do Somalis do so badly? In this section The first Somalis to arrive in Britain, over a century ago, were economic migrants. Merchant seamen settled in cities with docks: Cardiff, Liverpool and London. As civil war ravaged Somalia in the 1990s, refugees flocked to Britain. In 1999, the high-water mark, 7,495 Somalis arrived (11% of the refugees that arrived in Britain that year). Since then, the influx has slowed (see first chart); it still leaves a large community. The 2011 census identified 101,370 people in England and Wales who were born in Somalia. Poverty is their first problem. Over 80% of Somali-speaking pupils qualify for free school meals. In Waltham Forest, a borough in east London, home to nearly 4,000 Somalis, 73% live in households on benefits. More than 50% of British Somalis rent from local councils, the highest proportion of any foreign-born population. In nearby Tower Hamlets 2010 data showed that Somalis were twice as likely as white Britons to be behind with the rent. The cost of their economic marginalisation hurts them, and is a toll on the public sector, too. Education looks an unlikely escape route. Overcrowded houses mean children have nowhere to do their homework. In 2010-11 around 33% of Somali children got five good GCSEs, the exams taken at 16, compared with 59% of Bangladeshi pupils and 78% of Nigerian ones. Parents unable to speak English struggle. They see their children move up a year at school and assume they are doing well (in Somalia poor performers are held back). Their offspring, roped in as translators, are in no hurry to disabuse them. This helps to explain the pitiful employment rates among Britain’s Somalis (see second chart). Just one in ten is in full-time work. Many Somali households are headed by women who came to Britain without their husbands. Fitting work around child care is a struggle. Without work, Somali men while away their days chewing khat, a mild stimulative leaf. Awale Olad, a Somali councillor in London, supports the government’s recent decision to ban the drug. But others fear it will needlessly criminalise a generation of men. Religion, however, is an overstated problem. It is true that, like their Bangladeshi and Pakistani counterparts, some young Somalis are embracing stricter forms of Islam. Amina Ali, who hopes to stand as an MP at the next election, worries when she sees girls of three wearing headscarves. People can respect Islam without being so conservative, she says. But religion unites young Somalis with other young Muslims, says Ismail Einashe, a journalist. A few are radicalised, but most are not. This cocktail of poverty and unemployment dogs Somalis elsewhere too. In 2009 they were the least-employed group in Denmark. The Norwegian government is so worried about its Somali community it wants research done on their plight. Even discounting such factors as religion, age and experience, compared with other black Africans in Britain, Somalis face an “ethnic penalty” when job-hunting. Their disadvantages are clear. But Britain is rightly perceived as a country in which it is relatively easy to set up businesses; it also offers the hope of a warm welcome with its large Somali and Muslim population. This should bode well for Somalis. Many are hopeful. Somalis want their children to succeed, so growing numbers are hiring private tutors (see article). In 2000 just one Somali teenager in the London borough of Camden passed five GCSEs with good grades. To improve matters, the council and others set up the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre, which mentors students and lends them books. Last year the figure rose to 59%. Abdikadir Ahmed, who works there, says his organisation encourages people to put the entrepreneurial skills they learn in gangs to better use. He works with Somalis locked up in Feltham prison, a young-offenders jail. Their numbers are dropping, he reckons. Somalis played little part in the summer riots of 2011. This investment reflects a deeper change. For years many Somalis kept their suitcases packed, ready to return to Africa for good, says Mr Olad. Firm in the belief that they would soon be on the move, there was little point in putting down deep roots, or encouraging their children to do so. But the current generation of Somalis grew up in Britain. For them a permanent return to Somalia holds less appeal. Young British Somalis still embrace their nomadic heritage. But now they seek a dual identity, able to flit between two homelands and, they hope, to make the best of both.

Some one who travelled on Galkio - Berbera just recently told me that Puntland is more govermental than Somaliland. For example at the checkpoints somaliland soldiers who are intoxited with qat demand money otherwise they wouldnt let you pass where as in puntland they check your papers and let you go. People jn Somaliland look poorer than their counterparts in Puntland and beggers are many. Now that was revelation to me as I thought with all the bravado we see and the fact that Somaliland is older than Puntland by seven years things were better down there.

Naxar, the issue of contest is not grammatical error, semantics nor interpretation. The issue is the actual wording of the Constitution that has been agreed upon has been changed.

Xoosh is a lawyer and as such he should refute in writing and respond to the following points raised by Faroole point by point as he would before court of law: Faroole has penned down these articles as the ones that have been fiddled with. As of today I haven't seen any one refuting them and bringing any counter urgument in writing as he did: Qodobada laga Bedelay Nuqulkii Dastuurka ee Rasmiga (Provisional Federal Constitution of Somalia, signed in Nairobi on June 22, 2012) Waxaa diyaariyay Dowladda Puntland, March 9, 2013 1. Qodobka 9,aad, ee ka hadlaya Magaalo madaxda qaranka, waxaa lagu kordhiyey (Magaalo madaxda Jamhuuriyada Soomaaliya waa mugdisho), halka nuqulkii lagu heshiiyey dhigayo,( maqaamka magaalo madaxda federaalka soomaalia waxaa go’aan laga gaari doonaa dib u eegista dastuurka) 2. Qodobka 16-aad cinwaanku wuxuu u qoranaa sidatan: ”Xorriyadda abuuridda iyo ka mid noqoshada Ururrada”, waxaana loo bedeley: Xorriyadda ka mid noqoshada. 3. Qodobka 26,aad, ee ka hadlaya hantida. Waxaa laga saaray faqrada sadexaad ee nuqulkii rasmiga, ahaa, taasoo u qoran sidan: 3. faqrada 1, iyo 2, ee qodobkan laguma dhaqayo arrimaha ku xusan qodobka 49,aad, 4. Qodobka 44aad ee ka hadlaya dhulka, hantida iyo deegaanka. Ee nuqulkii rasmiga ahaa wuxuu ka koobnaa 6 faqradood, ama prograph, waxaa laga tirtiray faqrada 5,aad, oo u dhigan sidan: 5, kala qeexida awoodaha dawlada federaalka iyo dowladaha xubinta ka ah dowlad federaalka ee la xiriira maamulka iyo maaraynta waxay ku tilmaaman yihiin lifaaqa, 5. Qodobka 49aad: faqradda koowaad xarafka (b) waxay u qorneyd sidatan: ”Heerka dawladaha xubinta ka ah dawladda Federaalka oo ay hoos imaanayaan Dawladaha degaanka”, waxaa loo beddeley sidatan: Heerka Dawladaha xubinta ka ah Dawladda federaalka waxaa ka kooban tahay xukuumaddu ka tirsan Dawladda Federaalka iyo Dawladaha Hoose. 6. Qodobka 50aad ee ka hadlaya, tirada iyo xuduudaha dowladaha xubinta ka ah dowlada federalka, faqradiisa 5,aad oo u dhigan sidan: 5, xuduudaha dowladaha xubinta ka ah dowlada federaalka waxay ku salaysnaan doonaan xuduudihii gobolada ee jiray 1990-kii, (waxaa loo bedelay 1991’kii). 7. Qodobka 52-aad, faqradda 5-aad, xarafka (b) waxaa lagu kordhiyey ereyga hay-ado. 8. Qodobka 55aad ee nuqulka rasmiga kana hadlaya Kala qaybinta Awoodaha, waxaa lagu siyaadiyey ( oo ay awooddeeda iyo mas’uuliyaddeeda yeelaneyso Xukuumada Federaalka). 9. Qodobka 69aad. Nuqulka rasmiga ah ee dastuurka, kana hadlaya, Xeer-hoosaadka Golaha shacabka, faqradiisa 4,aad, waxay u qoran tahay sidan: 4. Mashruuc sharci oo Goluhu diiday dib looguma soo celin karo Golaha ilaa ay ka soo wareegto lix-bilood maalinta Goluhu diiday,(waxaa loo bedelay 30,maalmood). 10. Qodobka 72aad ee ka hadlaya Aqalka Sare , waxaa laga saaray ama laga tirtiray faqrada u danbaysa xarafka (J), in ay gutaan waajibaadka kale ee dastuurku ku farad yeelayo si loo sugo in dastuurku si habsami ah u hirgalo. 2 of 4 11. Qodobka 76-aad faqradda 4-aad waxay u qorneyd sidatan: ”Mashruuc sharci oo Goluhu diidey dib looguma soo celin karo Golaha ilaa ay soo wareegto lix bilood maalinta Goluhu diidey”. Waxaa lagu beddeley sidatan: ilaa ay soo wareegto 30 (soddon) maalmood. 12. Qodobka 80-aad, faqradda 1-aad xarafka (b) oo u qornaa sidatan: ”Qoridda iyo soo jeedinta”, waxaa loo habeeyey sidatan: Qoridda iyo diyaarinta sharci qabyo ah oo cusub oo aan la xiriirin miisaaniyad sanadeedda. 13. Qodobka 81aad ee ka hadlaya Curinta Sharciyada, waxaa lagu siyaadiyey ama lagu daray faqrad cusub, oo aan horey ugu jirin nuqulka rasmiga ah ee dastuurka. Oo ka kooban A iyo B, una dhigan sidan: 2. Sharciyada qabyada ah waxaa Golaha sare e barlamaanka federaalka ah u soo bandhigi kara( A) ugu yaraan hal wakiil oo ka socda dowladaha xubinta ka ah federaalka ama (B) Guddi kasta oo ka mid ah aqalka sare ee barlamaanka federaalka ah. 14. Qodobka 82-aad, faqradda 3-aad oo u qorneyd sidatan: ”In la helo qodob saamaxa iswaafajin iyo isu soo jiidka labada Aqal, haddii aan wax heshiis ihi dhicin”. Waxaa loo beddeley sidan: Haddii labada Aqal ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka ah uu dhex yimaado khilaaf ku saabsan sharci qabyo ah, mid kastaa oo ka mid ah labada Aqal ayaa guddi wadajir ah oo ka kooban labada Aqal ugu baaqi kara in uu isku dayo in uu xalliyo khilaafaadka iyo in uu labada Aqal u soo jeediyo sharci qabyo ah oo la iswaafajiyey iyada oo laga duulayo iskaashiga dawladaha ee ay dhigayaan Qodobbada 51-aa iyo 52-aad. 15. Qodobka 89-aad, faqradda koowaad oo u qorneyd sidatan: ”Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka waa in ay doortaan labada Gole ee Baarlamaanka oo wada fadhiya”. Waxaa lagu kordhiyey: Waxaa guddoominaya fadhiga Guddoomiyaha Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka ah. 16. Qodobka 91aad ee ku saabsan Muddada xil-haynta Madaxweynaha Federaalka Somaalia, waxaa ku qornaa Madaxweynaha federaalku wuxuu xilka haynayaa muddo shan (5) sano, (waxaana loo bedelay 4 (afar) sano) 17. Qodobka 109-aad, faqradda 5-aad xarafka (h) oo u qoran sidan: ”Xubnaha Guddiga Adeegga garsoorka waxay shaqeynayaan muddo dhan afar (4) sano oo la cusbooneysiin karo hal xilli”. Waxaa laga dhigey xilhaynta shan (5) sanno (eeg qodobka 109 (A) faqradda 4-aad ee dastuurka lagu beddeley kan asalka ah). 18. Waxaa kaloo lagu kordhiyay Qodobka 109-aad (qodobbo kale oo loo bixiyey qodobka 109B iyo qodobka 109C oo ka hadlaya aasaaska iyo awoodda maxkamad dastuuri ah. Qobaddaas oo wadajirkooda ka kooban labo bog iyo bar kuma qorna Dastuurka asalka ah, eeg bogga 65-aad ilaa bogga 67-aad ee dastuurka lagu beddeley kan asalka ah). 19. Qodobka 111-aad (J), faqradda 3-aad xarafka (b) oo ku saabsan guddiga Is-cafiska iyo dib-u-heshiisiinta, waxaa laga tegey qaybtan: ”wuxuuna ku shaqeynayaa dhinaca shaqo ka fariisinta shuruudo iyo nidaam la mid ah kan Garsooraha shaqada lagaga qaado ama fariisiyo oo mar keliya ah, taas oo ah mid la mid ah muddo xileedka xubin 3 of 4 ka tirsan Maxkamadda Sare, sida lagu xusey ……….. ee ku saabsan sababaha iyo habraacyada loo maro xil-ka-qaadista garsoore”. 20. Qodobka 131aad. Waxaa la soo geliyey qodob cusub oo aan dastuurka nuqulka rasmiga ah hore ugu jirin kuna saabsan xaalad deg degga ah, kana kooban 7 faqradood. 21. Qodobka 199aad ee ka hadlaya wax ka bedelka dastuurka, faqradiisa 3,aad waxaa ku qoran ugu yaraan 440.000 oo muwaadiniin ah ayaa lagu bilaabi karaa habraaca wax ka bedelka dastuurka, (waxaa loo bedelay 40,000) 22. Qodobka 199-aad, faqradda 5-aad ee ku saabsan guddiga wax-ka-beddelka dastuurka oo la magacaabayo waxaa laga dhigey 10 (toban) xubnood Aqalkasta. (Tiradaas oo aan ku xusneyn Dastuurka asalka ah.) 23. Article 204 oo cinwaankiisu yahay Qodobo Qubane ah waxaa lagu daray Qodobka 2- aad oo u qoran sidan: Dhaqangalka qodobada la xiriira Aqalka Sare ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka meelaha lagu xusay Dasturkaan, dib ayaa loo dhigay inta laga gaarayo samaynta dhammaan Dowladaha Xubnaha ka ah Dowladda Federaalka iyo inta kuwa matalaya loo dhaarinayo xilka iyagoo ah xubno ka tirsan xubnaha Aqalka Sare ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka. Inta uu laalan yahay samaynta Aqalka Sare ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka, Golaha Shacabka ayaa qabanaya dhammaan waajibaadka iyo howlaha Dastuurkan siisay Aqalka Sare wuxuuna u shaqaynayaa sida Baarlamaan ka kooban hal Aqal, si daacadnimo ku jirtana maanka ugu hayaa mabaa’diida asaasiga ah ee awood-qeybsiga ee nidaamka Federaalka lagu qeexay Qodobka 3-aad, Farqadiisa 3-aad ee Dastuurkan iyo danaha gobollada Soomaaliyeed marka laga gaarayo go’aanada. 24. Qodobka 207-aad, faqradda 2-aad xarafka (b) waxaa laga tegey orahdan: ”inuu jawaab gaar ah ka bixiyo su`aasha ama su`aalaha” 25. Qodobka 210aad ee Ciwaankiisu yahay Qodobbada is-khilaafsan, oo labo (2) faqradood ka kooban, ayaa meesha laga saaray. 4 of 4 Jadwalka Dastuurka lagu beddeley kan asalka waxaa ku qoran jadwal ka kooban: • Jadwalka (A) waxaa la dhigay Jadwalka ©, iyadoo Jadwalka (A) lagu sawirey calanka Soomaaliya sida ku xusan qodobka 6-aad faqraddiisa koowaad ee Dastuurka asalka ah. • Jadwalka (B) waxaa la dhigay Jadwalka (D), iyadoo Jadwalka (B) lagu sawirey astaanta Jamhuuriyadda si waafaqsan qodobka 6-aad, faqradda 2-aad ee Dastuurka asalka ah. • Jadwalka © oo ku saabsan: ”Kala guurka”: Isbeddallada la soo jeediyey in lagu sameeyo Dastuurka xilliga koowaad ee Barlamaanka federaalka Soomaaliya, (wuxuu ka koobnaa 17 (toban iyotoddoba) faqradood, waxaa laga tegey oo aan la qorin: faqradaha 9-10-12-13 iyo 17, eeg jadwalka (A) ee dastuurka asalka ah, boggiisa 88-aad iyo kan 89-aad). • Jadwalka 1(D) oo ka hadlaya: ”Shuruucda mudnaanta koowaad leh in la sameeyo xilliga koowaad ee Barlamaanka Federaalka ah”, (wuxuu ka koobnaa 31 (soddon iyo koow) faqraddood waxaa laga tegey toddoba faqradood oo kala ah faqradda: 11- 12- 16-19-21-22 iyo 24, eeg Dastuurka asalka ah jadwalka (B), boggiisa 89-aad ilaa 91- aad).

Apart from the bit where he's taunting his mother-father family (which I don't know why go low like that), the article is scholarly piece. I always read Prof Said's work with interest as they are full of humor and have some truth in them. Talking about Somali clan going global, there were couple of times I met with these Cadaan guys who were married to Somali women. Within minutes of our conversation, they asked me which tribe I was. In both occasions, I laughed as I did not see it coming and their response was I might be from same tribe as them. Poor fellas thought that their wives being from certain clan would give them automatic membership to the said clan. The whole paternal blood relations was too complex for them to understand I thought.

Moonlight I don't think it's that clear cut. Reer Sool are different sub-clans with differing political interests, so some sub-clans might side with Faroole and some who ever they think will land them a ministerial role and hence influence in the region. That's why you see some entire sub-clans defecting to Somaliland while others change sides between Khatumo and Puntland. Also, Khatumo has not fully gone. Many believe they could negotiate with some one other than Faroole whom they have fallen out with and that's where Dr Gaas has advantage. I believe he could convince them to come back to the fold, provided their grievances are properly addressed.

The more Hassan thinks that he can subjugate people by applying external pressure, the more it makes him look silly and simpleton. Madaxwayne dhan oo wadamo shisheeye ka baryaya dakadiisii iyo airporkiisii waa wax laga yaqyaqsoodo waxna soo kordhin mayso aan ka ahayn kala fogaansho. Waxaa loo qaatay isagoo kuwa Somalida ah iska barya.

^What is wrong with the Map?

Xaaji Xunjuf;972316 wrote: He doesn't stand a chance against Faroole, the man failed in the south there is no way he will have a chance in Garowe. Get your doctor on standby, you sure will have heartache. Prof. Gaas is unstoppable and will win emphatically. In my opinion he's the best ever qualified candidate to stand for the post and Puntlanders will be lucky to have him as a leader. All the best, Professor.

MoonLight1;971686 wrote: in 2009 The SSC MPs propelled Farole into presidency when they voted him, this year he is relying on them again with some politically calculated moves he made last week when he nominated 2 SSC heavyweight ministers into vital positions. But minsters don't select MPs, Issims do and the problem is those Issims have already declared their region is not part of Puntland and had no dealings with Puntland admin in the last couple of years. Who then has the authority to nominate those MPs? If I know Faroole, he will want those MPs to be handpicked by his cabinet and some dummy nabadoons, but other rival politicians will not accept that and I don't know any reason why they should.

Horta, who is going to select the SOOL MPs? Last time I checked most of the Issims from that region were with Khatumo except one or two. There are 17 MPs for grabs and they will make all the difference. In my opinion they should be left vacant until the SOOL issue is solved by the next admin.

Mashallah. It's beautiful Mall.

Acuudubillah Midkaan Xaaji Xunduf isku dirr badanaa, cadowtinimo uu qabo waynaa. war sida ha la isku dhaamo oo Ilaahay ha laga baqo. Bisinka

Hassan Mohamud is a failure. I Think it's about time the country is saved. Under Hassan We being headed to civil war and return to 1991 chaos. The parliment should impeach him and save the country from this inexperienced and vision-less president.

My guess is the election of parliment and president will take longer than expected. At least one more year, which will mean that one more year for Faroole at the helm. Faroole sees himself the guardian of federalism and will not go away that easily as long as he still think he has some work to do in that department.

Allah sahlo

I listened to the whole debate. Could not understand what culusoow's urgument is. Is he saying that the constituition is not based on federalism or he's saying that theconstituition does not recognize any pre existing states like Puntland. Faisal's urgument was more clear. He gave the benefits of federalism for Somalia and also answered the question of how the federal goverment should deal with the existing states and form those that are to come. He was very critical of president Hassan to the much dislike of the Fiqi guy.

Mooge;962401 wrote: These people have been living together and marrying each other for 100 years. Waa abti iyo cousins. In colad laga dhex aburo hada ma fiicna. Are you saying Abo hiloowle has some Jareerweyn genes in him?

LOL@when be nice to them. So it was some favours from you not God given right of theirs to be a mayor of a town that they are majority? Caqli Xumo.com Why is the president quiet about this. When the skirmishes happened in Kismayo he was quick to call for immediate cease of hostilities! Today, there were heavy confrontation in both Jowhar & Marka, but it seems it's not a big deal for the government to even talk about. Somehow Kismayo war was something they were looking forward to?

Compromise is a must if Somalia is to be saved from slipping into anarchy and tribal wars. I really finding hard to understand what is motivating president's Hassan's utter rejection of any state being formed. Is it he doesn't like the fact that Jubbaland will be dominated by one loosely affiliated and politically polarized tribe (read D-Block)? Is his fear motivated by the same fears shown by some of his tribesmen (read Haad & Co). If this is one of the reasons he is opposing it then I say may Allah help Somalia with qabiilayste president like that. Is it he doesn't believe in federalism and thinks such a sate will give more weight to federalism. Many people believe that presidents' tribe do not want federalism as they think they have the capital city and hence the presidency for the foreseeable future. if this is the case he alone can not decide what structure of governance Somalia should take and should put his ideas on the table for all to agree. From whatever angle you look from it, his utter rejection seems he has an ulterior motives and this is dangerous path to take by a president of a broken country like Somalia. Coming back to Madoobe, what should he compromise on? Shall he compromise on his presidency or the existence of Jubba State? or shall he compromise on accommodating other clans who are unhappy about his admin? I believe Hassan will only contend for the second! But Madoobe can be convinced to agree on except the second option. It's not sacred that he alone should be the president of the Jubbas. But I doubt Hassan's problem is with Madoobe but rather the state and the regions that come under.

How so? Your little caqli Puntland should take whatever thrown at her and should not have any thought or input in the affairs pertaining to the constitution and future relationship in the federal system ? More over it should let couple of inexperienced fellas who never had any proper administrative experience let alone lead a broken county to decide for her in the absence of proper agreed federal institutions and proper checks and balances? If you lot going to write essays (I don't know how you get the time in the world to write such lengthy BS), every time Faroole disagrees with something or show a concern, then embrace yourselves as you have your work cut out. he will have a lot to say where the country's politics is headed, the completing the constitution and building proper institutions that work for all not the few in Mogadishu. Many will disagree with him but in the end he will prevail as he did many times before. You see Faroole is realist and neither he's dreamer nor naive. The international community understands his language pretty well.

Carafaat;945483 wrote: I have! See the many threads I have made about Unity, Pan-Somalism, taking a stand against secession and recongnition of Somaliland, have supported the talks between SL and Somalia from the beginnging and cheered that hopefollu it will lead to Unity inshallah. My records on Somali unity and sessionism speaks for itself. Just like I take a stand against clan federalism I have opposed Somaliland sesseion. When will you take a stand for the unity of Galakcyo, Mudug and all these regions clan federalism is carving up? Spare me your crocodile tears. From what I have seen from you in these forums you put too much energy and effort to discredit everything and anything Puntland for clannish reasons rather nationalistic reasons. Puntland has stood for unity of whole Somalia and want federalism. The fact that they are one clan state bothers you than it bothers the peace and development of those regions. Puntland has been self governing for 15 years, what harm did that do to its population and the rest of the Somalis? For you to dedicate whole your time in these forums on propagating negative stances on whatever Reer Puntland do shows your tribalistic agenda. You feel Puntland is on the way of the ambitions of your clan to became something whether that something becomes having their little country or gaining more power in Somalia politics is all the same for you. But let me ask a question since you claim to be nationalist: Most of your separatist clansmen think if it was not Puntland, Somaliland would have been an independent state like that of South Sudan. Do you compliment Punland for Keeping the country together and saving the Somaliweyn hope alive for another day ? Galkio issue is very small in the scheme of things and one way or another it will be solved. The solution of it does not depend on whether the country takes federalism or centralism. It's tribal division that existed for hundred of years and can not be solved overnight.

^How about giving your Marqaan cousins above some advice of abandoning this separatist futile excursion of governance that risks to collapse if policies are not re-thought?

Carafaat;945370 wrote: As the resident expert of Pirate politics or the only known 'Puntlantologist', my gues would be pirates as one the stakeholders of the Garowe princibles or gang (consisting of Sheick Shariif, Abdiwali, ASWJ, Galdmudug) are hiding something here. As all the other stakeholders have been replaced, they hope to make use of the ignorence of other by trying to reopen negoitiaten on the constitution to pass the remaining 10 procent of pirate clausules. . LOL that's classic paranoia. Soon qashinkaad magaalada ka guraysaa hadii aad saan kusocotid Walle, xanuun qolo layiraahdo Pirate baa kugu dhacay, you see everything in them. It was the Roadmap first, then it was the constituitionka and now Jubbaland. Never ending paranoia of certain folks are here to get us.