It’s political leaders and opinion makers are emotional, and that is concerning.

Its more the politics that has lately come dominate Beesha. That there is no differentiation in thought between those leading and those being led, what is said in market places and what is said in political corridors by those in charge. Deducting any sort of rational and substantive knowledge from political debates, which is leading to extreme simplifications, polarisation and emotional communication and thought. The current political debates are perhaps a good example of where this is leading to. That people in the streets are debating the electoral laws, based on the same base simplified knowledge, political interest and emotionally charged standpoints, that those in leadership position have. It’s a receipt for political chaos and instability.

Think the Minister is quite clear in his speech that issue is about politics and political directions, in which he characterises the politics of Beesha dhexe as one driven by emotions and clannism. He gives various examples, such as in 1960 Ali Garaad and others suggesting to wait with unification, which would have been quite rational thing to do but Beesha dhexe refusing. And then later in 1991 when Beesha dhexe decided on separation or independence, SSC leaders being against it. The issue is politics, despiye what is sometimes stated or propagated in the charged and heated political debates reinforced by different clan narratives. People in Somaliland or Beesha dhexe’s cultural Somali ‘identity’ has not changed as a result of ‘Somalilands’ ambitions of becoming an independently recognised State. People’s cultural norms, behaviours, beliefs, customs, and values remain Somali. They have not become or adopted overnight an ‘Ethiopian, Kiswahilli or Yemeni’ identity. And neither have they forged a distinct ‘Somalilandish’ cultural identity whose characteristics indicate a distinct separate language, religion, ethnic, traditions or cultural identity. The civil war might have impacted communal social relations, connections, political loyalties and narratives, but surely this goes for all Somali’s across the board and doesn’t indicate a change in people’s connection to their identity or a change in the culture's core characteristics. And with regards to identifying or collating Somali identity with flags, state symbols, 1 July celebrations, or connections with the government in Mogadishu, think one has passed that assertion when different regions or groups started adopting their own flags and started severing ties with FGS over relations with other foreign countries. It’s politics and doesn’t say anything about the identity of people in different regions.

This is a completely senseless and purposeless war, May we return to Allah in repentance seeking forgiveness.

The issue isn’t about ‘Somalinimo’ identity, it’s about politics and political directions for the people that is realistic, workable and achievable. Listen to this former Somaliland Minister who talks about the divergence of political ideas and directions between the Somaliland clans, over the last century. And he makes the point that his clan(SSC) in the last century in 4 major turning points diverged from the beesha Dhexe clan on the political directions, but beeshe dhexe pressed their own directions but every time hit a wall forced to make a u-turn. And he blames this on waves of populism (Xamasadaha) that come to dominate the politics of beesha dhexe every couple of decades. Making it difficult to engage in political dialogue and compromise with, as one gravitate towards unreasonable or unrealistic political expectations, leading towards gravitation to a new wave of reactionary populism. He proves his assertion with the following historical turning points; 1. Darwiish movement 1900-1920; calling for independence from the colonial authorities, while beesha Dhexe opposed only to make a u-turn later and their leaders start calling and campaigning for independence themselves from 1930’s onwards. (Aside from the figure of Sayidka and whatever religious empire he aspired, on the anti-colonialism the Darwiish movement was indeed ahead of its time, you can’t deny that). 2. Independence of 1960; SSC wanted for Somaliland to wait before engaging and unifying with Somalia and first consult and see what conditionalities were needed, as the South has been preparing for the last decade to assume their statehood. With Beesha dhexe is responded to aun Ali Garaad Jama, with the famous “La ya Garaad”(No to the Garaad) demonstration. (Even Cigaal aun attested that when he suggested during a conference to wait 6 months before uniting with Somalia, that a bottle of coke was thrown at this head and was silenced by the political elites as the general populist feeling were strong on unification that it was difficult impossible to have any rational discussion on the practicalities and political directions to go about). 3. Establishment of rebel movement early 1980s; SSC leaders led by Garaad Ali Garaad Jama aun who also opposed the military regime, met with the SNM in its earliest days and sought to join the Movement to create a unified front against the military regime. Beesha dhexe refused and preferred to maintain a clan opposition based front, instead of creating a clan wide political movement against the regime. Later on the military regime also specifically targeted Beesha dhexe, sought to put other clans against them and destroy their cities. 4. The Peace conferences of 1991s; SSC leaders engaged in peace conferences and agreements with Beesha dhexe, and supported for Northern wide clans to come together and consult on their affairs in the conference of Burco, and even to establish a Northern or Somaliland government. But during the conference also the decision of independence or succession was taken, which was a hastily taken decision without much thought that was put in to voting, leading to Somaliland after 30 years still locked in its quest for independence. 5. Las anod conflict 2023; Once again the political narrative of SL elitea is fuelled by a wave of populist emotions (xamasad), rather then a rational political strategy, direction and thought. This is proven by its constantly changing narrative for the las anod conflict coming from the elites who can’t seem make up their mind on why they are fighting and for what purpose, changing justifications from we are defending the SL borders, we are attacked by terrorist, Somalia or Puntland is behind the war. Again SL is captured by a wave of irrational political populism that is unreasonable to reason or talk with.

If yes it’s that easy, why hasn’t this been drafted and passed already?

You have a point here, remember occasions where newly elected officials were destroying archives and documents of their predecessors, as they were in opposition to the incumbent government and wanted to erase everything they did and left behind so one could make their own mark on things. And this isn’t an incident, but a wider backwards and false thinking existing amongst Somali’s, that one has to destroy what is there in order to build build something new and claim ownership/legacy. That’s why you also have dozens of institutions, authorities, committees and offices that have ceased to exist as one hasn’t organised proper handover, merger or follow-up, while at the same time one is investing and putting up new structures which will eventually also cease.

Why do you think an Oromo led Federal government in coalition with Afar, Somali would be still be hostile to Somali’s? Is this because Somali’s wouldn’t be able to negotiate their interest because they are to divided and would undermine eachother or Somali interest would be diametrically opposed to what Oromo, Afar and Southern Nations want? I note the imperialistic tendencies in the history of the Ethiopian state, and also note your assertion that Ethiopian rulers inclination towards centralism and seeking a unified cultural hegemony. But wonder if and how this discourse could be changed, specially when the call from most nations and peoples seems to gravitate towards the same agenda as Somali’s want, which is more autonomy, decentralized decision making, basic freedoms and rights and socio-economic-political and cultural equity. It other words if an Ethiopian State will always be hostile towards Somali’s, wouldn’t it also be hostile towards Oromo, Afar and other Southern Nations?

This time it isn’t outsiders but SL stakeholders being seriously concerned and warning about the state of affairs. For party elections to take place in December you will need a law to facilitate the process, which the Electoral Committee will need the Executive and Parliament/Guurti to act in consent and unison.

Why would you wish that upon fellow African, fellow Muslim and fellow Cushitic peoples in Sudan? Perhaps you don’t know but Sudan has over hundreds of different ethnic groups and tribes?

The point is that Somaliland’s problem or issue isn’t solely about Las Anod, Garaad Jama, Abdirizaq Khaliif or few armed men from Puntland, but that a large part of the country doesn’t share and neither wants to be part of the political discourse propagated by the few elites. For a long time one tried to ignore or subvert it, it hasn’t worked. And now one is trying to fight it to submission, which won’t work either. Somaliland knows this very well. Listen to Somaliland President 4 years ago, stating what the region needs and doesn’t need, this is when Garaad folks were quite patiently waiting for rapprochement, but after so many years of promises no initiative came and one has run out of patience with Somaliland.

They don’t belief these fake narratives spewed out there, at the same time they pity these guys struggling with the job.

http://www.somalilandlaw.com/Faafinta_wkb_Xeerka_Gobollada_iyo_Degmo.pdf Check page 13 of the local government law. A+B+C districts are official electoral districts, D are villages.

Che, you make it seem as if the security forces have a unified command structure and the President is their commander in chief and thus they have committed mutiny. But this far from the actually reality. Danab, Gorgor, Harimacad, Alpha, Darawiish, etc don’t have a unified command structure and the commanders of those units take their commands from either their foreign trainers/supervisors or from their clan militia chiefs, as the clan militia’s are still in tact but wearing badges and uniforms of specific forces. If HSM beefs with specific clan folks, be assured the same thing can happen again as he isn’t their actual commander in chief. The Somali civil war isn’t over, it has just cooled down to a cold conflict. And Somali’s really need a genuine and real reconciliation and it’s not business as usual, and one can just continue as if nothing happened. sorry for repeating this, but it’s important we realize this, the sooner the better.

You are right on Boocame. But on Badhan you’re incorrect, it’s a district and has even more important B district status, same status as Oodweyne, Zeila and Elafweyn.

Somali galbeed /Kilinka folks. Amhara won’t triumph over Abiy, unless Oromo, Somali’s and Afars somehow overcome their petty disputes and recurring issue over border villages and who is majority in which villages. Completely unnecessary and shouldn’t be to difficult to solve, specially if some their leaders somehow had a bigger ambition or agenda. I assume you hope for a Tigray return and Che is routing for Amhara’s?

Che, I have told you before eventually Amhara and Tigray will gang up, they will set their difference aside to maintain a Habasha hegemony over Ethiopia and all other nations. Somali’s need to set their differences aside, work together with Mustafe Cagjar, Ahmed Abiy and build bridges with Oromo, Harreri’s and others part of former Southern-Nations. But even though I am ignorant in the politics and matters of the Western Somali’s, but feel there is an extreme divisive politics build on paranoia, xenophobia and blatant ignorance that’s having a hold on the westerns-Somali’s collectively.

Now you’re over exaggerating, the Sayid was ruthless and even prosecuted and burned villages who he perceived as Suufi’s of the wrong school. Much of his opposition and war towards different groups had little to do with Christianity or for accepting English colonial authority, but he had beefs with different groups for all kind of different reasons. He burned down villages of my ancestors because they refused to accept his school of thought, and this is even before he formed the Darvish movement in the east, when his followers consisted mainly of Burco folks. FYI, I am not discounting his overall historical significance and that he was a pain in the ass of the colonial authorities and thus deserves his place in the pages of history. But don’t make him a saint either, and his adversaries as followers of the Christian church. Think this topic rightly deserves much more research and debates between historians and should be thought in all Somali schools as it contains lessons certainly .

Xaaji, read again what I wrote. Forget about Puntland, 4.5 in Mogadishu, what do you have for those people in the East of the country, and are you willing to accommodate their political wishes? Or do you regard then as an occupied lot that have no entitlement, no ownership and no say in matters of the state and governance. The manner in which Ali Khaliif Galeydh was treated is quite telling and your insistence on remaining or occupying Goojacadde and shelling of Las Anod, and name calling of the Garaads is adding further insult. Irrelevant of the state of Puntland, Mogadishu and 4.5, no self respecting Somali would accept this kind of dismissive treatment, disrespect and on top of that derogatory speech, even if meant one has to die of hunger. If one cant understand that, can’t comprehend or can’t empathize with that, then apparently there is little basis for the distinct shared values of Somaliland, that we all thought and still hope it exists.

There has to be a difference between Realpolitik, pursuing pragmatic or realistic policies, and strictly holding on to Populistic or rather Idealized notions. And what is concerning here is that there is no differentiation between the populistic notions often practiced during elections or other sort of campaigns intended to incite or influence the populace swinging a certain directions, and the politics practiced in office, policies pursued by officials that should be based primarily on considerations of given circumstances and factors, rather than strictly following the thinking dominant among populace in cafeterias and market squares.

Nobody talked or asked u about joining. You were stating that SL will get more involved in Somalia politics and I asked why u think that SL would want to do that and second if they are ready to do that, as that would require a different more rationele and calculated political mindset.

For the said reform to be taken seriously, and for HSM to be given benefit of the doubt against, those changes in Presidential term, system and voting on parties/local elections would start after his term in 2026. And meantime the government would focus on local reconciliation, stabilization and building district authorities. Government should have prioritized the following steps; 1. Reconciliation takes place in each and every local community of different groups, clans and solving 2. Based on reconciliation come to agreement on shared values and local social contract that ensure inclusivity and shared commons (Meeshan wa wada leenahay). 3. Ensure formation of inclusive district authorities that are based on communal consultation and participatory approaches(dowlada hoose dadka la tashata oo la shaqeysa). 4. Prioritize training and equipping local police from local communities, that is serving the local peace and local governance (decoupled from Federal/State led militias). 5. Let the local authorities and communities work on concrete basic service deliveries in localities. Ensure transparency and inclusive participation is adhered to. Encourage local communities compete with one another for development, good governance and community participation(incl Diaspora sections). 6. Ensure FGS/FMS are working closely together and are on the same page on process steps 1-5, and mitigate any spoilers or actor politicizing or polarizing local process for local community reconciliation, and local governance establishment. But by attaching at this stage local elections for district councils, with national party formation and national elections, without any reconciliation, stabilization having taken place in localities and without having first put in place cohesive local governance authorities, one is basically turning local districts in to highly politicized, polarized and explosive settings. This might lead to a repeat of what happened in Mogadishu between April-June 2021, but then this time in all Somali districts it could turn to violent standoffs fueled by competition for political stakes. Very unwise to do so.

Indeed much of the Somali leaders and executive institutions have authoritarians tendencies. And don’t realize why the Somali state collapsed in the first place.

By insulting the Garaad, who is a tradition leader of a community, you’re also insulting a whole community which is completely unnecessary! Surely you can bring forward your position and arguments, without insulting traditional leaders?

MMA, have you blocked them? Maybe this could be an official warning. @Game Changer, AhmedGuled, tone down on secularist narratives and anti-Islam speech, its distracting and highly offensive.