Where does he says he wants Faroole back? In fact he is harsh on Faroole more than Abdiwali. And any ways Ismail is known fella and I know he basically campaigning for his cousin who will soon declare his candidacy. So his criticism of both men is dirty politics and does not hold water.

Horta why did not Somalis go for President and Vice president structure. I am sure I have seen a draft to that effect and don't know what changed. For example before the election the president would pick his VP in advance and people would vote for duos rather than one man having the monopoly on everything like what is happening now. It would make sure the politicians do not pick their cronies and lame ducks to have monopoly on power and forces president to compromise. This structure seems to be working for the countries where there are major ethnic/sectarian groups competing for power. For example, in Kenya, Kenyatta picked his arch enemy from the other side to win the election and hence compromise. Nigeria is in same situation. I think its time we look into this structure.

Tarzan goes back to his old Tarzan. I remember him shouting number on the corridors of West minister and interrupting MP Geremy Corbyn who was trying to help Somalis form a lobbyist umbrella. I didn't understand what made him upset there. The meeting was a brainstorming session to collect ideas and the Puntland's minster talked about their priorities and how that is different from the South Central where there were no any admins for over 20 years. All he could do was to wait his turn and bring forth his ideas.

It was provocative and childish from Culusoow side to insist that Farole sits behind the president given the fact that Puntland does not consider itself under the direct control of the SFG. The constitution says that Puntland will be independent and will administer its affairs until such time that the rest of the federated states are formed and permanent federal constitution is agreed upon. I think the SFG president should suck his top advisers and aides. They are unprofessional, divisive and tribalists to the core. He should get himself advisers that consist from all the regions and tribes instead of narrowing himself on small close knit group from his clan and cronies.

Is it me or is Galayr making a serious accusation where he says that the president has reportedly confided with a foreign country that " a certain clan in Somalia is the cancer of Somalia and need to be dealt with?". If this is true then may Allah help Somalia with a leader like him.

^LOOL you fuming with hatred. Hatred won't give you recognition. Marka for the sake of your health seek help , you r really suffering.

With some pictures: http://www.biyokulule.com/view_content.php?articleid=6181

Towards the south-west of Jubaland exists a plateau of slight elevation. From this in the rainy season a considerable amount of water flows into a series of swamps, drained by two creeks entering the sea by a common mouth at Port Durnford. These swamps are called by the general name of Wama Eidu. The climate in general is healthy even for Europeans, for although the heat is often intense,1`it is a dry heat very different to that of places to the south. The average coastal temperature is 80?, but inland it is greater. The seasons are as follows : Gu, The heavy rains (March to July). Haga`, Dry season (July to August). Dair, Lesser rains (September to November). Dira`, Dry season (December to February). The two dry seasons are sometimes also called Jilaal, and the two rainy seasons Barwaaqo. The rains fall inland first, and are often accompanied by severe thunderstorms. On the coast the rainfall is less than in the interior. The two monsoons are equally divided into periods of six months each; the south-west, blowing from April to August; and the north-east from September to March. Between the two monsoons comes a calm, when the heat is excessive. The country may be roughly divided into the following districts : Rama-adi, Bajun, Kismayu, Juba river, Afmadu, Serenleh, Eil Wak, Wajheir, Lorian. The district of Rama-adi, including the sub-district of Joreh, contains a group of flat-topped low hills on which a fairly plentiful quantity of rain usually falls during the year. This water, draining into the swamps mentioned above, causes the country to possess valuable feeding-grounds for cattle. Port Durnford is the natural harbour for this district, but at present the trade is undeveloped. Much valuable wild-vine rubber could be obtained from this neighbourhood, but the trade is hindered because the Somali, who dominate the country, are too supine to gather the rubber, and will not suffer the coast tribes, who are not Somali, to collect it. Three sub-tribes of the ****** Somali dominate the Rama-adi district, namely, the Abd Wak, the Maghaabul, and the Abdullah. They possess large herds of cattle, but they do not breed camels. The Bajun district consists of Port Durnford, the sub-district of Arnoleh [Anooleh], and a series of small islands adjacent to the coast. The natives include the Bajun, the Boni, and the Gala tribes. The Bajun are a race quite distinct from the Somali, and they have their own language and customs. Their local name is Wa-Tikuu. They obtain a living by fishing and marine trading. They claim to be descended from Persian settlers; this is corroborated by the existence in their district of ruined stone houses of distinctly Persian architecture, and also by their light complexion and regular features. The Boni tribe formerly lived in the Gurreh [Garre] country on the borders of Abyssinia, where their sole occupation was that of hunting. Gradually they spread southward until they reached that part of Jubaland then inhabited by the Gala, who are locally termed the Wurday. With this tribe they made an agreement that they should be allowed to live and hunt in the districts of Afmadu and Deshek Wama, under condition that one tusk of every elephant killed should be handed to the Gala. Jubaland Wa-gosha village When the Somali and the Gala began fighting the Boni were neutral, but when the former proved victorious the Boni retired into the thick bush, where for two years they lived on game. Subsequently they made with the ****** Somali a similar arrangement to that which they had formerly made with the Gala, and this arrangement is still carried out. They now have settlements in Arnoleh [Anooleh] and the hinterland of Port Durnford. In physique they are in no respect like negroes. Oppressed and persecuted by the young Somali, they have become extremely timid and shy of strangers. If a traveller approaches one of their villages, the whole population takes refuge in the thorn bush, where it is quite impossible to track them. Their weapons are bows with poisoned arrows. This poison they obtain from a scarce tree called Wabaiyu, which is a species of Euphorbia. Of late years this tribe has begun to collect the wild rubber around Arnoleh [Anooleh] and to barter it with the Bajun in exchange for cloth. In hunting they have remarkable skill, and their knowledge of the bush is wonderful. When water fails them in the bush they watch the birds, and when they see the birds sitting on yak trees in any numbers, their experience tells them that water will probably be found in the hollows of some of the trees. These yak trees have thick stunted trunks in which large cavities are often to be found. The branches of the trees spring from the circle of living wood round the cavities. The marriage customs of the Boni are very simple. When a young man wants a wife he goes hunting until he kills an elephant, of which the one tusk is for his Somali superior and the other he exchanges for cloth. The cloth is given to the girl`s father, and if it is sufficient in quantity she becomes his wife. In intelligence the Boni are superior to the Bajun, but not equal to the Gala or the Somali. Their language, which is at present unwritten, somewhat resembles that of the Somali, yet the difference is too great for mutual understanding. It is noteworthy that a small settlement of Boni, living on the banks of the Juba, have begun to cultivate maize. It is difficult to estimate the number of Boni now living in Jubaland, but probably they do not exceed a thousand. This interesting tribe, who may possibly be the aborigines of the country, are rapidly decreasing in numbers, and in a few years will probably be extinct or merged among the Somali, whose missionaries are busily employed in converting them from Paganism to Mohammedanism. At Arnoleh [Anooleh] is the only settlement of the Gala tribe in Jubaland, though they are to be found scattered among the Somali throughout the whole country. Monseigneur Taruin Cahaigne, of Harrur in Abyssinia, has suggested, according to Colonel Swayne, that this tribe had their original local habitation in Tanaland. It would appear more probable, from inquiries made from the Gala themselves, that their tribe came from the north of Italian Somaliland, whence they were driven by the more powerful Somali; and that they first took refuge in Jubaland and afterwards in Tanaland, where a large settlement of them still exists. Northern Somaliland can show many cairns of Gala origin, but in Jubaland I have found not one. It appears that, after being driven across the Juba by the Somali, the Gala took possession of the country to the west of that river. About 1842 the Somali crossed the Juba, attacked the Gala, and were defeated with great loss. These attacks were continued until 1845, when tbe Somali offered peace on condition that they should be allowed to inhabit Jubaland side by side with the Gala. The Gala foolishly consented to this. In 1848 the Somali treacherously broke the agreement, and drove the Gala south ward and westward. Many of them were starved into servitude under the Somali, and are now employed in considerable numbers as herdsmen in the ****** country. The Gala are mostly Pagans, but lately a considerable number of them have become converts to Mohammedanism. Their marriage customs do not include the giving of a dowry, and their conjugal morality is very lax. In intelligence they compare unfavourably with the Somali; nevertheless they are a courageous and usually self-restraining race, yet subject to violent fits of excitement when sufficiently provoked. As traders and hunters they are more skilful than a Somali, but not equal to the Boni. Kismayu, showing sandhills, in around 1913 The Kismayu district may be said to extend from the coast northward to the Deshek Wama lake, and on the east it is bounded by the Juba river. Kismayu, which may be considered as the capital of Jubaland, possesses a well-protected roadstead. It contains about 4000 inhabitants – consisting of Somali, a few Indian traders, and Bajun. It exports hides, maize, and cotton; it imports manufactured articles, especially cotton cloth of all descriptions. The trade at present is mostly in the hands of Khojas from Bombay. The goods are principally made in Hindustan or America. Very few British-made articles reach the country. As the seat of the Government, it is the residence of a few English officials. Gobwein (“large plain“), 2 miles from the Juba mouth, is a village of about 2000 inhabitants. Yonti, 12 miles from Gobwein, is also situated on the Juba river. It is a military cantonment. Near this village an English company has commenced the cultivation of cotton. Jubaland village, 1913 The Juba river district reaches from the junction of the Juba and the Daua rivers to Yonti. The right bank is under British rule; the left is in Italian territory. From the village of Dolo, where the Daua and Juba unite, as far down the river as Serenleh (a British military post), the district is wild and uncultivated. From Serenleh to Mfudu the bank immediate to the river is covered by a dense forest. The timber, however, is not of a valuable kind, though here and there rubber-vine may be found. From Mfudu to Yonti the bank is under cultivation by the Wa-Gosha tribes. The productions are maize and simsim. In this neighbourhood the Government have established an experimental farm. The Juba river district, with its richly fertile soil, should have a great future as a cotton-growing country. byssinian frontier.

Jubaland and Its Inhabitant By F. ELLIOTT, A.S.P. The Geographical Journal, Vol. 41, No. 6 pp. 554-561 June 1913 The north-western boundary of Jubaland is a line drawn from the Lorian swamp, passing through the districts of Wajheir and Eil Wak, and terminating at Dolo, on the river Juba. Its south-eastern boundary is the Indian ocean. Its eastern boundary is the river Juba, whose eastern bank is within the Italian sphere of influence. The western boundary is an imaginary line from the Lorian swamp to the Bajun settlement of Kiunga on the coast. Off the coast is a series of coral reefs and small islands, partly inhabited, which makes the approach by vessels somewhat difficult. The available harbours are two in number, Kismayu and Port Durnford; the latter can only be entered by vessels of light draught. The mouth of the river Juba is blocked by a sand-bar, which can be crossed by vessels not requiring more than 6 feet of water. There is, in addition, the large creek of Arnoleh [Anooleh] (place of milk), which is navigable by dhows, and extends some 20 miles inland. Along the shore there is a line of sandhills stretching inland for about a mile. Their heights average not more than 200 feet, and they are clothed with bush and mimosa thorn. Immediately behind the sandhills lies a flat country, thick with thorn and other bushes, but which possesses here and there open or park-like plains whereon cattle, camels and goats are pastured. As we proceed north-westward the belts of bush become denser and more difficult to penetrate, while in the more southern districts the open plains are larger and more numerous. The general view of the country is uninteresting from lack of hills, and depressing from want of variety; yet it possesses great possibilities as a grazing country. Along the whole of the western bank of the river Juba lies a belt of what is called " black-cotton " soil, the fertility of which, under irrigation, may be compared to that of the Nile valley. It is already producing crops of cotton equal to the best Egyptian, and in the future might become a district of considerable commercial importance. The Juba, locally called the Webbe Ganana, rises in the mountains of southern Abyssinia. Its course is southward, but it winds in many directions. Its only tributary in Jubaland is the Daua. The local drainage is very small, and there are numerous swamps on either bank. The river is lowest from December to March, it then rises slowly until May. After this month the river again falls, and this fall is followed by its greatest rise, which occurs between August and November. The banks are well defined and clothed with vegetation and bush. The swamps lie beyond these banks. The river is navigable all the year round to Yonti. During the floods steamers can even reach Serenleh. The tsetse fly haunts the banks and swamps. The Lorian swamp in the north-west corner of the country is in the rainy season for the most part a morass with a circumference of about 60 to 70 miles, but having moderately deep pools of water surrounded by reeds. In the dry season it is a mud flat with a permanent supply of water in its midst. This swamp is supplied from the slopes of the Aberdare mountains and Mount Kenya with water which enters it by the E. Uaso Nyiro river. There is a clearly defined river-bed, called the Lak Dera, connecting the Lorian swamp with the Wama lake. This river-bed is now dry, but the natives report that water has been known to flow down it as far as Afmadu (black mouth), which is a district about 30 miles from the river Juba. The general direction of the above-mentioned Lak Dera (long stream) is east until it reaches the Afmadu district, where it is joined by the Lak Jera river-bed, and this has a stream of water during the season of heavy rains. After passing Afmadu the united river-bed turns almost due south until it reaches the Deshek Wama (Wama lake), a lake which formerly had permanent water extending 16 miles in length by about 2 miles in breadth. This lake was formerly fed by a stream proceeding from the river Juba at a point about 50 miles from its mouth, and it was drained by another stream entering the Juba 20 miles from its mouth, near the town of Yonti (noisy place). The feeding stream has been lately blocked by an artificial bank, and the lake is now dry except in the rainy season.

MMA are you comparing a country ravaged by war for 23 years with a country which had always had strong government? You have same mentality as Hassan Sheikh and that's why he doesn't get it. Somalia will get there some time in the future, but for now there are a lot of entities shoveling for concessions and any leader has to be realistic and understand the state Somalia is in.

I wonder how they collect their statistics while most statistics forms lump Somalis with Black Africans except some boroughs like Tower Hamlet and perhaps Camden.

BARBER shops are excellent places for gossip. Hassan Ali’s place in Kentish Town is no different. The north Londoner arrived in Britain from Somalia with dreams of becoming a mechanic. But he was good at cutting hair: you do whatever work you can, he says. Most Somalis—Britain’s largest refugee population—do not work. They are among the poorest, worst-educated and least-employed in Britain. In a country where other refugees have flourished, why do Somalis do so badly? In this section The first Somalis to arrive in Britain, over a century ago, were economic migrants. Merchant seamen settled in cities with docks: Cardiff, Liverpool and London. As civil war ravaged Somalia in the 1990s, refugees flocked to Britain. In 1999, the high-water mark, 7,495 Somalis arrived (11% of the refugees that arrived in Britain that year). Since then, the influx has slowed (see first chart); it still leaves a large community. The 2011 census identified 101,370 people in England and Wales who were born in Somalia. Poverty is their first problem. Over 80% of Somali-speaking pupils qualify for free school meals. In Waltham Forest, a borough in east London, home to nearly 4,000 Somalis, 73% live in households on benefits. More than 50% of British Somalis rent from local councils, the highest proportion of any foreign-born population. In nearby Tower Hamlets 2010 data showed that Somalis were twice as likely as white Britons to be behind with the rent. The cost of their economic marginalisation hurts them, and is a toll on the public sector, too. Education looks an unlikely escape route. Overcrowded houses mean children have nowhere to do their homework. In 2010-11 around 33% of Somali children got five good GCSEs, the exams taken at 16, compared with 59% of Bangladeshi pupils and 78% of Nigerian ones. Parents unable to speak English struggle. They see their children move up a year at school and assume they are doing well (in Somalia poor performers are held back). Their offspring, roped in as translators, are in no hurry to disabuse them. This helps to explain the pitiful employment rates among Britain’s Somalis (see second chart). Just one in ten is in full-time work. Many Somali households are headed by women who came to Britain without their husbands. Fitting work around child care is a struggle. Without work, Somali men while away their days chewing khat, a mild stimulative leaf. Awale Olad, a Somali councillor in London, supports the government’s recent decision to ban the drug. But others fear it will needlessly criminalise a generation of men. Religion, however, is an overstated problem. It is true that, like their Bangladeshi and Pakistani counterparts, some young Somalis are embracing stricter forms of Islam. Amina Ali, who hopes to stand as an MP at the next election, worries when she sees girls of three wearing headscarves. People can respect Islam without being so conservative, she says. But religion unites young Somalis with other young Muslims, says Ismail Einashe, a journalist. A few are radicalised, but most are not. This cocktail of poverty and unemployment dogs Somalis elsewhere too. In 2009 they were the least-employed group in Denmark. The Norwegian government is so worried about its Somali community it wants research done on their plight. Even discounting such factors as religion, age and experience, compared with other black Africans in Britain, Somalis face an “ethnic penalty” when job-hunting. Their disadvantages are clear. But Britain is rightly perceived as a country in which it is relatively easy to set up businesses; it also offers the hope of a warm welcome with its large Somali and Muslim population. This should bode well for Somalis. Many are hopeful. Somalis want their children to succeed, so growing numbers are hiring private tutors (see article). In 2000 just one Somali teenager in the London borough of Camden passed five GCSEs with good grades. To improve matters, the council and others set up the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre, which mentors students and lends them books. Last year the figure rose to 59%. Abdikadir Ahmed, who works there, says his organisation encourages people to put the entrepreneurial skills they learn in gangs to better use. He works with Somalis locked up in Feltham prison, a young-offenders jail. Their numbers are dropping, he reckons. Somalis played little part in the summer riots of 2011. This investment reflects a deeper change. For years many Somalis kept their suitcases packed, ready to return to Africa for good, says Mr Olad. Firm in the belief that they would soon be on the move, there was little point in putting down deep roots, or encouraging their children to do so. But the current generation of Somalis grew up in Britain. For them a permanent return to Somalia holds less appeal. Young British Somalis still embrace their nomadic heritage. But now they seek a dual identity, able to flit between two homelands and, they hope, to make the best of both.

Some one who travelled on Galkio - Berbera just recently told me that Puntland is more govermental than Somaliland. For example at the checkpoints somaliland soldiers who are intoxited with qat demand money otherwise they wouldnt let you pass where as in puntland they check your papers and let you go. People jn Somaliland look poorer than their counterparts in Puntland and beggers are many. Now that was revelation to me as I thought with all the bravado we see and the fact that Somaliland is older than Puntland by seven years things were better down there.

Naxar, the issue of contest is not grammatical error, semantics nor interpretation. The issue is the actual wording of the Constitution that has been agreed upon has been changed.

Xoosh is a lawyer and as such he should refute in writing and respond to the following points raised by Faroole point by point as he would before court of law: Faroole has penned down these articles as the ones that have been fiddled with. As of today I haven't seen any one refuting them and bringing any counter urgument in writing as he did: Qodobada laga Bedelay Nuqulkii Dastuurka ee Rasmiga (Provisional Federal Constitution of Somalia, signed in Nairobi on June 22, 2012) Waxaa diyaariyay Dowladda Puntland, March 9, 2013 1. Qodobka 9,aad, ee ka hadlaya Magaalo madaxda qaranka, waxaa lagu kordhiyey (Magaalo madaxda Jamhuuriyada Soomaaliya waa mugdisho), halka nuqulkii lagu heshiiyey dhigayo,( maqaamka magaalo madaxda federaalka soomaalia waxaa go’aan laga gaari doonaa dib u eegista dastuurka) 2. Qodobka 16-aad cinwaanku wuxuu u qoranaa sidatan: ”Xorriyadda abuuridda iyo ka mid noqoshada Ururrada”, waxaana loo bedeley: Xorriyadda ka mid noqoshada. 3. Qodobka 26,aad, ee ka hadlaya hantida. Waxaa laga saaray faqrada sadexaad ee nuqulkii rasmiga, ahaa, taasoo u qoran sidan: 3. faqrada 1, iyo 2, ee qodobkan laguma dhaqayo arrimaha ku xusan qodobka 49,aad, 4. Qodobka 44aad ee ka hadlaya dhulka, hantida iyo deegaanka. Ee nuqulkii rasmiga ahaa wuxuu ka koobnaa 6 faqradood, ama prograph, waxaa laga tirtiray faqrada 5,aad, oo u dhigan sidan: 5, kala qeexida awoodaha dawlada federaalka iyo dowladaha xubinta ka ah dowlad federaalka ee la xiriira maamulka iyo maaraynta waxay ku tilmaaman yihiin lifaaqa, 5. Qodobka 49aad: faqradda koowaad xarafka (b) waxay u qorneyd sidatan: ”Heerka dawladaha xubinta ka ah dawladda Federaalka oo ay hoos imaanayaan Dawladaha degaanka”, waxaa loo beddeley sidatan: Heerka Dawladaha xubinta ka ah Dawladda federaalka waxaa ka kooban tahay xukuumaddu ka tirsan Dawladda Federaalka iyo Dawladaha Hoose. 6. Qodobka 50aad ee ka hadlaya, tirada iyo xuduudaha dowladaha xubinta ka ah dowlada federalka, faqradiisa 5,aad oo u dhigan sidan: 5, xuduudaha dowladaha xubinta ka ah dowlada federaalka waxay ku salaysnaan doonaan xuduudihii gobolada ee jiray 1990-kii, (waxaa loo bedelay 1991’kii). 7. Qodobka 52-aad, faqradda 5-aad, xarafka (b) waxaa lagu kordhiyey ereyga hay-ado. 8. Qodobka 55aad ee nuqulka rasmiga kana hadlaya Kala qaybinta Awoodaha, waxaa lagu siyaadiyey ( oo ay awooddeeda iyo mas’uuliyaddeeda yeelaneyso Xukuumada Federaalka). 9. Qodobka 69aad. Nuqulka rasmiga ah ee dastuurka, kana hadlaya, Xeer-hoosaadka Golaha shacabka, faqradiisa 4,aad, waxay u qoran tahay sidan: 4. Mashruuc sharci oo Goluhu diiday dib looguma soo celin karo Golaha ilaa ay ka soo wareegto lix-bilood maalinta Goluhu diiday,(waxaa loo bedelay 30,maalmood). 10. Qodobka 72aad ee ka hadlaya Aqalka Sare , waxaa laga saaray ama laga tirtiray faqrada u danbaysa xarafka (J), in ay gutaan waajibaadka kale ee dastuurku ku farad yeelayo si loo sugo in dastuurku si habsami ah u hirgalo. 2 of 4 11. Qodobka 76-aad faqradda 4-aad waxay u qorneyd sidatan: ”Mashruuc sharci oo Goluhu diidey dib looguma soo celin karo Golaha ilaa ay soo wareegto lix bilood maalinta Goluhu diidey”. Waxaa lagu beddeley sidatan: ilaa ay soo wareegto 30 (soddon) maalmood. 12. Qodobka 80-aad, faqradda 1-aad xarafka (b) oo u qornaa sidatan: ”Qoridda iyo soo jeedinta”, waxaa loo habeeyey sidatan: Qoridda iyo diyaarinta sharci qabyo ah oo cusub oo aan la xiriirin miisaaniyad sanadeedda. 13. Qodobka 81aad ee ka hadlaya Curinta Sharciyada, waxaa lagu siyaadiyey ama lagu daray faqrad cusub, oo aan horey ugu jirin nuqulka rasmiga ah ee dastuurka. Oo ka kooban A iyo B, una dhigan sidan: 2. Sharciyada qabyada ah waxaa Golaha sare e barlamaanka federaalka ah u soo bandhigi kara( A) ugu yaraan hal wakiil oo ka socda dowladaha xubinta ka ah federaalka ama (B) Guddi kasta oo ka mid ah aqalka sare ee barlamaanka federaalka ah. 14. Qodobka 82-aad, faqradda 3-aad oo u qorneyd sidatan: ”In la helo qodob saamaxa iswaafajin iyo isu soo jiidka labada Aqal, haddii aan wax heshiis ihi dhicin”. Waxaa loo beddeley sidan: Haddii labada Aqal ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka ah uu dhex yimaado khilaaf ku saabsan sharci qabyo ah, mid kastaa oo ka mid ah labada Aqal ayaa guddi wadajir ah oo ka kooban labada Aqal ugu baaqi kara in uu isku dayo in uu xalliyo khilaafaadka iyo in uu labada Aqal u soo jeediyo sharci qabyo ah oo la iswaafajiyey iyada oo laga duulayo iskaashiga dawladaha ee ay dhigayaan Qodobbada 51-aa iyo 52-aad. 15. Qodobka 89-aad, faqradda koowaad oo u qorneyd sidatan: ”Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka waa in ay doortaan labada Gole ee Baarlamaanka oo wada fadhiya”. Waxaa lagu kordhiyey: Waxaa guddoominaya fadhiga Guddoomiyaha Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka ah. 16. Qodobka 91aad ee ku saabsan Muddada xil-haynta Madaxweynaha Federaalka Somaalia, waxaa ku qornaa Madaxweynaha federaalku wuxuu xilka haynayaa muddo shan (5) sano, (waxaana loo bedelay 4 (afar) sano) 17. Qodobka 109-aad, faqradda 5-aad xarafka (h) oo u qoran sidan: ”Xubnaha Guddiga Adeegga garsoorka waxay shaqeynayaan muddo dhan afar (4) sano oo la cusbooneysiin karo hal xilli”. Waxaa laga dhigey xilhaynta shan (5) sanno (eeg qodobka 109 (A) faqradda 4-aad ee dastuurka lagu beddeley kan asalka ah). 18. Waxaa kaloo lagu kordhiyay Qodobka 109-aad (qodobbo kale oo loo bixiyey qodobka 109B iyo qodobka 109C oo ka hadlaya aasaaska iyo awoodda maxkamad dastuuri ah. Qobaddaas oo wadajirkooda ka kooban labo bog iyo bar kuma qorna Dastuurka asalka ah, eeg bogga 65-aad ilaa bogga 67-aad ee dastuurka lagu beddeley kan asalka ah). 19. Qodobka 111-aad (J), faqradda 3-aad xarafka (b) oo ku saabsan guddiga Is-cafiska iyo dib-u-heshiisiinta, waxaa laga tegey qaybtan: ”wuxuuna ku shaqeynayaa dhinaca shaqo ka fariisinta shuruudo iyo nidaam la mid ah kan Garsooraha shaqada lagaga qaado ama fariisiyo oo mar keliya ah, taas oo ah mid la mid ah muddo xileedka xubin 3 of 4 ka tirsan Maxkamadda Sare, sida lagu xusey ……….. ee ku saabsan sababaha iyo habraacyada loo maro xil-ka-qaadista garsoore”. 20. Qodobka 131aad. Waxaa la soo geliyey qodob cusub oo aan dastuurka nuqulka rasmiga ah hore ugu jirin kuna saabsan xaalad deg degga ah, kana kooban 7 faqradood. 21. Qodobka 199aad ee ka hadlaya wax ka bedelka dastuurka, faqradiisa 3,aad waxaa ku qoran ugu yaraan 440.000 oo muwaadiniin ah ayaa lagu bilaabi karaa habraaca wax ka bedelka dastuurka, (waxaa loo bedelay 40,000) 22. Qodobka 199-aad, faqradda 5-aad ee ku saabsan guddiga wax-ka-beddelka dastuurka oo la magacaabayo waxaa laga dhigey 10 (toban) xubnood Aqalkasta. (Tiradaas oo aan ku xusneyn Dastuurka asalka ah.) 23. Article 204 oo cinwaankiisu yahay Qodobo Qubane ah waxaa lagu daray Qodobka 2- aad oo u qoran sidan: Dhaqangalka qodobada la xiriira Aqalka Sare ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka meelaha lagu xusay Dasturkaan, dib ayaa loo dhigay inta laga gaarayo samaynta dhammaan Dowladaha Xubnaha ka ah Dowladda Federaalka iyo inta kuwa matalaya loo dhaarinayo xilka iyagoo ah xubno ka tirsan xubnaha Aqalka Sare ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka. Inta uu laalan yahay samaynta Aqalka Sare ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka, Golaha Shacabka ayaa qabanaya dhammaan waajibaadka iyo howlaha Dastuurkan siisay Aqalka Sare wuxuuna u shaqaynayaa sida Baarlamaan ka kooban hal Aqal, si daacadnimo ku jirtana maanka ugu hayaa mabaa’diida asaasiga ah ee awood-qeybsiga ee nidaamka Federaalka lagu qeexay Qodobka 3-aad, Farqadiisa 3-aad ee Dastuurkan iyo danaha gobollada Soomaaliyeed marka laga gaarayo go’aanada. 24. Qodobka 207-aad, faqradda 2-aad xarafka (b) waxaa laga tegey orahdan: ”inuu jawaab gaar ah ka bixiyo su`aasha ama su`aalaha” 25. Qodobka 210aad ee Ciwaankiisu yahay Qodobbada is-khilaafsan, oo labo (2) faqradood ka kooban, ayaa meesha laga saaray. 4 of 4 Jadwalka Dastuurka lagu beddeley kan asalka waxaa ku qoran jadwal ka kooban: • Jadwalka (A) waxaa la dhigay Jadwalka ©, iyadoo Jadwalka (A) lagu sawirey calanka Soomaaliya sida ku xusan qodobka 6-aad faqraddiisa koowaad ee Dastuurka asalka ah. • Jadwalka (B) waxaa la dhigay Jadwalka (D), iyadoo Jadwalka (B) lagu sawirey astaanta Jamhuuriyadda si waafaqsan qodobka 6-aad, faqradda 2-aad ee Dastuurka asalka ah. • Jadwalka © oo ku saabsan: ”Kala guurka”: Isbeddallada la soo jeediyey in lagu sameeyo Dastuurka xilliga koowaad ee Barlamaanka federaalka Soomaaliya, (wuxuu ka koobnaa 17 (toban iyotoddoba) faqradood, waxaa laga tegey oo aan la qorin: faqradaha 9-10-12-13 iyo 17, eeg jadwalka (A) ee dastuurka asalka ah, boggiisa 88-aad iyo kan 89-aad). • Jadwalka 1(D) oo ka hadlaya: ”Shuruucda mudnaanta koowaad leh in la sameeyo xilliga koowaad ee Barlamaanka Federaalka ah”, (wuxuu ka koobnaa 31 (soddon iyo koow) faqraddood waxaa laga tegey toddoba faqradood oo kala ah faqradda: 11- 12- 16-19-21-22 iyo 24, eeg Dastuurka asalka ah jadwalka (B), boggiisa 89-aad ilaa 91- aad).

Apart from the bit where he's taunting his mother-father family (which I don't know why go low like that), the article is scholarly piece. I always read Prof Said's work with interest as they are full of humor and have some truth in them. Talking about Somali clan going global, there were couple of times I met with these Cadaan guys who were married to Somali women. Within minutes of our conversation, they asked me which tribe I was. In both occasions, I laughed as I did not see it coming and their response was I might be from same tribe as them. Poor fellas thought that their wives being from certain clan would give them automatic membership to the said clan. The whole paternal blood relations was too complex for them to understand I thought.

Moonlight I don't think it's that clear cut. Reer Sool are different sub-clans with differing political interests, so some sub-clans might side with Faroole and some who ever they think will land them a ministerial role and hence influence in the region. That's why you see some entire sub-clans defecting to Somaliland while others change sides between Khatumo and Puntland. Also, Khatumo has not fully gone. Many believe they could negotiate with some one other than Faroole whom they have fallen out with and that's where Dr Gaas has advantage. I believe he could convince them to come back to the fold, provided their grievances are properly addressed.

The more Hassan thinks that he can subjugate people by applying external pressure, the more it makes him look silly and simpleton. Madaxwayne dhan oo wadamo shisheeye ka baryaya dakadiisii iyo airporkiisii waa wax laga yaqyaqsoodo waxna soo kordhin mayso aan ka ahayn kala fogaansho. Waxaa loo qaatay isagoo kuwa Somalida ah iska barya.

^What is wrong with the Map?

Xaaji Xunjuf;972316 wrote: He doesn't stand a chance against Faroole, the man failed in the south there is no way he will have a chance in Garowe. Get your doctor on standby, you sure will have heartache. Prof. Gaas is unstoppable and will win emphatically. In my opinion he's the best ever qualified candidate to stand for the post and Puntlanders will be lucky to have him as a leader. All the best, Professor.

MoonLight1;971686 wrote: in 2009 The SSC MPs propelled Farole into presidency when they voted him, this year he is relying on them again with some politically calculated moves he made last week when he nominated 2 SSC heavyweight ministers into vital positions. But minsters don't select MPs, Issims do and the problem is those Issims have already declared their region is not part of Puntland and had no dealings with Puntland admin in the last couple of years. Who then has the authority to nominate those MPs? If I know Faroole, he will want those MPs to be handpicked by his cabinet and some dummy nabadoons, but other rival politicians will not accept that and I don't know any reason why they should.

Horta, who is going to select the SOOL MPs? Last time I checked most of the Issims from that region were with Khatumo except one or two. There are 17 MPs for grabs and they will make all the difference. In my opinion they should be left vacant until the SOOL issue is solved by the next admin.

Mashallah. It's beautiful Mall.

Acuudubillah Midkaan Xaaji Xunduf isku dirr badanaa, cadowtinimo uu qabo waynaa. war sida ha la isku dhaamo oo Ilaahay ha laga baqo. Bisinka

Hassan Mohamud is a failure. I Think it's about time the country is saved. Under Hassan We being headed to civil war and return to 1991 chaos. The parliment should impeach him and save the country from this inexperienced and vision-less president.