Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Maamulka Somaliland ayaa aaminsan in madaxweynaha Puntland Cabdi Weli Maxamed Cali Gaas uu hal ujeedo ka leeyahay dagaalka uu la galayo Somaliland, balse dadka Puntland aysan ka war-hayn. Aqoonyahan Cabdiraxman Axmed Kayse oo ku sugan magaalada Hargeysa ayaa Caasimada Online u sheegay in Gaas uu dagaalka Tukaraq u billaabay sababo la xiriira doorashada madaxweyne ee kusoo socota, oo ujeedkiisu yahay inuu u guuleysto. “Gaas, wuxuu isu muujinaya shacabka Puntland, ma jirto ujeedo kale oo uu dagaalka ugu soo qaaday Somaliland. Wuxuu doonayaa in loo arko hoggaamiye xooggan oo Puntland difaacaya” ayuu yiri Cabdiraxmaan. Si kastaba, Puntland ayaa aaminsan in dagaalka Tukaraq ay billowday Somaliland. Qoraal shalay kasoo baxay xafiiska madaxweyne Gaas ayaa lagu sheegay in ciidamada Somaliland ee deegaanka Tukaraq ee gobolka Sool ay weerar ku qaadeen ciidamada Puntland, sidaas darteedna ay is difaacayaan. Puntland waxa ay sidoo kale sheegtay in dagaalka uu socon doono, illaa laga xoreeyo gobolka Sool, sida ay hadalka u dhigtay. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Hargeysa Caasimada@live.com

MOGADISHU (Xinhua) -- The East Africa bloc's weather prediction center has issued a warning of an active tropical cyclone named Mekuku threatening the coast of Somalia's semi-autonomous region of Puntland. Source: Hiiraan Online

Taleex (Caasimada Online) – Maamulka Somaliland ayaa soo bandhigay Ciidamo ay sheegen in ay kasoo goosteen maamulka Puntland, gaar ahaan kuwo qeyb ka ahaa dagaalka ka socda deegaanka Tukaraq ee u dhaxeeya Puntland iyo Somaliland. Ciidamadaas oo tiro ahaan gaareysa ilaa 118 askari ayaa gaaray, laguna soo bandhigay magaalada Taleex, ayaa maamulka Soomaaliland waxa ay sheegeen in ay si iskood ah uga soo baxeen furumaha dagaalka, islamarkaana xilligan wixii ka dambeeya ay ka mid yihiin Ciidamada Somaliland. Sarkaalka hoggaaminaya Ciidamada la sheegay in Puntland ay ka soo goosteen oo lagu Magacaabo Cabdi Salaan Yuusuf Sigaale, ayaa sheegay in ay kasoo goosteen Puntland kadib markii ay wadatashi la sameeyeen saraakiisha Ciidamadooda, Odayaasha deegaanka iyo Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Somaliland, kadibna ay kasoo baxeen halkii ay ka dagaalamayeen. Ciidamada ay Somaliland soo bandhigtay ayaa ku sugnaa deegaanka Geed Qaboobe oo ka mid ah deegaanada Gobolka Sool oo ay xiisada dagaal ka jirto, isla markana Ciidamada Puntland iyo Somalilnad isku hor-fadhiyaan. Cabdi Salaan Yuusuf Sigaale oo ah Sarkaalka hoggaaminaya Ciidamada ayaa sidoo kale waxa uu ugu baaqay Madaxda Maamulka Somaliland in waxqabad dhab ah oo ay u muujiyaan maadaama ay ku biireen ciidamada maamulka Somaliland. Hoos Ka Dhageyso Codka Sarkaalka Ciidamada hoggaaminayay oo lagu Magacaabo Cabdi Salaan Yuusuf Sigaale. https://www.caasimada.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Sarkaalka-Hoggaaminaya.mp3

Royal Philips, a global leader in health technology, and the governments of Ethiopia and the Netherlands, today signed a seven-year agreement to build Ethiopia’s first specialized Cardiac Care Center... Source: Hiiraan Online

Nearing the end of a packed two days of touring local industries, Leadership Kansas’ 2018 class sat down at Garden City High School to hear the stories of three Garden City immigrants. Source: Hiiraan Online

The two Islamic State members reportedly captured yesterday by a NISA operation in Mogadishu [Source: Mareeg] Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) reportedly arrested two members of the fledgling Islamic State wing in Mogadishu yesterday. NISA officials reportedly added that “one of the two men has shot and killed a police traffic officer in broad-day-light in Somali capital and other killings.” The NISA operation came as the Islamic State claimed another assassination inside the country. Yesterday, the jihadist group claimed its forces gunned down a NISA official in the Elasha suburb of Mogadishu. However, this incident has not been reported in local media. The claim would be the Islamic State’s 48th attack inside Somalia. According to data compiled by FDD’s Long War Journal, yesterday’s alleged assassination was the 11th claimed assassination in Mogadishu and its surrounding area and the 23rd claimed assassination overall. Most of these targeted killings are directed at NISA officers, however, Somali military and police personnel are also routinely targeted by Islamic State gunmen. Last month, Somali security services arrested a member of the Islamic State inside the country for the first time. That suspect, identified as Jama Hassan Hussein, was a former member of Shabaab – al Qaeda’s branch in East Africa – before he defected to the Islamic State. Defectors who survived Shabaab purges appear to constitute a large portion of the Islamic State’s numbers inside Somalia. The main Islamic State faction inside Somalia operates in the mountains of the northern Puntland region, however, smaller, disconnected, and likely autonomous cells from the larger faction, operate in central and southern Somalia. The Islamic State has had a difficult time establishing a strong foothold inside the country. Shabaab’s Amniyat (internal security service) has been tasked with hunting down and killing any members who seek to or have defected to the Islamic State, as well as potential Islamic State recruits. Source: – Long War Journal

The U.S. military says it has carried out an airstrike outside Somalia’s capital that killed 10 extremists. The U.S. Africa Command says it has carried out 14 such airstrikes so far this year against the al-Qaida-linked al-Shabab extremist group, which continues to hold some rural areas of the Horn of Africa nation. Dozens of U.S. airstrikes were carried out last year after the Trump administration approved expanded military operations against al-Shabab, which was blamed for an October truck bombing in Mogadishu that killed more than 500 people. The new statement says the U.S. military assesses that no civilians were killed in Wednesday’s strike about 15 miles southwest of Mogadishu. The U.S. has faced accusations in recent months of killing civilians in joint operations with Somali forces against al-Shabab. Source: – AP

A tall, sharply dressed man with warm, reassuring smile walked toward me and shook my hands. It’s a firm but friendly handshake. For a moment I thought he’s a brother or cousin of Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian citizen who spent more than 11 years in Ethiopia’s notorious prisons on bogus terrorism charges. For someone who spent the last decade languishing in maximum security prisons — being shifted in and out of solitary confinement where he endured brutal torture —Bashir looks incredibly well. It’s only been a month since Bashir walked free from the infamous Maekelawi prison in Addis Ababa. He was convicted on terrorism charges and accused of being a member of the outlawed rebel group, Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). He denies the charges. He was sentenced to life in prison in 2009 in a trial deemed sham by rights groups. Days after he was freed, Bashir flew to Canada and was welcomed home at Toronto airport in an emotional reunion with his family. On Tuesday when I met him in Ottawa, he had just hosted a press conference and was waiting for the start of a meeting organized by Amnesty International, the rights group that took up his cause a decade ago. Seamlessly transitioning between events, Bashir appears upbeat and content. The trauma and scars of his eleven years of torment weren’t visible at least on the surface. He ushered me into a conference room of Amnesty International’s Canadian headquarters, where his wife Aziza and cousin, Said Makhtal, were waiting. I recognized Said immediately. During the entirety of Bashir’s ordeal, Said was the public face of the campaign to free his cousin. He has made plenty of media appearances over the past decade in which he urged the Canadian government to pressure Ethiopian authorities to release Bashir. Despite the psychological and financial toll they have endured, both Said and Aziza looked remarkably well and still elated. Bashir speaks with a soft tone. He has an easy-going demeanor. He didn’t hesitate to delve into the horrific and tragic injustices that shaped the last decade of his life. OPride: First off, on behalf of our readers and staff, I am glad that you are with your family and that your nightmare is over. Welcome back to Canada. We’d also like to thank you for willing to share your story with us. Bashir: Thank you very much. I’m thankful you are here, as there are a lot of things I need to share with Ethiopians, with the world about my case and about what happens in Ethiopia. OPride: Most of us heard of your plight as a Canadian citizen fighting a politically motivated sentence. But there are many who are eager to get to know you better. Tell us about your upbringing. Where does the Bashir Makhtal story begin? Bashir: I was born in the town of Deghabour, Ethiopia. I lived there until the age of six. As I’m sure you know, the people of my region, the Ogaden, have faced systematic oppression at the hands of different Ethiopian governments. My family fled this oppression for neighboring Somalia and I grew up and went to school in the capital Mogadishu. I had a normal childhood. OPride: Years later, when you were accused by an Ethiopian court of being an ONLF fighter, Ethiopian government media pointed to the fact that your grandfather, Makhtal Dahir, was the founder of the ONLF. As a child growing up, did you see much of Makhtal Dahir? Did he influence you in any way? Bashir: It’s true that I’m the grandson of Makhtal Dahir, the founding chairman of the ONLF. He was a great leader and fighter for the cause of the Ogaden people. Somalis have suffered unbearably under the Ethiopian imperial and then military dictatorships. My grandfather fought to secure basic rights for his people — nothing else. He was among the first to launch a revolt against the system that was killing his people. We know his history very well, but I saw none of this as a child as he had become old and had ceased participation in these sorts of activities. For example, he was uncompromising on the ONLF agenda and opposed the initiative of the WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front) because that group had the goal of incorporating our region into Somalia. The ONLF pursued independence from Ethiopia and an end to the persecution of our people. My grandfather and his colleagues didn’t like the idea of the demarcated Ogaden territory being absorbed into Somalia. My grandfather’s story is well known, but as I said most of it happened before I was born so I wasn’t a witness to it. OPride: I understand you immigrated to Canada as a young man. Tell us about your life here in Canada prior to your arrest. Bashir: Yes, I actually went to Italy first. My elder brother was already in Canada and his presence here influenced my decision to come to immigrate to Canada. I arrived in 1991. I lived in the Toronto area and pursued my education, studying Computer Science at DeVry University. I worked hard for my goals and my degrees. I eventually got a job in my domain at the CIBC (Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce). OPride: You became a Canadian citizen and after hard work and tribulations; entered the professional job market and started giving back to society. Then, in 2001, 10 years after you arrived in Canada, you decided to return to East Africa. What was the reason for your trip? Bashir: I had a good life and a decent job in Canada. But I had intended on providing for not just myself, but my family members. I have around 20 siblings. On my salary, my contributions to them were limited. I was looking for options when a friend of mine — a fellow Somali and also a Canadian citizen — came to me with a proposal. He told me there was a market for selling used clothes in the region that would be very profitable. His business plan seemed foolproof and we became partners. So we left Canada with an idea. I was based in Djibouti, but we operated in Somalia, Djibouti and the United Arab Emirates. Business was good. I provided for my family and traveled frequently between these three countries. From 2001 until my arrest [in December 2006], I lived a successful life as a businessman. OPride: The main charge against you was that you were an ONLF member and it is linked to this period of your life. The Ethiopian government has always maintained that during this time, you made a trip to Eritrea that was not for business reasons. Eritrea has a history of supporting the ONLF. Did you ever travel to Eritrea and if so, what were the reasons for doing so? Bashir: It is true that I traveled to Eritrea on two occasions. I never claimed to have traveled to Eritrea for business reasons. I will make this part clear to you. Sometime before 2004, the ONLF held a general assembly in London where they published a communique which had information about the organization’s goals and details about its leadership. I have never been involved with the ONLF in any shape, way or form. Yet, to my surprise, I found my name listed among those as members of the group’s leadership team. Not only me, other notable Somalis also found themselves on this list. The ONLF politburo members knew my identity as a grandson of Makhtal Dahir and a member of the Somali community. But they never consulted me on the inclusion of my name among members of the organization. So I contacted them and requested the removal of my name. I was told that I have to appear before a committee in person in order for my request to be processed. This is the reason for my first trip. The said committee was at the time-based in Asmara, Eritrea. So in 2004, I traveled to Asmara for the first time to meet with ONLF representatives. When I got there, I was told that some key officials weren’t present for various reasons and that I wouldn’t be able to get my name removed. I had to wait for another occasion. I stayed in Eritrea for two days and left. In early 2006, the ONLF had another meeting. I went back to Eritrea to clear my name. This time, they heard me out. I left Asmara having been told that my request will be processed. Sure enough, in June of that year, I received two notices from the organization. One was the newly published list of ONLF leaders with my name removed from the list. The second was an official letter from the ONLF leadership apologizing to me for any inconveniences caused. I received these in June of 2006, and as you know, I was arrested six months later. I have never been a member of the ONLF. I had these documents in Canada. I managed to get them faxed to Ethiopia. Both documents, including the ONLF’s official apology, were submitted to the judge as evidence of my innocence during my trial. I think they were never even taken into consideration. OPride: Let’s rewind a bit and look at the events leading up to your arrest. The narrative long held by the Ethiopian court that sentenced you is that you were taken into custody by Kenyan troops on the Somali border after having fought with militants in Somalia. This was during the first weeks of the Ethiopian army’s December 2006 invasion of Somalia. What led you to being caught on the Kenyan Somali border? Bashir: Well, as I stated earlier, I was a businessman who frequented Mogadishu regularly. I was in the capital during those last few days before the Ethiopian army took over. At the time, the Ethiopian government was explaining to the whole world that everyone — the Islamists, the ONLF, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and others — were all in Somalia planning to launch attacks against Ethiopia. This is all a fabrication. But it became clear that they would use this as a pretext to invade the country. I realized that the situation had become unstable and that with the Ethiopian soldiers coming, it would be too dangerous to remain in Somalia. So I tried to book my flight out. What many don’t know is that in those last days before the invasion, the Ethiopian government planned every detail. Together, Ethiopia, with the help of the U.S. government and the so-called Somali Transitional Government sealed the country’s airspace. There were no flights allowed in and out of Somalia. There was no way out of the country. I had planned on flying out to Dubai but was unable to. I waited a few days and then I realized that I if I stayed any longer, I could be caught up in a war. So that’s when I decided to travel by land out of Mogadishu. I rented a car and was driven to the Kenyan border. From there, I crossed the border into Kenya and traveled to Garissa [northeastern Kenya), where there was an immigration office. I planned on applying for a visa there which I could use to stay in Kenya for a few days, enough time to travel to Nairobi and book a flight back to Djibouti. Many other foreigners were already there. With no flights out of Somalia, they were left stranded and took this same route to Garissa. OPride: So you weren’t actually captured on the border by Kenyan soldiers as was widely reported. You made your way peacefully to Garissa. Bashir: That’s right. At Garissa’s immigration office, we had to undergo screening. Kenyan authorities were wary of militants infiltrating the country, so they took their time with us. I was held there for five days, as they looked at my documents and file. After five days, they told me I was in the clear. They would transfer me to Nairobi. Everything seemed routine so far. On the sixth day, I was taken to a police station in Nairobi. Coincidentally, this police station is located next to the Canadian embassy. I expected my wait in that police officer to be the end of it. But I remained there for weeks. There were a number of other foreigners with me and we each waited for our turns, but my wait was the longest. While I was there, two Ethiopian intelligence agents came to the station and started observing me from close range. They chatted with the Kenyan police officials and would come back and sit with us. I felt something was fishy. OPride: How did you know that they were, in fact, Ethiopian intelligence officers? Did they have any clothing or visible markers that gave away their identities? Bashir: No they were plainclothes officers. I grew suspicious of them because they appeared out of nowhere and they immediately concentrated on me. I asked them “who are you?” One of them told me, “I’m a foreigner stranded like you.” I didn’t believe him. I’ve lived around East Africans all my life. We know each other’s traits very well. I identified them as being Tigrayans just by looking at them. Then my suspicion grew into fear when one of them asked if he could videotape me. I objected. At this time, I had enough. I contacted a friend in Nairobi. He came to the police station and gave me a cellular phone. I knew that I could always be a target of harassment and intimidation by the Ethiopian government, so I used the phone to notify the Canadian embassy of my circumstances. I was wary of what would happen next. OPride: So the first contact between Ethiopian and Kenyan security forces happened in Nairobi? Bashir: Yes. Both cooperated to ensure that I was transferred to Ethiopian custody. I have insider information that this was a personal request by [the late] Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who went as far as promising the Kenyan leader at the time (Mwai) Kibaki millions of dollars for his reelection campaign as a gift for handing me over to Ethiopian authorities. I didn’t know this at the time. From the police station, we were taken in vehicles to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. As foreign nationals, we were told we would be deported back to our countries. Aboard the vehicle, people chatted and talked, so nobody noticed me make a last phone call. I called my wife [in Canada] and told her I felt uncertain about what was happening to me. At the airport, there were state journalists and Kenyan security officials. They wanted to report on the story that foreigners fleeing Somalia were returning home. I, along with a group of foreigners, was separated from the rest and taken to the cargo section of the airport. I noticed the plane on the runway that we were supposed to board. Having flown back and forth across the region, I could identify the plane models and the locations they would fly to. The rather small plane was one used to fly from Nairobi to Mogadishu. It wasn’t what was used for intercontinental flights. Why would they send me to Somalia? I went up to a Kenyan security officer and asked: “Excuse me, if I’m being deported, as a Canadian, shouldn’t I be deported to my country?” The Kenyan security officer laughed at me and told me in a mocking tone, “yeah we will send you to your country.” When it was time to board, I refused. I refused to move and when they started to physically force me on the plane, I screamed out loud. I created a scene. When they saw that I wouldn’t go willingly, Kenyan soldiers came over to me and severely beat me. I boarded the plane bloodied. The attack on me dislocated my shoulder and left me in searing pain. I felt the pain in my shoulder for the next two years. The plane departed for Somalia. By that time, the Ethiopian army was already in the capital, Mogadishu. From there, I was put on an Ethiopian military plane and flown into Addis Ababa on January 16, 2007. OPride: You were physically assaulted at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Despite neither being born in Somalia nor being a citizen of that country, you were deported there — which is an extraordinary rendition and thus against international law. There were a host of violations of your rights even before entering Ethiopian custody. At the time, it was reported that you had acquired the services of a lawyer by the name of Mekuria Tafesse. Did this lawyer ever manage to speak of these violations to the judge? Bashir: I have never met this Mekuria Tafesse. He was hired by my family and the Canadian embassy to defend me. I had no access to any lawyers during the first 18 months of my incarceration. Mr. Mekuria was given a lot of money, I’m not sure how much exactly but I can find out for you. He never once met with me, and, in the end, he left the job before I had made a single court appearance –making a hefty sum and doing absolutely nothing for me. I had another lawyer, Gebreamlak Tekle who was appointed just as my trial was set to begin. He is the one who presented the judge with the ONLF apology document that should have cleared me. But this case wasn’t about evidence. It was completely fabricated from beginning to end. OPride: What part of the case against you do you think was fabricated? Bashir: My trial began in August 2008. I knew I was innocent and had nothing to hide. I even waved my right to not be cross-examined. But then the eyewitnesses began to testify. One came out and said under oath that I was an ONLF commander who he had seen fighting in Somalia. But the second witness had the most ridiculous testimony. He told the court that he had seen me among the ONLF fighters who carried out the attack on the Abole oil field in the Ogaden. It was the attack that left many Ethiopian and Chinese oil workers dead. That incident happened in April 2007. I was detained in December 2006. How could I carry out an attack and kill oil workers in the Ogaden if I was imprisoned at Maekelawi? I had been incarcerated for four months when this attack took place. When I heard this false testimony, I knew that the whole court process was corrupted. Later on, I discovered that some of those who testified against me had signed a written affidavit, declaring that everything they said in court was untrue. It was all fake. It was planned. They wanted me to suffer. They stole me from my wife and family. This interview was lightly edited for clarity. In Part II, Bashir talks about his time in prison, the people he met and the injustices he’d witnessed, as well as his release. Check back soon. Source:- OPride

Abdi Nor Iftin in the Maine barn where he cared for horses and chopped wood. GRETA RYBUS FOR THE BOSTON GLOBE MY HEART WAS BEATING FAST as the plane banked over downtown Boston and descended to Logan Airport. My face was glued to the window as I looked at the skyscrapers of America, then the blue waters of the Atlantic. Even though we were going down, I felt like I was going up to heaven. When the wheels bumped on the runway, I couldn’t control myself. “I am in America!” I shouted. Even the bored lady next to me found a way to smile. “Welcome!” she said. As we taxied to the gate, I thought of my brother in Kenya, my mom on the dusty streets of Mogadishu waiting for the good news, my friends in the tea shop in Little Mogadishu who applied for the visa lottery when I forced them, all the while assuring me it was hogwash. But I had no thought of saying “I told you so.” I was overwhelmed with joy, with tears melting down my cheeks. Exiting the plane felt like a historic moment, like when the first man walked on the moon. I wondered if gravity felt different in America, but it seemed about the same as in Africa. People poured out of the flight; they were in some sort of a hurry. It seemed like everyone knew what to do and they knew where they were going. I just felt like standing there and watching everything. I looked around the immigration hall. So far no Hollywood, no Disney World, no Statue of Liberty or Harvard University, not even Walmart or KFC. I saw people who looked a little like Bruce Willis, Sylvester Stallone, Eddie Murphy, Oprah, or Tom Cruise, and I couldn’t take my eyes off them. But I was not the only stranger there. A group of Asians speaking a strange language were lined up in front of me. People of other colors were everywhere. A black man right behind me in the line was glued to his phone. “Hi!” I said.“Hello.” To my surprise he had a thick African accent. “I’m from Somalia. Where are you from?” “Nigeria,” he replied, barely looking up from his phone. It was the first time in my entire life I had seen a Nigerian. He told me he had lived in America for 10 years. So many different kinds of people in America! I expected big, muscly white guys to be in charge at the airport, like the Marines I knew from Mogadishu. But lots of the airport staff were Asian, short with round faces. As the line moved on slowly, I gazed up at the huge television screens flashing the news: . . .  Actor Robin Williams has committed suicide  . . . . . .  Violent protests erupted in Ferguson, Missouri, after the killing of a black man . . .  . It was a police officer who shot the man, but people were protesting, taking to the streets. Although many Americans might not be happy with things in the United States, to me the protests were just a sign of freedom that people can get out onto the streets and show their unhappiness. Kenyan police would have killed Somalis who dared to protest in Little Mogadishu. When it was my turn, an officer asked me some questions and handed me a form to fill out. I had to choose between being African, African-American, Hispanic, or Caucasian. This threw me at first because I had never thought of myself as African. In Somalia we identify ourselves by our tribes. An officer led me into a room where a nice American lady took my fingerprints and photo. She had blue eyes and blond hair, and she said my official green card would arrive at my address in Maine. “Welcome to the United States!” she said warmly. Everything was very quiet, official, and businesslike in the airport, not like all the chaos and shouting in African airports, and I wondered if all of America was this serious. But when I finally walked through the doors from the immigration hall into the terminal, I flinched from the sudden rush of activity. People were everywhere, holding signs, wheeling suitcases, hugging relatives. Now I was really in America! Somewhere out there in the crowd were Sharon McDonnell and her daughter, Natalya, both trying to catch sight of me. Then I saw them; they were holding a sign that said “Abdi Iftin.” Sharon had straight, shoulder-length blond hair, and Natalya a dark ponytail. We met and I stooped to hug them. Both were so much shorter than I imagined, not like Americans in the movies or the Marines in Mogadishu. They looked up at me with huge smiles. “Welcome!” said Sharon. “Let’s take you to your new home.” We left through a huge revolving door to the curbside. I ducked down and kept my eyes fixed on Sharon, this small person who had changed my life forever. I was looking at her like she was superhuman — not superhuman like the comic-book heroes I saw in movies but in some other way that was maybe even stronger. In truth I was also a little scared. A Somali living with a white family could be known as a converted person, someone who left the culture and Islam. What would my family and friends think? What if Sharon had a dog? What if the dog licks and sniffs me? How would I behave? We got into the car. I sat in the back seat, still curious about the gleaming city of Boston, when Sharon said, “You need to put on your seat belt.” I couldn’t figure out how to do it. Sharon and Natalya laughed and showed me how to buckle up. “You need to do this every time you get in a car,” said Sharon. “It’s the law.” I couldn’t believe I was in a place where people actually obey laws. Also I had never seen a female driver in my life, except in movies. We left the airport on a busy divided road out of Boston and headed up to Maine. I kept thinking, “Here I am in a car in America with friends who helped me and my family even though we are not in their tribe or even the same religion.” This was an aspect of humanity very new to me. I sat quietly as we drove and tried to make sense of it. We kept driving through the twilight, zooming by more huge shops and parking lots, now blazing under blue lights. Soon there were fewer lights and buildings, more trees. I rolled down my window to get a better flavor of America, the cool late-summer wind slapping my face. Finally we pulled up in their driveway. Sure enough, at the door we were greeted by their dog, named Lacy. She jumped all over me, licking. Dog saliva is considered impure to Muslims, so now I was definitely getting butterflies in my stomach. I froze with fear. “She’s friendly,” said Natalya. “She’s just excited.” The two cats, Tigger and Jasmin, did not even bother waking up from their naps. But the dog followed me upstairs to my room and jumped on the bed. When Sharon and Natalya said goodnight, I wondered if the dog would leave me. She stayed there. I couldn’t sleep with a dog in my room, it was too scary, so finally I got her out and shut the door. I was too excited to sleep, but fortunately the morning came soon: Five o’clock and it was already light. America seemed quiet, not like the streets of Mogadishu or Little Mogadishu. I watched the morning light filter into my room from the large window overlooking the driveway and then got up to look outside. A herd of deer grazed like camels just beyond the cars. As they moved on across the lawn and vanished into the tall trees, the sun appeared between the branches where squirrels were playing. So the window faced east; now I knew which way to pray. The walls of my room were painted white and blue, strange colors for walls, which are always the color of mud in Africa. This room seemed way too big for just me, probably double the size of the room my brother and I shared in Nairobi. I got dressed and went down to see the family. “Let’s help you fix your first American breakfast,” said Sharon. The breakfast would be milk, eggs, and toast. They had lots of eggs from their chickens. “And also there’s lots of leftovers in the refrigerator,” she said. I did not know Americans ate leftovers. The refrigerator was packed with leftover soup, rice, eggs, pasta, juice, sauce, everything. Drawers were full of food. There were crackers, granola, dog food, and cat food. There was food everywhere in the kitchen. The living room was full of books and magazines. There was a big red couch to sit on and read. A nice porch and a big Apple computer. I went on and updated my Facebook posts. This time I didn’t need Photoshopped pictures of me in America; I used actual pictures we took at Logan the night before. My friends commented with questions like “Are u living with a Christian family?” “Are you going to convert?” My orientation started with using the oven and the toaster. I had seen kitchens in movies, but I never thought I would use such things. I learned how to warm things from the “fridge” using the microwave. Soon I learned about the dishwasher, the clothes washer, the dryer, which food goes where in the refrigerator. I learned how to measure things in inches and pounds, not meters and kilograms. I learned to leave tips at restaurants. And I was learning new English words every day, starting with “closet,” “vacuum,” “the vet,” “chicken coop,” “the barn,” “mowing,” and all different types of food. I met Gib Parrish, Sharon’s husband, the most easygoing person I have ever come across. He is short and thin, and his deep blue eyes miss nothing. He seems to think very carefully before he says anything, and he likes things to be in order. Gib teaches postgraduate epidemiology at the University of New Hampshire in Manchester. He spent his leisure time doing things around the house. He would disappear into the basement and work on electric wires, or out to the yard to put up a fence. In Africa it is unusual for a man to know how to cook, but Gib cooked great meals — fried rice, guacamole, and the most delicious cakes. When we went together to buy groceries, we stopped at a drive-up window for coffee. Gib explained how the speaker box worked. “There is a real person talking, even though we can’t see them,” he explained. I could not get a job in the United States until my Social Security card and green card arrived. While I waited, the McDonnell-Parrish family offered me a job in their house. I would cut and stack firewood for the winter. I fed the horse, cleaned the stall and the chicken coop, watered plants, cleared fallen branches from the driveway. I spent all day working outside and came in only for a quick break for lunch of a sandwich and some orange juice. They paid me $10 an hour. I worked every day of the week and earned over $600 dollars, but it went fast. After buying a bike, some new clothes, work gloves, and goggles for splitting firewood, I had enough left for my daily treat of doughnuts and coffee at Dunkin’ Donuts. At night I would relax by browsing on Netflix and watching movies. |Abdi in front of the barn at the McDonnell-Parrish home. GRETA RYBUS FOR THE BOSTON GLOBE I woke up every day enjoying work, and there was always something to do. Natalya was a senior at Yarmouth High School, but this was still summer break, so she and I walked miles every day through town. As we walked, I waved to drivers passing by, and they waved back or smiled. Natalya told me some people in America are racists. I was not sure what racism was; all I knew was hatred and bigotry from Kenya, and that was not about skin color. She took me around to meet the neighbors so everyone would know me and not dial 911 when I walked around. We played soccer and video games and went on shopping trips to L.L.Bean in Freeport. Natalya described me to everyone as her adopted brother. She had not had someone at home to hang out with since her older brother, Morgan, moved to California; now she again enjoyed doing things with a brother. One day she posted a photo of me on social media holding my favorite chocolate chip vanilla ice cream, describing me as her older brother. My Somali friends started calling me on the phone, in shock. One said, “Have you lost your mind? You can’t make her a sister unless she is Muslim.” Weeks passed. Fall came. The sun was setting and rising more like in Somalia around 6, but it was getting much colder than it ever does in Somalia. The leaves on the trees were turning golden and red; I had never seen such colors on trees. * * * I WATCHED FROM ACROSS THE STREET as the mailman dropped envelopes into the box every day. The idea of mail was so strange; even stranger was that it would be delivered to your house instead of your waiting in a line somewhere and paying a bribe, but I was getting used to it. I ran to grab the mail as soon as the mailman came. I was waiting for my green card. When it finally arrived, I wanted to just tear open the envelope, but I was careful not to rip the card inside. It turned out the card was hard plastic. The card had a computer image of me, the picture they took at Logan Airport, next to a picture of the Statue of Liberty. It said “UNITED STATES OF AMERICA” and “PERMANENT RESIDENT.” Me and the Statue of Liberty, permanent residents. My Social Security card came soon after, which meant I could work and buy a car. Most important, it was the first step to my goal of becoming a citizen of the United States of America. Meanwhile, back in Somalia, neighbors poured into my mom’s shack in the Eelasha camp to congratulate her on my arrival in the United States. They treated her like she’d hit the jackpot. Distant relatives who had always avoided Mom were practically moving in, waiting for her to promise them something. But she had not received a penny from me. She expected money the day after I arrived, but weeks passed and I had not sent a dollar, because I could not find a job, and I had already spent the money I earned from housework. Sharon and Gib were so generous in giving me a place to stay and free meals, but once I had cleaned everything around their property, there wasn’t much more work I could do for them. I had my green card, but I was short on “greenbacks,” another new word. No one in Africa believed me. When I spoke to my mom on the phone, she was deaf to my complaints about the lack of work in America, where money grows on trees. She thought I had become arrogant, that my newfound wealth had changed me. I had no way to convince her that life could also be hard in America. But her problems were bigger than mine; she and Nima needed money to survive and buy food. I stayed up all night browsing through JobsinMaine.com and other websites, applying for any work that I thought I could do. I tried warehouses, laundries, bakeries, bathroom cleaning, floor mopping, and many other jobs. Most of them ended up being too far away from Yarmouth, and I had no car or even a driver’s license. So I had to limit my search to jobs within walking or biking distance. I walked around town, visiting neighbors, asking if they needed someone to work in their yard or help with anything. I visited local farms to see if they wanted help. Some of the online applications for warehouse jobs got back to me for interviews. The bosses smiled, and I felt good talking to them. I said how hard I would work. I filled out so many forms, signed papers, and answered questions. They all turned me down. Was it my English? Maybe they turned me down because I was new to the country. I did not have previous work experience here in the United States, something they always asked about. I had no resume or references. My fears of unemployment grew stronger after every interview. Gib and I put up a sign in the front yard of the house. Sharon helped me write a few lines: “I am a young man from Africa. Healthy, no drugs. I need a job. Any job. If you know of any please call this number.” Abdi having dinner with his host family in Maine. FROM SHARON MCDONNELL Maine is home to about 50,000 Somali immigrants, most of them living in Lewiston, an old textile mill town in central Maine. Many others live in Portland, the state’s largest city. The Somali refugees get help from resettling agencies such as Catholic Charities that give them money for the first eight months and assign caseworkers who help them assimilate and find jobs. But I was not technically a refugee. And while Sharon and Gib were doctors who traveled the world helping to fight diseases, they were not social workers trained to help an African immigrant navigate America. Also there were no Somalis in Yarmouth, a bedroom community 10 miles north of Portland with fewer than 9,000 people. In Lewiston and Portland, Somalis can ride buses around town. In Yarmouth at the time there were no buses, so I rode a bike around, asking every business on Main Street if it had any jobs. People would stare at me like they had never seen a black neighbor. Children looked startled; they would hide behind their parents’ legs and point. It felt strange to be so different. Somalis don’t look like Kenyans, but it’s a matter of degrees. Here I was like a space alien. At dinnertime one evening in November the house phone rang. It was Christine, one of Sharon’s friends who lived in Yarmouth and had seen the sign in our yard. She told Sharon that a local home insulation company was seeking men who could do tough work. Winter was coming and the demand for insulation was growing. I e-mailed the manager, and we arranged an interview that week. The leaves of the trees were turning dull brown and falling as I walked to the interview. It was getting dark even earlier and getting even colder. The manager looked at my green card. “What is your name?” he asked. It was on the card, but I guess he couldn’t tell my first name from my last name. “Abdi,” I said. “Forgive me if I pronounce your name wrong,” he said. “You look good, strong and energetic; we need guys like you, Abbi. This job is dealing with heavy material and climbing roofs. Are you OK with heights?” I told him I didn’t have a problem with heights and that I really needed the job. “We pay $11 an hour,” he said. “We might increase the pay if your work is good.” He seemed like he was apologizing for the pay, but to me it was great, the most I had ever earned in my life. He asked if I could work on weekends. I said I could work anytime day or night. I walked out of that building on air. Monday morning, November 17, was my first day on the job. When my alarm went off at 4 o’clock, I dressed warm, in layers of silk and wool. I had my usual breakfast of eggs, milk, and toast. Everyone else in the house was asleep. It was a 45-minute walk to work and I headed out, with my new craft knife tucked in my belt, my staple gun in my back pocket, and my hard hat on. I walked through the woods; all was quiet and silent except the scared deer that dashed when they heard me coming. “Welcome on board,” said the manager when I arrived. He introduced me to the guys I would be working with. They were all big, muscular Maine guys in dirty clothes and big construction boots. Whenever they talked, they cursed. They wrestled and punched each other. Except for being white, they reminded me of Somali militiamen, but I was so happy to have the job that I ignored my fear. The crew boss, Joey, told the workers my name, but they all struggled with it. Eddy, Abey, Abbdey. I told them whatever was fine. I could barely understand their thick Maine accents anyway. Until now I was proud of my English, but they kept correcting my mistakes and laughing at my accent, so I felt humiliated and different. To them I was a strange African man, not the American I wanted to be. The sun was coming up as we gathered for the daily safety meeting. The workers talked about a couple of employees who had fallen off a roof and hurt themselves, someone else’s ladder broke, someone tripped and got hurt on his stilts. Every week there were stories of broken bones. I was told that I could go to a hospital for free if I got injured, which surprised me. I didn’t know it was the law, I just thought the company was being nice. Joey assigned me to work with Milton and Sean, experienced workers who had been with the company for more than 10 years. Milton read the instructions for the day’s job. It was a commercial building, six floors, we would “batt” the walls and the ceilings with fiberglass insulation. We were called the batting squad. Both Milton and Sean were big, strong guys with tattoos all over their bodies. Sean had piercings in his nose and lower lip; Milton was missing some front teeth. I loaded the heavy rolls of insulation into the big delivery truck from “the shop,” which is what we called the Yarmouth warehouse. Heavy bundles of fiberglass sat everywhere. Milton used one hand rolling the whole bundle to the truck. I struggled with two hands. While I loaded one, he loaded three. The tiny strands of fiberglass got all over my clothes; even with gloves, a face mask, and goggles, I was itching. The three of us climbed into the cab and drove off, Milton behind the wheel. As soon as the truck left the shop, both men reached into their duffel bags and took out marijuana. “Do you smoke?” Milton asked me. “No,” I said. I had never smoked marijuana or even seen it. I’d never even smoked a cigarette. As they puffed their weed, the smoke filled the cabin. “It smells bad,” I said. They just laughed, looked at me, and said something I couldn’t understand. They spoke so quickly and with sarcasm that was new to me. They talked about their wives, going to clubs, drinking beer, smoking weed, cars, winning the lottery, pizza, and professional wrestling. I sat next to them in silence, trying to absorb and learn their culture, looking out at the trees and buildings. We talked about Africa. To them, Africa was one big country of naked people who eat snakes. More monkeys and lions than people. I told them that we have highways, airplanes, and cars, which surprised them. My first paycheck was a happy day; I had earned $400. Because I was living with Sharon and Gib and still had no car, my personal expenses were small, and I was able to send $340 to my mom. I was so proud as I walked into Portland’s halal market, which was the unofficial hawala money-transfer station. I handed over my cash to the guy behind the counter. Then he communicated by computer with the hawala kiosk in Mogadishu, where my mom went in and claimed the money. She was so happy she bought a goat and slaughtered it, cooked a pot of rice, and threw a party for the neighbors. Abdi Nor Iftin is an interpreter for Somali immigrants in Portland, Maine. This story is excerpted from his new book, “Call Me American,” copyright © 2018 by Abdi Nor Iftin. Published by Alfred A. Knopf, an imprint of The Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC. The author changed the names of some people in this book to protect their privacy. Source: – Boston Globe

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Madaxweynaha dalka Ugandha Yoweeri Museveni ayaa shaaca ka qaaday inay rajo weyn ka qabaan in Somalia ay cagaheeda ku istaagto ‘’Tobanka sano’’ ee fooda nagu soo heysa gudaheeda. Yoweeri Museveni, waxa uu sheegay in Ugandha ay ahmiyad gaara u aragto Somalia oo ka hanaqaad halka ay iminka taagan tahay waxa uuna cod dheer ku sheegay inay uga dhigan tahay Ugandha oo hagaagda. ‘’Somalia wey hagaagi doontaa waxaan rajeyneynaa inay Xaalladu caadi ku soo noqon doonto 10-ka sanno ee soo socda’’ Museveni, ayaa hadalkaan sheegay mar uu Madaxtooyada Kambala kula hadlaayay arday loo tababaryo Hawlaha Ciiddanka, oo wax ku barta Kolejka Milliteriga ee ‘’The British Advanced Commanders’ Staff College’’ ee dalka Britain, kuwaasi oo booqsho 5 maalmood ku jooga Uganda. Waxa uu Yoweeri Museveni tilmaamay in dowladiisa ay dooneyso in si dhaba ay u waajahdo sida ay ardaydu kor ugu qaadi laheyd tayadooda waxbarasho, si ay uga dhex muuqdaan dhigooda. Madaxweyne Yoweeri Museveni waxa uu sheegay in Ciiddamadda dalalka Uganda iyo Britain uu ka dhexeeyo Iskaashi dhinacyo badan, isla markaana ay wadaagaan Ammaanka, Siyaasadda Horumarinta iyo Maalgashiga. Museveni mar uu ka hadlayey arrimaha Gobalka, waxa uu tusaale usoo qaatay sida ciidamada Ugandha ay uga qeybqaadanayaan dadaalka lagu doonaayo in lagu nabadeeyo Somalia, waxa uuna cadeeyay in dowladiisa ay bixisay dadaalka ugu badan, isla markaana ay diyaar u yihiin inay sii wadaan. Yoweeri Museveni, waxa uu cadeeyay in Ugandha aysan ka jiifan doonin baahiyaha amni ee Gobolka, sidaa aawgeed ciidamadiisa uu doonaayo inay ku daydaan Saraakiisha ciidan ee hogaamineysa ciidamada Ugandha ka jooga Somalia. Yoweeri Museveni, waxa uu ardayda uu la kulmay ugu baaqay in hankooda uu ahaado mid cad oo aan dib loogu laabaneyn, si buu yiri ay ugu biiraan Saraakiisha difaaca ugu jira karaamada dalkooda. ‘’Waxaa la doonayaa dhalinyaro tusaala u noqonkara adduunka, waa in la helaa Saraakiil ka dhameystiran dhan waliba sida akhlaaqda, tababarka iyo wax waliba oo xoojinkara sharafkooda’’ Sidoo kale, Museveni waxa uu tilmaamay inay dadka Uganda noqon dooaan Bulsho casri ah 25-ka sanno ee soo socda, sidaa aawgeed la doonaayo in laga dhabeeyo jiheynta mustaqbalka fog ee Ugandha. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Mosavani waxa uu hadalkiisa kusoo idleeyay mahadcelin uu u jeediyay Dowlada Britain oo uu sheegay inay kala dhexeeyso wada shaqeyn. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Waxaa sii kordhaaya digniinada laga soo saarayo duufaanno hor leh oo ku soo fool leh xeebaha waqooyi Bari ee Puntland. Duufaanada kusoo fool leh xeebaha waqooyi Bari ee Puntland, ayaa la xaqiijiyay inay ka soo kacayaan gudaha badweynta hindiya, kuwaasoo khatar ku haya qaar ka mid xeebaha Puntland. War saxaafadeed ka soo baxay Xarunta Saadaasha Cimilada ee urur-goboleedka IGAD ayaa waxaa Puntland looga digay Duufaanada kusoo fool leh xeebaheeda. IGAD, waxa ay digniinteeda ku aadan Dufaanta ku sheegtay xaalado isa sii taraysa oo loo baahan yahay in mar waliba ay ka feejignaato Puntland. Qubarada ku xeeldheer saadaasha cimilada ee xarunta saadaasha cimilada IGAD ayaa sheegaya in duufaanadu dhanka waqooyi u sii socdaan ilaa ay caga dhigtaan dalka Yeman abbaaraha 26-ka May 2018 oo berrito ah. Qaybo ka mid ah duufaannadan oo ay la socdaan daruuro iyo roob ayaa la saadaalinayaa inay ku dhufan doonaan xeebaha Soomaaliya sida ay sheegtay IGAD, iyadoo wadarta biyaha roobabkaasi lagu qiyaasay 30-MM. Duufaantan oo loogu magac daray Sagar ayaa qeyb ka ah dabeylaha loo yaqaan Maansoonka, gaar ahaan waxey ka soo farcantay sida ay baahiyeen qaar ka mid ah wargeysyada Carabta – duufaan weyn oo loo bixiyay One oo ka soo kacday waqooyiga Badweynta Hindiya. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Roobab watay Duufaano oo bilowga asbuucaan ku dhuftay deegaanada Puntland ayaa waxaa ku dhintay dad u badnaa xoolaaleey, halka duunyo badan ay ku burbureen dabeylaha. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Qoraal kasoo baxay Taliska Ciidanka Mareykanka Africa ee AFRICOM ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay inay duqeyn ka geysteen Saldhig ay maleeshiyaadka al-Shabaab ku leeyihiin meel 15 Mile ka xigta Koonfur Galbeed Magaalada Muqdisho. Qoraalka ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay in duqeyntaasi ay dhacday gelinkii dambe ee Arbacadii ina dhaaftay oo ku asteysaneed 23-ki bishan. Mareykanka wuxuu sheegay duqeyntaasi inuu ku dilay ilaa 11 nin oo ka mid ahaa ururka Al-shabaab, balse ma aanu kala saarin raggan in ay isugu jireen saraakiil iyo ciidan. Taliska Mareykanka ee AFRICOM ayaa sheegay in ay wadaan baaritaanada la xiriira macluumka ku saabsan Duqeyntan iyo magacyada ragga lagu dilay, islamarkaana ay baarayaan in duqeynta waxyeelo lagu gaarsiiyay dad rayid ah.

MY HEART WAS BEATING FAST as the plane banked over downtown Boston and descended to Logan Airport. My face was glued to the window as I looked at the skyscrapers of America, then the blue waters of the Atlantic. Even though we were going down, I felt like I was going up to heaven. When the wheels bumped on the runway, I couldn’t control myself. “I am in America!” I shouted. Source: Hiiraan Online

(OPride)—A tall, sharply dressed man with warm, reassuring smile walked toward me and shook my hands. It’s a firm but friendly handshake. For a moment I thought he’s a brother or cousin of Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian citizen who spent more than 11 years in Ethiopia’s notorious prisons on bogus terrorism charges. Source: Hiiraan Online

UNITED NATIONS (UNITED STATES) - With famine on the rise worldwide, the UN Security Council threatened sanctions Thursday against governments, armies and rebels that block humanitarian aid from reaching civilians in war zones. Source: Hiiraan Online

MOGADISHU, May 24 (Xinhua) -- Somalia's international partners on Thursday expressed concern about renewed clashes between Somaliland and Puntland forces in the outskirts of Tukaraq town in Sool region. Source: Hiiraan Online

Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) reportedly arrested two members of the fledgling Islamic State wing in Mogadishu yesterday. NISA officials reportedly added that “one of the two men has shot and killed a police traffic officer in broad-day-light in Somali capital and other killings.” Source: Hiiraan Online

The U.S. military says it has carried out an airstrike outside Somalia's capital that killed 10 extremists. Source: Hiiraan Online

Addis-Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa ka walaacsan tallabooyinka ra’iisul wasaaraha cusub ee dalka Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed, ee ku aaddan siyaasadda arrimaha gudaha Soomaaliya, sida ilo-wareedyo lagu kalsoon yahay ay u sheegeen Caasimada Online. Wararka ayaa sheegaya in dowladda ay u aragto mid aan habbooneyn xiriirka uu Abiy Ahmed la sameynayo qaaar ka mid ah maamul goboleedyada dalka, inkasta oo uu hoey u ballan-qaaday inuu dalka ku ixtiraamayo dowladda federaalka. Abiy Ahmed ayaa dhowaan dalkiisa kula kulmay Axmed Madoobe, oo madax ka ah maamulka Jubbaland ee Soomaaliya, islamarkaana qorsheeyey kulamo kale oo uu la yeesho madax kale oo ka mid ah kuwa maamul goboleedyada. Agaasimaha madaxtooyada Soomaaliya Fahad Yaasin ayaa la sheegay inuu toddobaadkan socdaal ku tagey dalka Ethiopia, oo uu arrimahaas kala hadlay mas’uuliyiinta dalkaas. Sida warku sheegayo, Fahad ayaa ka codsaday mas’uuliyiointa dalkaas inay ixtiraamaan madax banaanida dalka. Waxaa sidoo kale la sheegay inuu kala hadlay socdaal uu Abiy Ahmed dhowaan ku tagey dalalka Sacuudiga iyo Imaaraadka, oo Soomaaliya aysan isku wanaagsaneyn. Ethiopia ayaa ka mid ah dalalka isku dayaya inay dhex-dhexaadiyaan Soomaaliya iyo Imaaraadka Carabta. Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa horey uga sheegay dowladda Itoobiya markii la doortay inay joojiso qaabilaadda madaxda maamul goboleedyada, islamarkaana ay wixii danaha ah oo ay Soomaaliya ka leedahay kala xiriirto dowladda federaalka. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Guddoomiyaha xisbiga UCID ee Somaliland, Faysal Cali Waraabe, ayaa shaaca ka qaaday in Somaliland iyo Puntland ay ka baxeeen ballan ay ka qaadeen dowladda Mareykanka. Faysal Cali Waraabe ayaa sheegay in howlgalka Mareykanka ee Soomaaliya uu si hoose dhex-dhexaadin uga dhex waday Somaliland iyo Puntland, si loo joojiyo colaadda ka taagan deegaanka Tukaraq oo ay labada dhinac isku hayaan. Waxa uu sheegay in Mareykanka uu la hadlay madaxweynaha Somalia Maxamed Cabdullahi Farmaajo, iyo Muuse Biixi iyo Cabdi Weli Gaas, oo kala hoggaamiya maamullada Somaliland iyo Puntland. Faysal ayaa sheegay in Muuse Biixi iyo Cabdi Weli Gaas ay isla subaxii khamiista ka baxeen saddex qodob oo ay Mareykanka ka ballan-qaadeen habeenkii arbacada, kuwaas oo kala ahaa: 1 – In la joojiyo dagaalka 2 – In la furo wadahadallo xal lagub gaaray 3 – In la isku celiyo maxaabiistii dagaalka lagu kala qabsaday Somaliland iyo Puntland, labaduba ma aysan xaqiijin jiritaanka ballan-qaadkan inay u sameeyeen Mareykanka, waxaana labada dhinac shalay ka dhex qarxay dagaal culus oo ku saabsan gacan ku haynta deegaanka Tukaraq ee gobolka Sool, ayada oo midba midka kale uu ku eedeeyey inuu dagaalka billaabay. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Hargeysa Caasimada@live.com

Halkan ka aqriso qeybtii koowaad IMAARAATKA IYO SOOMAALIYA: Soomaaliya oo ka mid ah goobaha dunida ugu istaraatiijisan, oo ay ku kulmaan Badda Cas iyo Badweynta Hindiya, kaabiga u saaran gacanka cadmeed, isla markaasna kulaasha marin biyoodka lafdhabarta u ah ganacsiga aduunka ee Baabul Mandam, ahna mandiqad xiriirisa qaarada Afrika iyo Bariga Dhexe, lehna xeebta ugu dheer Afrika iyo dekedo dhowr ah oo ku teedsan xeebaha labada badood ee kor ku xusan– ayaa xilligan u muuqata mid indhaha aduunyada soo jiidaneysa taas oo loo aaneyn karo arrimo dhowr ah oo isbiirsaday. Soomaaliya oo ah wadan kasoo kabanaya colaado sokeeye oo dabo dheeraday kuna soo laabanaya fagaarayaasha caalamka sanooyin badan oo laga rajo dhigey kadib. Dagaalka dunida ee Dekeddaha iyo marinnada oo kuso fiday xeebaha Soomaaliya. Dowlado muhiim u ahaa aduunyada oo burburay ama xasarado lugaha la galay. Soomaalida oo ah bulsho leh hal abuur ganacsi iyo hindise shaqo. Tartanka lugu boobayo kalluunka Soomaaliya oo noqday hanti beylah u ah shiisheeyaha badaha meeraya. Dhisidda saldhigyo ciidan oo kusoo badanaya mandiqadda ay Soomaaliya ku taallo. Mashruuca argagixiso ladirirka ah oo Soomaaliya ay ka mid tahay meelaha looga qaraabto. Ol’olaha Ladagaallanka burcad badeeda ee badda Soomaaliya lugu baarto. Quwadaha waaweyn ee is haya oo Soomaaliya u arka goob ku habboon dagaallada dadban. Siyaasadda Soomaaliya oo ay weli inteeda badan gacanta ku hayaan xoogag shisheeye. Sanadkii 2011 markii ay dalka ka dillaacday macaluushii ugu xumeyd, wadamadii u soo gurmadey waxaa ugu daacadsanaa uguna deeqsisanaa dalka Turkiga oo hogaamiyihiisa (Erdegon) oo horkacaya wefti ballaaran oo ka koobnaa qoyskiisa, wasiirro, ganacsato, xildhibaanno, gargaarayaal binii aadamnimo, kalkaaliyayaal caafimaad, horumariyayaal, injineerro, weriyayaal, uu kasoo degey Muqdisho. Tillaabadaas oo indhaha caalamka kusoo jeedisey dalkaan la deyriyey, Soomaaliya, ee dayacan. Maseyr ka dhashay booqashadii Erdogan oo ay qaadeen qaar ka mid ah dalalka Khaliijka Carabta ayaa sababay in Imaaraatku uu si toos ah usoo beegsado Soomaaliya. Intaa ka dib Soomaaliya waxay kaalinta koowaad ka gashay dalalka Imaaraatku uu bartilmaameedsaday, isagoo ogsoon muhiimadda dhaqaale, siyaasadeed iyo amni ee ay Soomaaliya u leedahay gobolka, iyo in soo laabashadeedu ay saameyn doonto dalkiisa gaar ahaan dhanka dhaqaalaha. DP World, Berbera iyo Bosaaso: Ka hor inta uusan cidna heshiis ganacsi la gelin Imaaraatku, wuxuu hawshiisa ka bilaabey tababarid ciidamo Soomaali ah oo si gaar ah loogu uruuriyey xarumo uu maamulo, kuwaas oo dabcan hordhac u ahaa arrimo uu mardambe keeney oo ahaa inuu heshiisyo muran badan dhaliyey ku qaatey labada dekedood ee Berbera iyo Boosaaso. Ciidamadaas oo uu kuwooda ugu xooggan ka sameystey Boosaaso iyo Muqdisho, ka dib wuxuu sanadkii 2016 heshiis khuseeya dekedda Berbera iyo saldhig millateri la galay Somaliland.Tillaabadaas oo ay ka hortimid dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa qaab jajuub u muuqdey lugu marsiiyey Baarlamaanka Somaliland, iyadoo waxa la ansixiyey uusan ahayn qoraalkii lugu heshiiyey laf ahaantiisii ee uu ahaa turjumaad af Soomaali ah oo laga sameeyey nuxurkiisa guud! Bilowga bishii Maarso ee ina dhaaftay, ayaa isla heshiiskii hore oo wax ka badel lugu sameeyey –iyadoo lugu soo daray saami 19% ah oo ay leedahay dowladda Itoobiya, lugu sixiixay Imaaraatka, iyadoo xilligaas uu sixiixu dhacayey uu isla Imaaraatka ku sugnaa Raysul wasaaraha Soomaaliya Xassan Cali Kheyre oo sida la sheegey aan haba yaraatee waxba laga ogeysiin arrinta lakala sixiixdey. Taas oo aad uga xanaajisey xukuumadda Muqdisho oo u aragtay bahdil weyn oo lugula kacay ayna tahay in tillaabo laga qaado! Waxaa xigtey labada aqal ee Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya oo shirkadda DP World ka mamnuucay iney gebi ahaanba ka shaqeyso dalka Soomaaliya, iyagoo ku eedeeyey iney ku xadgudubtey madaxbannaanida Soomaaliya, ayna u gudbiyeen xafiiska madaxweynaha, inkasto ay –isla markiiba– Xamar ka kacday xiisad siyaasadeed oo aan la ogeyn iney arrimahaan xiriir la lahayd iyo inkale.Taas oo galaafatay gudoomiyihii Baarlamaanka Jawaari, dibna u dhigtey dooddii DP World ee taagneyd, iyadoo shirkaduna ay dhankeeda sheegtey inuusan go’aankaasi khuseyn ayna sii wadi doonto hirgelinta heshiiska Berbera! Sidoo kale xukuumadda Soomaaliya ayaa dacwad ka dhan ah Imaaraatka geysey, Jaamacadda Carabta, Qaramada Midoobey iyo Golaha Ammaanka, iyadoo ku eedeysey ku xadgudub madax bannaanida dalkeeda iyo faragelin qaawan oo garabmarsan xuduudda dublumaasiyadeed ee dowladuhu ku wada xiriiraan! Waxaa arrinta Baasiin (Petrol) kusii shubay la wareegiddii dowladda Soomaaliya malaayiin dollar oo la sheegey iney siddey diyaarad Imaaraati ah oo aan la aqoon cidda ay ku socotey, sidoo kalena ay xirtey xeradii tababarrada ciidamada ee Imaaraatku maamuli jirey ee Muqdisho ku tiilley! Waxaa kaloo la hadal hayaa in Imaaraatku uu ka guurayo saldhigga tababarrada ee uu ku leeyahay Boosaaso, ka dib markii ay ismaandhaafeen Maamulka Puntland oo dhagaha ka furaystay cadaadis uga imaanayey Imaaraatka oo ahaa inuu ka hor yimaado go’aankii baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ee ku saabsanaa DPWorld! TURKIGA IYO QADAR: Waxaa Imaaraatka dhinac socda Turkiga iyo Qadar oo isu garabsanaya si ay meesha uga saaraan saameynta xooggan ee Imaaraatku Soomaaliya ku yeeshey. Turkigu wuxuu maamulaa dekedda iyo Gegida diyaaradaha ee Muqdisho. Wuxuuna ka dhistey safaaraddiisa ugu weyn dunida iyo saldhig ciidan kan ugu weyn ee uu dibadda ku leeyahay. Wuxuu kaloo hamminayaa inuu goobo kaloo cusub dalka ka deggo. Qadar oo ay go’doomiyeen dalal Imaaraatku kow ka yahay, meelo badanna ay isku soo hardiyeen –Sida dekedda Port Sudan oo markii ay DP World iyo Sudan is fahmi waayeen ay Qadar qaadatay maalgelinteeda– ayaa usoo bareertay faragelinta Soomaaliya,oo ay dooneyso iney ka dhigato meel ay kaga fakato cunaqabateynta siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale ee deriskeedu saaray. Waxaana u dambeeyey iney soo magacawday safiir sare (Safiir aan caadi ahayn) oo macneheedu yahay inuusan la mid noqon doonin safiirrada kale ee dalka jooga ee uu yeelan doono awoodo dheeraad ah iyo qaadasho go’aamo culculus, oo dalkiisa dani ugu jirto (Haddey rabaan Soomaaliya haka dhan ahaadeene)! Sidoo kale la wareegidda Turkiga iyo Qadar oo wada socda Jasiiradda badda Cas ku taal ee Sawakin ee dalka Sudan, iyo saldhigga millateri ee uu Turkigu ka sameystey magaalada Doxa ee dalka Qadar, ayaa cirka kusii shareeray loolankii wadamadaan ka dhexeeyey! Dowladda Soomaaliya oo horey u sheegtey iney dhexdhexaad ka tahay xasaradda Carabta, ayaa u muuqata iney si uun ugu jinjeerto dhinaca Qadar iyo Turkiga oo la aragti ah. Taas oo ka xanaajisey maamullada qaar (gaar ahaan Somaliland iyo Puntland) oo u arkey Qadar iyo Turkiga dowlado uun ay idaacadaha ka maqlaan balse waxqabadkoodu uusan soo dhaafin xaayndaabka Xamar, taasina ay ku kalliftay iney iyaguna u jinjeersadaan dhanka Imaaraatka iyo dowladaha uu dabada ku wato! Turkiga iyo Qadar waxay xoog iyo xeelad hayeen waxay isugu geeyeen Xamar, halka Imaaraatku uu Xamar na la joogo, Puntland iyo Somaliland-na uu isagu gadaal marsaday –Inkastoo Puntland ay iminka u muuqato mid arrimahan dib uga fekereysa– , taas oo Imaaraatka ka dhigtey dowladda ugu galaangalka badan dalka, xukuumadda Soomaaliyana u muujisey sidii waalid warasadiisii maalin cad laga kaxaaystay! Haddiise ay labadaa dowladood –Turkiga iyo Qadar– mashaariicdooda horumarineed gaarsiin lahaayeen deegaannada Muqdisho ka durugsan, waxay awoodi kari lahaayeen iney maamullada la jaalka ah Imaaraatka ay dhankooda soo mariyaan ama ugu yaraan ay dhexdhexaad ka dhigaan! Imaaraatku wuxuu muddo tusaale u ahaa ganacsiga xorta ah iyo adeegsiinta aduunyada dalkiisa ku kala goosheysa, wuxuuna ahaa dal la jeclahay in laga ganacsado iyadoo la xeerinayo canshuur dhaafka ay leedahay dekedda Jebel Cali ama in loo dalxiis tago si loo daawado daaraha daruuraha saaran ee ay caanka ku tahay Dubai iyo dukaamadeeda aadka u camiran! Hase yeeshee sanooyinkii dambe waxay u muuqatay dowlad meelwalba dagaal kaga jirta cidwalibana ay ka cabaneyso. Dadka arrimahan u dhuundaloola ayaa isbadelkaas ku macneeyey cuqdad uu Imaaraatku ka qaaday kacdoonnadii dadweynaha carabtu ku codsanayeen iney ka hoos baxaan keligood taliyayaasha ku dulgaboobey, waxay si gaar ah u shareysteen ururka Ikhwaanu Muslimiinka oo ay u arkeen cadowga koowaad ee ay tahay in la tirtiro. Taas oo lugu fasiray in Imaaraatku aaminsanyahay haddey shucuubtaasi xoroowdo iney dalalkooda dhisan karaan, taasina ay keeni karto iney hoos u dhacdo kaalinta hogaamineed ee Imaaraatku ku leeyahay ganacsiga gobolka! BADELKA IMAARAATKA: Dhacdooyinkaas kor ku xusan ka hor dadka Soomaaliyeed wax sas ah kama qabin Imaaraatka, taa badelkeeda waxay aad u jeclaayeen iney deggaan, ka ganacsadaan, hantidoodana geystaan Dubai. Sida muuqata taas waxaa iminka meesha ka saaray dareenka ay inta badan shacabku ka qaadeen damaca Imaaraatka iyo danta uu ka leeyahay Soomaaliya oo ay u arkeen mid ka maran wax tixgelin ah oo uu u hayo qaranimada dalkooda iyo midnimada dhulkooda! Welise Imaaraatku wuxuu awoodaa inuu dib isu saxo oo uusan lumin saaxiibtinimada dadka Soomaaliyeed oo cidwalba oo gobolkaan dani ka soo gasho ay guusheedu ku xirnaan doonto inta ay tixgeliso danaha Soomaaliya. Waxay kaloo Imaaraatku u baahan yihiin iney fahmaan qaab fikirka qofka Soomaaliga ah iyo sida loola dhaqmo, aysanna u maleyn in dheregta iyo gaajadu ay yihiin halbeeg lugu hawl geli karo! Soomaaliya dano badan ayaa kaga xiran Imaaraatka, xiriirkooda oo xumaadaana khasaara weyn ayaa kasoo gaari doona shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo inta badan noloshoodu ay iminka ku xiran tahay Imaaraatka. Hase yeeshee haddii lugu kallifo waxay taas ku illaawi karaan, ficillo iyo hadallo ay ka arkayaan masuuliyiin iyo warbaahin laga leeyahay Imaaraatka oo aflagaado iyo xaqiraad ula bareeraya Soomaalida iyo dalkoodaba! Haddii ay xaaladu sidaan kusii socoto Soomaalidu waxay ku khasbanaan doonaan iney raadsadaan seylado kale oo ay ku badeshaan suuqa Imaaraatka, si ay ugu yaraan uga hoos baxaan ganacsiga iyo siyaasadda macna darrada ku dhisan ee isku milan, ee dadka qaarkood ay ku macneeyeen inuu yahay nooc gumeysi silloon ah oo aan la xamili karin! Seyladaha badelka noqon kara waxaa ugu macquulsanaan doona kuwa aan kasoo sheekeynney ee dalalka Pakistan iyo Iran! Hirgelidda dekedda Gwadar – oo ah mashruuc aad loo sugayo rajo badanna laga qabo, la iskuna halleyn karo- Soomaaliya waxay u noqon kartaa suuq ay kasoo adeegato kuna xiri kara aduunyada inteeda kale, ayna kaga maarmi karto dekeddaha Imaaraatka ee danaha siyaasadeed u dabran! Soomaaliya goobta ay dhacdo iyo marinnada ay kulaasho ayaa ka dhigaya wadan dalkasta oo kale kaga habboon inuu noqdo xarunta ay isaga kala gooshaan gaadiidka badda mara. Sidaas daraadeed qorshayaasha dambe waa iney noqdaan in dekeddaha Soomaaliya loo diyaariyo bar ganacsi oo aduunyada xiriirisa! Haddii uu hirgalo hindisaha Shiinuhu wado Soomaaliya waxay noqon doontaa goobaha uu kusoo fidi doono kana faa’iideysan doona, waa haddii la helo hogaan Soomaaliyeed oo han leh kana aragti dheer inta maalintaas hor muuqata, iyo dad dantooda yaqaan ee aan iyagu uun isku mashquulsaneyn! W/Q: Cabdixakiim Diriye Email: diiriye303@hotmail.com Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Saaxiibada Soomaaliya ee beesha caalamka ayaa aad uga walaacsan iskudhacyada hubaysan ee ugu dambeeyay ee ka socda agagaarka deegaanka Tukaraq ee gobolka Sool una dhexeeya Puntland iyo ‘Somaliland’, waxayna ku baaqayaan xabbad-joojin degdeg ah. Sida ay wararku sheegayaan, dagaal culus ayaa aroortii saaka ka dhex qarxay ciidamada Puntland iyo ‘Somaliland’, waxaana lagu soo warramayaa in la isu-adeegsanayo hubka cul-culus. Saaxiibada caalamku waxay ugu baaqayaan labada dhinac inay si dhakhso ah u hakiyaan dagaalka, ay billaabaan wadahadal dhex-mara taliyeyaasha ciidamada goobta ku sugan, xaqiijiyaan gaarsiinta gargaarka baniaadanimo ee loo wado dadka barakacay, ayna ka wada-hadlaan kala-qaadista ciidamada iyo is-weydaarashada maxaabiista askarta ah ee la kala qabsaday. Saaxiibada caalamku waxay tilmaameen in shaqaaqadu ay dhacayso iyadoo bartanka looga jiro xaalad bani’aadanimo oo adag oo sii cakirisay saamaynta duufaanta roobabka dabaylaha wata ee Sagar – isku-dhacyadu waxay keliya uga sii darayaan dhibaatada haysata dadka ku nool deegaanka. Qaramada Midoobay, Midowga Afrika, Midowga Yurub, Urur-Goboleedka IGAD, Dowladaha Belgium, Denmark, Itoobia, Finland, Jarmalka, Ireland, Talyaaniga, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Turkey, Boqortooyada Midowday ee Ingiriiska iyo Maraykanka waxay ugu baaqayaan dhammaan dhinacyada inay dhowraan nabadda. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Waxaa soo ifbaxay khilaaf xooggan oo u dhaxeeya dallada waxbarashada FPENS, tasoo keentay in heer maxkamadeed ay gaarto, kadib markii bishii Maarso awoodiisii shaqo si sharciga ka baxsan shaqada looga joojiyay Faarax Maxamed Sheekhow, amaarkaasina waxaa fulintiisa lahaa agaasimaha fulinta ee dalladaasi C/raxmaan Cumar Sh. Nuur. Faarax Maxamed shiikhow waxa uu ka tirsan yahay shaqaalaha dalladda waxbarashada FPENS muddo 8 sano ah waxa uu ka soo qabtay xilal kala duwan . 1. Maamulaha guud ee machadka tababarada 2. Xiriiriyaha hay’ada NRC iyo FPENS 2013-2017 3. Kaaliyaha xafiiska imtixaanaadka 4. Xoghaynta machadka tabarada 5. Xoghayaha xafiiska cilmi baarista 6. Xafiiska imtixaanaadka iyo shahaadooyinka. Sababta shaqada uu ugu joojiyay Agaasimaha fulinta ee dalladda FPENS C/raxmaan Cumar Sheekh Nuur xubintaasi xilalka kala duwan kasoo qabtay ayaa lagu micneeyay cabsi ka qabay kursigiisa maadama uu yahay shaqsi isku darsaday aqoon karti iyo firfircooni dhanka shaqada ah isagoo dhoor jeer ka dalbaday inuu si gaar ah ula shaqeeyo ugana warbixiyo shaqaalaha kale ee dalladda. Wuxuu cabasho ku saabsan shaqo ka farisintisa aan awooda sharci lahayn u gudbiyay gudomiyaha dallada FPENS C/qaadir Xasan Axmed kadle isagana wuxuu ku raacay shaqo eryidii Agaasimaha. Sidaas ayuu dacwad uga furtay maxkamadda gobolka madama dastuurkii dallada ay degsatay la-baal maray gabood falna lagula kacay, wuxuuna go’aansaday in sharciga lagu kala baxo muddo 2 bil ayey socotay dacwada ugu dambeyn go’aan ayaa ka soo baxay maxkamadda. Gudomiyaha dallada FPENS sidoo kale waa milkiilaha shirkadda Somnet xilka dalladda uu ka haayo wuu iskaga magacaban yahay kamana warqabo dastuurka dallada iyo xeerarkeda waana waxa looga guleystay aqoondarada ka haysatay xaga xeerarka ay degsatay dalladda Agaasimaha fulinta isaga ayaa keenay dallada kuma imaan magacaabis gollaha maamulka daladda board of directions oo ka kooban 14 xubnood sida uu sharcigoda dhigayo. Sida laga sheekay maxkamadda agaasimaha waxa uu xabsiga dhexe ka soo baxay bishii Maarso 2016 sidoo kale April 2016 waxa loo magacaabay Agaasimaha fulinta dallada FPENS isago qariyay in dambi uu galay maxkamadna ay xukuntay waxaana loo haystay baabuur Hilux ah uu lunsaday sidaas fududuna uu kursigas ku helay 2 bil gudohod markii la magacabay wuxuu sameyay shaqo joojin baddan Faaraxna waxa uu ahaa shaqaalihi 5aad uu shaqada ka joojiyo. Arrintaan ayaa imaanaysa iyadoo maalmihii lasoo dhaafay cabasho xooggan laga muujinaayay Imtixaanka mideysan ee ay sanadkaan soo rogtay Dalladda waxbarashadda ee FPENS. Halkaan Hoose ka aqriso warqadaha dacwada iyo go,aanka Maxkamada ka soo baxay. W/qoray: Cali Muhiyaddiin` Email:Muxiyaddiin@hotmail.com

Somalization ((الصوملة waa erey bixin u taagan Colaad & Fowdo Siyaasadeed. Waana Magac & Sifo muddo dheer Soomaaliya xariir la lahaa. Qofka Soomaaliga noocuu yahayba suuraddan ayaa fasireysa. Shiikha, Aqoonyahanka, Siyaasiga, xataa ganacsadaha Aduunka maraya ee degaya Hotelada Shanta Xidigoood. Eraygan waxuu caan baxay Dabayaaqada Qarnigii tagay 1991-1999, walina waa mid taagan oo dihniga Bulshada caalamka ku sawiran. Nasiib wanaag Sanadahan dambe waxa soo baxay Magacyo Soomali oo caalamka Xiddig ka noqday, sida Wasiirka Canada Ahmed. Maxweynaha Maxkamada Caalmiga, AbdalQawi, Ilham Omar & Majid Majid oo loo magacaabay Duqa Xaafada Shiffield ee London, UK. Waxaa jira Xidigo kale oo ku caan baxay Fanka & Cayaaraha. Keynaan ayaa ka mid ah, waxaa lagu xasuustaa Heesihii uu ka qaaday furitaanka Cayaarihii Aduunka ee Johannesburg lagu qabtay, waliba waxuu Masraxa ku muujiyay Calanka Soomaali oo u taagan Astaaanta Qaran ee Soomaaliya, Xilli uu Ereyga Somalization-ku uu Caalmka heystay. waxaa ayana la mid ah Jawahir Rooble oo la sheegay in ay noqotay gasoore Kubada Cagta oo ka diiwaan gashan FIFA. Su,aasha taaaagan ayaa ah, haddii Xumaaanti ka dhalatay Colaaddi sokeeyo ay noqotay ceeeb ku suntan Magaca Soomaali noocuu yahayba, magacyadan Cusub ee Caalamiga noqday ma badali karaan suuradda xun ee laga fahmay Magaca Soomali..??? Haddii ay badali karaaan ma suuro gali kartaa in magacyadan laga dhahaalilioy Falsafad lagu buriyo Suuraddaa xun.. Suuraddan oo sintay Shiikha & Sheydhaanka, Jaahilka & Aqoonyahanka. Dambiilaha & Dambi laawaha. Waxaase suuro gal ah oo dhici karta in intaaba aysan aheyn. waxaa Magacyadan laga furi karaa dood ku dhisan Fahamka Diiniga, ayadoo laga fiiriniyo Dabeecda ay ku soo caan baxeen & Halka ay ka soo muuqdeeen oo ah Wadamada Reer Galbeeedka. Si kasta oo ay noqoto waxaa hubaal ah in Magaci Soomaali uu ka duwan yahay Fahamki shalay laga heystay. Maantana ay suuro gal tahay in intaa & ka badan oo ah Qiimaha & waanagga uu leeyahay Magacan la soo saari karo, laaakin waa gooorma… waa goorti qofku ka tago Magacyada Laangaabka ah ee sababay in aan Tusaale u noqono wax walba oo xun (Somalization)…. W/Q: Mahdi Muse mahdimuse@hotmail.com

The worldwide Somali diaspora sends home about $1.3 billion annually in remittances, with 16 percent of that coming from Somali living in the U.S. REUTERS/Steve Marcus Last week, Minnesota’s legislative auditor announced an investigation into allegations that some child care providers are defrauding the state’s Child Care Assistance Program, or CCAP, which subsidizes the child-care expenses of low-income children and is overseen by the Minnesota Department of Human Services. The investigation was prompted by a report aired by Fox 9, which alleged that the child care providers were illegally obtaining millions of dollars in subsidies by overbilling the state. The story didn’t stop there, though. It also suggested a connection between the alleged fraud, which centered on child care centers owned and operated by Somali-Americans, and “mysterious suitcases filled with cash” flying out of MSP International Airport by couriers working for money-transfer shops known as hawala. The story’s main source — a former Seattle police detective named Glenn Kerns — alleged that some of that cash was going to areas in Somalia controlled by the al-Shabab terrorist group, which would get a cut of the money. (At least the “bags full of cash” part was similar to a story done by Seattle TV station KING5 two years ago, a report that also relied heavily on Kerns.) Since it was aired, the story has gotten a lot of attention, notably from Minnesota lawmakers, who proposed legislation seeking to further scrutinize the CCAP and the money-transfer system. It’s also sparked frustration among members of the Somali community, who accused the report of conflating several issues and tainting the reputation of the community. Given the long history of the hawala system in Minnesota and its central role in this whole story, it seems worthwhile for people to know a little more about it: how it works; where the cash comes from; and why it’s transferred in bags: OK, first things first: What is hawala and who uses it? Hawalas are part of a traditional system of informal banking in Muslim communities — the word is derived from the Arabic word for “transfer” — that became popular in Somalia in the early 1990s, after civil war broke out. The war led to the collapse of pretty much all major government institutions, including the banking system. The war also led hundreds of thousands of people to leave Somalia for other countries, including the United States, Canada, Europe, Australia and the United Arab Emirates. Escaping the war — which decimated much of the country’s economy — didn’t mean severing ties with family they left behind, of course, and the hawala system allowed the people who lived in the U.S. (and other developed countries) to safely get funds to those back in Somalia, and the businesses became popular in cities with large Somali populations. In Minnesota, dozens of such businesses have operated inside Somali malls and halal markets for nearly three decades now. Some of the main locations of these shops today include Minneapolis, St. Paul, Burnsville, St. Cloud and Rochester. How does the system work, exactly? Say you want to send $100 to a family member in Mogadishu: First, you need to tell the recipient which company you plan to use. (There are nearly 20 money transfer companies in the Twin Cities). You then need to take your money to the local branch of the business, present a photo ID for it to keep a record of what you send and who receives it, and pay a fee of $6 for each $100 you send. The money reaches Mogadishu within hours. When it does, the recipient gets a text message or a phone call from a local branch notifying him or her to come pick up the money. How common is the system among Somalis in Minnesota? Very common. Like many immigrant communities, Somalis in Minnesota tend to have many family members, relatives and friends who still live in Somalia or other lesser developed nations. With the high unemployment rate and the lack of opportunities in some of those countries, Somalis in Minnesota often represent a significant source of income for their relatives. It’s not uncommon for Somalis in Minnesota to send funds on a monthly basis to sustain family members living in other places. According to a 2013 study from Oxfam American, an international humanitarian organization, the worldwide Somali diaspora sends home about $1.3 billion annually in remittances, with 16 percent of that coming from Somali living in the U.S. OK, so is it true that people fly out of MSP with suitcases full of cash? Absolutely, though that wasn’t always the case. Before 2010, there was no need for couriers from the money-transfer companies to transport cash across continents. They simply used mainstream financial institutions — Wells Fargo, US Bank, Sunrise Banks and others — to transfer the money for the hawala. Today, none of these institutions will work with the money-transfer companies, which has forced owners of these companies to send the only way they can: by carrying cash in suitcases all the way to Dubai or Mogadishu, where most of them are headquartered. Are they mysterious? Not really. The system has never been a secret. In fact, the reason we know that the money is there — and how much of it is going through MSP — is because the couriers for the hawala companies have to fill out forms and notify security officials at the airport of exactly how much they are carrying and where it’s going. Wait, American banks won’t deal with hawala anymore? Why? In 2010, two Somali-American women in Minnesota were convicted of sending al-Shabab fighters in Somalia $8,600 through the hawala system. In the years that followed the conviction, almost all U.S. banks refused to work with the money-transfer companies because the U.S. government had begun to put more scrutiny on any bank that works with the hawala. So people can actually use the hawala system to support terrorists? The money-transfer companies aren’t that different than any other financial institution. They’re international companies serving millions of clients across the world. That means, some people can — and will — try to take advantage to commit wire fraud or provide unlawful financing. That said, the system is actually now more secure than it’s ever been. Shop operators are required to record the personal information of anyone sending money through the system. That wasn’t the case before 2010. So what is the connection between Somali-owned child care centers and the money transfer companies? The short answer is: none. But it’s worth noting a couple of things: First, the U.S. government doesn’t know much about the hawala system, even though it’s been around for decades and allows thousands of people across the country to allocate funds to their loved ones. To remedy that, for the past eight years representatives from the money-wire industry have been trying to work with the banks as well as the federal and state governments to find a way to improve the system — to no avail. Then you have the story of the Somali-owned child care centers. In recent years, these businesses have seen increased scrutiny from federal and state agencies, largely because some of these centers have been, in fact, involved in fraud. Some owners and operators of child care providers have been convicted for stealing government money; others are still under investigation. That said, there is no evidence directly connecting the money legally flown out of MSP to the money obtained from child care subsidy fraud, let alone connecting that money to terrorism, which is why many in the community are upset with Fox9. Source: REUTERS