ABIDJAN - Djibouti is in talks with French shipping company CMA CGM to develop a new container terminal at an initial cost of $660 million (£465.9 million) as part of the tiny African country's bid to expand into a sea and air transport hub for the continent. Source: Hiiraan Online

Somalia has urged the United Nations Security Council to take action against the construction of a United Arab Emirates (UAE) military base in Somaliland. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Maanta waxaa laga joogaa laba asbuuc Mooshinkii Guddoomiye Jawaari, waxaana soo if baxaya khilaaf culus iyo kala aragti fogaan hareysay qeybaha iyo hoggaanada kala duwan ee Barlamaanka sida; Guddoonka, Guddiga Joogtada, Habdhowre-yaasha, Xoghaynta, Kutlooyinka iyo Kooxaha, Qabaa’ilka iyo Deegaanada, Xubnaha caadiga ah ee Golaha Shacabka iwm. Iyada oo lagu kala aragti fogaaday: Sharciyadda Mooshinka, Guddoonka Golaha, Waqtiga Mooshinka, Goobta iyo Qaabka Codeynta Mooshinka. Shalay iyo Daraat waxaa soo baxay ilaa 10 Qoraal oo is burrinaysa, waxaana Saxaafada la hadlay ilaa 20 Xildhibaan oo is ka soo horjeeda, waxaana Xafiisyadii dawladda, Hoteeladii Muqdusho, Xarumihii Barlamaanka mashquuliyay Ololaha Mooshinka, waxaana dhacay ilaa 10 Qarax oo ay ku dhinteen kuna dhaawacmeen dad badan, waxaana Qeyla-dhaan Qaran ka yeeraysaa DP World, Xuduuda Buula Xaawo, Aato iwm. Gudoomiye Jawaari oo ka mid ah Mudanayaasha ugu da’da weyn Golaha Shacabka dalka iyo dawladda na ka soo qabtay xilal kala duwan ilaa 60 kii sano ee la soo dhaafay sida; Agaasime, Wasiir, La taliye, Guddiyo Qaran, Gudoomiye Barlamaan, Ku sime Madaxweyne iwm. Waxa uuna kaalin mug leh ka soo qaatay dhismaha iyo habeynta Barlamaankii 9 aad iyo kan 10 aad, waxa uuna magac dheer iyo maamuus ku yeeshay gayiga Somaaliyeed oo dhan. Haddii xaaladda maanta taagan uu guuleysto ama laga guuleysto waxaa hubaal ah; in dhaawac soo gaarayo midnimada, kalsoonida iyo wada shaqeynta qeybaha Barlamaanka iyo laamaha dawladda, isaga oo ku xusay jawaabtiisii Mooshinka, “in gacantiisa aan lagu bur-buri doonin Barlamaanka, laguna barbaariyey midnimo iyo dawlad jaceyl”. Hadaba haddii aad Talo Wadani siin laheed! Maxaad kula Talin-laheed??? A-In uu is Casilo sida ay sameeyeen madax isaga ka horeysay ama ka danbeyn-doonta dunida, markii ay dareemeen in xilkooda iyo mas’uuliyadooda la isku haysto? B-In uu Sharciga iyo Codeynta tago, sida uu xaqa u leeyahay, sharciguna u banneynayo? C- In uu aqbalo dhex-dhexaadin, is af-garad iyo dib u heshiisiin dhex marta qeybaha Barlamaanka, Xukuumadda iyo Laamaha dawladda?. W/Q. Mohamed Gacal (Dr. Gacal)

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ra’isul wasaaraha Xukuumada Somalia Xasan Cali Kheyre ayaa markii ugu horeysay daboolka ka qaaday inuu jiro Khilaaf Siyaasadeed buuran oo ka dhextaagan Hoggaanka iyo Xildhibaanada baarlamaanka. Ra’isul wasaare Kheyre waxa uu sheegay in Khilaafyada jira ay ku macaashayaan shaqsiyaad gaara oo doonaaya inay dalka ka geystaan Qaraxyo iyo dilalk. Kheyre, waxa uu tilmaamay in Khilaafka jira ay si dhow uga faa’iideystaan Qaswadayaasha al-Shabaab oo uu sheegay inaanu jirin cadow ka halis badan, waxa uuna intaa ku daray inay jiraan shaqsiyaad kale oo nafis u arka inay is khilaafan Madaxda dalka. ‘’Wey iska cadahay in Khilaafka jira ay ka faa’iideysanayaan Qaswadayaasha al-Shabaab iyo shaqsiyaad leh dano Siyaasadeed oo uu sheegay inay Shabaab kaga egyihiin dhanka qarbudaada’’ Ra’isul wasaare Kheyre waxa uu tilmaamay inay muhiim tahay in si wada jira looga hortago Khilaafyada ka dhex curta madaxda dalka, waxa uuna ku baaqay in khilaaf la’aanta ay horseedeyso amniga iyo kala danbeyn. Kheyre waxa uu sidoo kale sheegay in madaxda dowladda iyo kuwa Maamul goboleedyada dalka looga baahan yahay in ay ka fikiraan ka hortaga hal arrin oo ah in hadii uu khilaaf yimaado ay ka faa’iideestaan Cadawga. Sidoo kale, waxa uu sheegay inay muhiim tahay in laga shaqeeyo amniga maadaama hadii Muqdisho ay amni noqoto gobolada kale ay amni noqonayaan,waxa uuna ugu baaqay Odayaasha dhaqanka Soomaaliyeed in ay ka shaqeeyan dib u heshiisiinta dalka Hadalka Ra’isul wasaare Xasan Cali kheyre ayaa ku soo aadaya xili uu khilaaf ka dhexjiro Guddoonka Golaha Shacabka kaas oo curyaamiyay Shaqadii dowladda. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Waxaa magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimada Somalia laga dareemayaa ololo xoogan oo u dhexeeya Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka Somalia Maxamed Sheekh Cusmaan Jawaari iyo Xildhibaanada Mooshinka kawada. Ololaha oo inta badan laga dareemayo magaalada Muqdisho, ayaa xooligiisa ka socda Hoteelada Muqdisho, kaa oo lagu kala qaadanaayo dhaqaale xoogan. Ololaha ugu xooga badan ayaa xiligaan ka socda Hoteelada kala ah Jazeera, Hayat, SYL iyo Makka al-Mukarama, oo ay ku sugan yihiin Xildhibaanada Mooshinka wada iyo kuwa laga wado. Mooshin wadayaasha kasoo horjeeda Guddoomiye Jawaari ayaa ololahooda laba jibaaray maadaama xiliga Codka loo qaadayo Jawaari ay ka harsan tahay wax ka yar Shan cisho. Waxa ay Mooshin wadayaasha Hoteelada iyo Guryaha ku booqanayaan Xildhibaanada qaar ee Miisaanka ku dhex leh baarlamaanka si ay qeyb uga noqdaan Mooshinka. Xubnaha ka tirsan baarlamaanka ee Hoggaaminaaya Mooshinka ayaa la sheegay in xitaa ay Hoteelada qaar dajinayaan Xildhibaanada Mooshinka wada, si aan loo duufsan, waxaana iminka la xaqiijiyay in tirada Mooshin wadayaasha ay mareyso 214 Xildhibaan oo gabi ahaan ka siman diidmada Jawaari. Garabka Jawaari ee kasoo horjeeda Mooshinka ayaa iyaguna wakhtiga ugu badan siinaaya kulamo joogta ah oo kadhaca Xarunta Villa Hargeysa, inkastoo qaarkood la sheegay inay taabacsan yihiin garabka Mooshinka, balse lagu dhex darsaday garabka Jawaari. Xildhibaanada taabacsan Jawaari oo dhankooda kawada ololaha lagu badbaadinaayo Kursiga Jawaari ayaa waxaa soo foodsaartay dhaqaale xumi, kadib markii la sheegay in dhaqaalaha uu siinaayo Jawaari ay aad uga yartay tan ay bixinayaan Mooshin wadayaasha oo ka kaceysa 15,000 Kun oo dollar. Labada garab ee ku dagaalamaaya Kursiga Jawaari ayaa midba midka kale ugu goodinaaya inay kaga guuleysan doonaan codeynta, waxaana aad usii yaraanaya mudada uga harsan xiliga loo qabtay codeynta. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Xildhibaanada dhaqaale doonka ah ayaa ku jahwareersan halka ay ku bixin lahaayen codkooda, wallow ay sii kordhayaan kuwa kasoo horjeeda Jawaari. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Wasiirka Wasaaradda Cadaalada Xukuumadda Soomaaliya Abuukaate Xasan Xuseen Xaaji, oo u waramaayay warbaahinta maxaliga ah ayaa shaaca ka qaaday inay jiraan dhibaatooyin badan oo ka taagan Maxkamadaha iyo Xabsiyada ku yaalla dalka. Wasiirka waxa uu sheegay in dhibaatada ugu weyn xiligaani ay tahay in Maxaabiista qaar aysan heysan goobo lagu xiro xukunka marka uu ku dhaco kadib. Waxa uu sheegay Wasiirka in iminka ay jiraan Maxaabiis badan oo uu ku dhacay Xukuno kala duwan, hase ahaatee loo diro guryahooda, sababo la xiriira qolol la’aan ka dhex jirta Xabsiga. Wasiirka Wasaaradda Cadaalada, oo ay xiganeysay Idaacada dalsan ee magaalada Muqdisho, ayaa yiri ‘’Waxaa jira dhibaatooyin badan oo naga heysta dhanka Xabsiyada, waxaan marqaati ka ahay oo aan arkay inay jiraan Maxaabiis xukuman oo loo diray guryahooda maadaama aanu jirin goob lagu xiro’’ Wasiirku waxa uu sheegay in waxyaabaha uu arkay waqtiagan ay qeyb ka tahay in dadka markii la xukumo la waayo Xabsi lagu xiro taasina ay keeneyso in guryahooda loo diro sida uu hadalka u dhigay. Waxa uu intaa ku daray Wasiirka in arrintaasi ay tahay mid murugo leh, isla markaana u baahan in wax laga qabto, isagoo Madaxda ugu sareysa dalka ku wargaliyay inay muhiim tahay in la dhiso Xabsiyo. ‘’Madaxda dalka ugu sareyso waan gaarsiineynaa horayna waan u gaarsiinay, waxaan dooneynaa in maxaabiista Xukuman laga jaasiyo falka ay geysteen, waxa ayna taasi imaankartaa in lahelo Xabsiyo faaruq ah’’ Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Wasiirka Cadaalada Soomaaliya Abuukaate Xasan Xuseen xaaji, ayaa ku baaqay in ahmiyad gaara lasiiyo waxyaabaha ku xeeran Xabsiyada oo uu sheegay inay aasaas u tahay Cadaalada. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Muqdisho intii aan joogay waan maqli jiray colaadda iyo dhibaatiinyinka kale ee ka jira Hargeysa iyo Burco. Marmarna waxaan maqli jiray dhib ka jira Berbera. Marka laga soo tago siddexdaa magaalo ee jiho ahaan isugu beegan sida ku dhowaad xaglaha Saddex-xagal qumman, ma fileyn in aan arki doono dhib kale oo weyn oo woqooyi ka jira oo colaaddu ay u sabab tahay. Qiyaastaasi sax ayay noqon weyday markii aan tegey Borame iyo nawaaxigiisa. Dhowr jeer ayaan Awdal tegey sannadihii 1989 iyo 1990. Markii aan tagay xaaladdeedu ma wanaagsaneyn. Marnabana kama soo reyn muddadaas. Garoon dayaaradeed oo aan laami la saarin ayaan ka soo nabad degnay. Dadkii hey’adda u shaqeynayay ee na soo doonay iyo kuwii dayaaradda raaci lahaa ayaan ugu nimid garoonka. Nin Soomaali ah oo waxaa halkaa taagan ay shaqadiisu tahay in mar kasta oo ay dayaarad soo degeyso ama ay kaceyso uu ku rooro dhabbaha dayaaradaha ilaa dhanka ugu dambeeya si uu xoolaha iyo dadkaba uga fogeeyo ugana ilaaliyo ilaa ay dayaaraddu soo degto ama ay kacdo. Markii aan Borame gudaha u galay ee aan arkay tirada badan ee dadka magaalada ku sugan iyo sida ay u cammiran tahay waxaan moodayay magaalo caadi ah. Markii iigu dambeysay Borame 1987 ee aan wada soconnay Beatrix, hadda ayayba igala dad badan tahay. Wakhti badan iguma qaadan in aan fahmo in ay magaaladu ku jirto xaalad aad u xun oo gobolka Awdal intiisa badani uu la wadaago. Adduunyo-Gaddoon Borame waxaa ku goobtay colaad laba jiho ka haysata, dad ku soo jabay oo ka soo qaxay magaalooyin kale siiba Hargeysa iyo Gebiley, Qaxooti ka yimid Ethiopia oo xeryo magaalada bannaankeeda ah ku sugan iyo jilaal adag oo daba dheeraaday. Colaaddu waxay ka socotaa laba jiho. SNM waxay badiyaa ka soo weerartaa dhinaca Bari. Beel kale oo inta badan ay xulufo ahaan jireen reer Borame, Goblka Awdlana ay wada yaallaan, ayay dhowr jeer isku laayeen dhinaca woqooyi taas oo markii dambe keentay in ay kala qaxaan labada beelood. Isku dhaca labadan beelood, Borame waxay markaas ku eedeyneysaa saameyn SNM. Waxaa intaa dheer Qaxooti aad u fara badan. Waxaa Borame dul deggan Qaxooti reer Ethiopia ah oo inta aan arkay aan ahayn Soomaalida Ethiopia. Aroortii waxay u foofaan buuraha iyo meelo kaleba si ay u soo jejibiyaan dhir ay xaabo ahaan u shitaan qaarna ay magaalda u iibgeeyaan. Hadde waa subax kasta. Taasi waxay xaalufisay dhirtii. Sidii in aan intaasi dhib ugu filneyn, waxaa ugu darsamay jiilaal aad u kulul. Akhristaha aan ka warqabinow, inkasta oo degaanka Borame xoolo laga dhaqdo haddana waa degaan qodaal ama beeraleey ah. Magaalada Borame culeyska saaran waxaa ka mid ah mid uga yimid ehel iyo qaraabo. Magaalda waxaa ku soo biiray barakacayaal ka soo qaxay Hargeysa iyo magaalooyin kale oo dagaalku dhulka dhigay. Ma ahan keliya dad asal ahaan ka soo jeeday Borame oo u soo gurya-noqday. Laakiin rayid badan oo degganaa Hargeysa, markii dagaalka fool-ka-foolka ahi uu ka billowday dad badani waxay u qaxeen magaalada weyn ee ugu dhow – Borame. Oday reer Borama ah ayaa soo koobay xaaladda Awdal ay ku jirtay xilligaas. Wuxuu ka mid ahaa rag aan baabuur isla raacnay oo safar dhulka ah aan gobolka Awdal intiisa badan ku marnay. Borame gudaheeda sida looga dareemayo si ka culus ayaan intaba indhaheenna ugu soo aragnay colaadda, qaxootiga iyo jiilaalka. Odagu wuxuu qabay oo ka dhab ahayd in adduunku dhammaan rabo oo adduunya gaddoonkii la soo gaaray. Da’diisa isaga oo cuskanaya wuxuu yiri: Intaas aan jiray weligeey ma arag waxan oo colaad ah, Qaxooti wax walba diiranaya, iyo jiilaal sidan u adag oo haddana wada socda! Waxani waa adduunyo-gaddoon. Duullaan Aniga oo galab la sheekeysanaya akhyaar reer Borame ah ayaa waxaa korkeenna isdaba joog uga dhacay qori aad u culus oo weligeey aanan maqal shanqartiisa argaggaxna wata. Raggii aan wadajoognay markiiba way dhaqaaqeen iyaga oo wejiyadoodu ay durba isbeddeleen. Mid ii warramay iyo laba is wareysatay ma jirin. Waxay u dhigantay marka hadda Muqdisho meel aad joogto uu qarax ka dhaco dareenka ay dadku muujiyaan. Inta badbaadda iswareysigu waa dambeyn doonaa laakiin qacda hore waa nin walbow naftaa. War maxaa dhacay? Ayaan ku celceliyay. Baabuurkii u horreeyay ayaa dhaqaaqay iyada oo qof ii jawaabay aanuu jirin. Anigu waxaan u qaatay in la isa soo galay oo uu magaalada dagaal ka dhex socdo. Nin ayaa hadal kala dhimman oo aan isku toosneyn igula hadlay waxaanan ka fahmay in isbitaalka ay raggii wada qabteen xataa ilaaladii guriga qaarkood. Isbitaalka ayaan aniguna aaday. Sannadaha badan ee aan dhex marayay dagaalka sokeeye ee Soomaaliya weligeey ma arag goob dhiillo dagaal oo intaa le’egi ay taallo. Waan arkay goob ka murugo badan, laakiin ma arag goob ka walaac, qiiro iyo xamaasad badan. Baabuur weyn oo dhiig leh ayaa laga dejiyanayaa dhaawac qaarkii taahayo iyo meyd. Hooyada barooraneysa, tan la aammusinayo, gabadha laga hortaagan yahay in ay indhaheeda saarto muuqaal la is leeyahay qalbigeedu ma xammili karo… Baroorta iyo catowga haweenka iyo waxa is qabsatay qeylada ka baxaysa ragga oo qaarkii uu amar bixinayo, ini ay dayac tilmaamayso, kuwo kale ay wax saxayaan, mid kale ila qabo leeyahay iyo waxyaabo la hal maala. Ma ahayn muuqaal indhaha iyo dhegaha toona u roon. Waxaa isaguna meesha taagan baabuur weyn oo kacsan oo u diyaar ah in uu dhaqaaqo oo rag qaylinayaa ay ag taagan yihiin. Waxaan moodayay in ay dhaawac kale doonayaan. Waxayse ahayd marka keliya ee aan abidkeey isa soo taagay goob dagaal laga abaabulayo. Dhallinyaro ayaa markiiba gaariga ku boodday. Qaarkood waxay sitaan qoryo. Kuwo kalena waa gacna maran yihiin oo waa sacabbooleey. Gaarigii koowaad waa dhaqaaqay, kii labaadna wuu sii buuxsamayay marka aan ka tegey. Meesha dhaawaca laga keenay oo aan magaalada ka fogeyn ayay u socdaan. SNM ayaa soo weerartay Goraya-Cawl oo in badan ka sokeysa Gebileey. Qoriga la riday waxaa markii dambe la ii sheegay in uu ahaa qoriga Ruushku u sameystay lidka dayaaradaha ee dhumcdiisu ay tahay 37 mm ee Soomaalidu ay ugu yeerto dhexroorka dumcdiisa oo tiro Talyaani ah, Trenta Sette. Rabbi mahaddii waxay ahayd markii iigu horreysay iiguna dambeysay ee qorigaas shanaqatriisa aan maqlo. Waa baaq ay magaaladu isla taqaan in marka la maqlo Trenta Sette la isugu soo baxo barxadda Isbitaalka hortiisa ah. Waa saddex midkood – waa dhaawac la keenay, ama waa qeylo-dhaan gurmad-doon ah. Haddii kale waa sida galabta oo kale oo labaduba ay isla socdaan. Mobile-foon ma jiro, haddana wararka ka imaanaya jiidda dagaalku si joogta ah ayay isaga soo daba dhacayeen. Magaalada oo dhanna waxay la mid ahayd in ay dagaalka ku jirto. Sheekada aan maqli jiray waxay ahayd in ay Dowladdu hubeyso reer Borame si ay ula dagaallamaan SNM. Muuqaalka aan anigu galabtaas arkay wuxuu ahaa mid inta markaas ah aan ka dareemi karay in reer Awdal ay ahaayeen dad ku jira dagaal ku-qabatay ah oo aanay xataa beel ahaan ugu abaabulneyn. Habeenkaas waxaan Borame gudaheeda ku arkay gaari kuwa dagaalka ah oo cilladeysan. Nin makaanik ah ayaa habeenkaa ku dhafray oo ku shaqeynayay iftiinka tiriig ama mataramakis u shidnaa. Isbitaalku ma ahayn meel la isku wareysan karo. Markii aan ka soo laabannay ayaan nin weydiiyay dhallinyarada dagaalka u socday qaarkood qori ma sidan ee maxay u aadeen goobta? Wuxuu ii sheegay ragga qoryaha sita marka mid la dilo in qorigiisa la siin doono mid sacabbooleey ah. Nin aan Borame ku saaxiibnay oo aan hore uga doodi jirnay dagaalka ayaan is aragnay. Ra’yiga aan kula doodi jiray ayaa ahaa in ay hubaal tahay in xal loo heli karo dagaalka kala dhexeeya SNM. Waxaan ka eegayay in labada dhinac ay in badan oo fac-ka-fac ah is dhaleen, degaan wadaag ay yihiin iyo SNM oo ciidanka Dowladda dagaal kula jirta in ay danteedu ku jirto in aanay is leyn reer Awdal. Wuxuu hadda ka hor ii qiray in la is dhalay, oo hooyadii ay tahay beelaha taageera SNM. Inanta uu isagu dhaleyna uu qabo nin isaga reer abtigiis ah. Laakiin saaxiibkeey wuu iga diidi jiray sida aan arrinta u dhigayo. Isaga oo dooddiisu ay mar walba ahayd reer Awdal duullaan kuma aha SNM ee difaac ayay uga jiraan. SNM haddii aan dani ugu jirin in ay nala dagaallamaan heshiis kale uma baahna ee duullaanka uun ha naga daayeen. Annagu dhulna kuma haysanno, wax kalena uguma soconno. Galabtaas wuu ila hadlay isaga oo isku dayaya in uu ra’yigeygii u quus-gooyo. Wuxuu igu yiri waad arkeysaa. Ma innaga ayaa duullaan ku ah degaan SNM mise iyaga nagu soo duulay? Carada wejigiisa ka muuqatay iyo garaaca wadnihiisu xowliga uu ku socday oo neetfiisa laga dareemi karay ma ahayn kuwo saamaxaya in dood deggan lala geli karo. Hadalka uu yirina waxaa uu inta markaas ah u markhaati furayay xaaladda aan dhex taagneyn. Waan ka gaabsaday oo Doodda lama sii wadin. W/Q. Yuusuf Garaad

Ahmed Abiye to succeed Hailemariam as the chairperson of the coalition, meaning he automatically became premier ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – Ethiopia’s ruling coalition voted in Abiye Ahmed as new prime minister on Tuesday following the resignation of Hailemariam Desalegn last month, the state-run Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation said. The state-run channel said the 180-member council of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) chose Abiye to succeed Hailemariam as the chairperson of the coalition, meaning he automatically became premier. “In today’s session, the council held a vote and elected Abiye Ahmed as chairperson,” said the presenter from the state-run EBC in the announcement. He did not give any further details. According to the breaking news from Reuters Abiy received 108 votes, Shiferaw Shigute 59 votes and Debretsion Gebremichael 2 votes. Demeke Mekonen was not a candidate. Ethiopian sources that are close to Ahmed told that he was born to a Muslim father and Christian mother. He comes from a military and intelligence background and ranked as high as colonel in the Ethiopian army. He was also a member of the peacekeeping force that was deployed in Rwanda. Ahmed is fluent in English and three local Ethiopian languages. He completed a PhD in 2017 from Institute for Peace and Security Studies at Addis Ababa University. In 2016, he was appointed Minister of Science and Technology. The ruling coalition has struggled to contain persistent and violent unrest since 2015, the biggest challenge to its hold on power since 1991. Anti-government protests began in 2015 over land rights before broadening into demonstrations over political and human rights. The government has twice imposed emergency rule, most recently last month after Hailemariam’s resignation, to contain unrest mainly in Oromiya province, the country’s most populous region. Amid the violence, security forces have killed hundreds of people, rights groups say.

Koox ku hubeeysanaa Bastoolado ayaa Magaalada Muqdisho waxa ay ku toogteen Xildhibaan ka tirsaneyd Maamulka Koonfur Galbeed ee Soomaaliya. Kooxahaasi ayaa dilay allaha u naxariistee Xildhibaanad Ruqiyo Abshir Gambane oo Baarlamaanka koonfur Galbeed katirsaneyd. Allaha u naxariistee Xildhibaanada ayaa lagu dilay xaafada Maana Booliyo Degmadda Shibis ee Gobolka Banaadir Gaar ahaan Farmishiye ay ku laheyd oo Gurigeedii ku dhexyaalay. Geerida Xildhibaanada ayaa waxaa Warbaahinta Gudaha ee Muqdisho u xaqiijiyay Wasiirka warfaafinta Maamulkaasi Ugaas Xasan Cabdi Maxamed. Dilka kadib ciidamo katirsan kuwa dowlada ayaa tagay oo howlgalo halkaasi ka sameeyay. Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa waxaa ka dhaca dilalka qorsheeysan oo loo geeysto masuuliyiinta dowlada iyo kuwa maamul Goboleedyada. Xasan Maxamed Samatar Cowke Puntland Post Muqdisho The post Xildhibaanad lagu dilay Magaalada Muqdisho appeared first on Puntland Post.

DPP nominee Noordin Haji Mar. 27, 2018, 12:30 am By JOHN MUCHANGI, Kenya’s plan to carve out a semi-autonomous region called Jubaland in Somalia had already been finalised as early as 2010. The final process, which placed Kenya at loggerheads with the Somali government in Mogadishu, took place in January 2013 in Kismayu. At least 522 delegates were brought in to rubberstamp decisions and formally install the President — former militia leader Sheikh Ahmed Madobe. This process is the highlight of the 19-year career of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s DPP nominee. Noordin Haji, currently a deputy director of the National Intelligence Service, is the son of Garissa Senator Yusuf Haji, who was Kenya’s Defence minister until April 2013. From 2010 to 2013, Noordin co-chaired the Igad joint committee on stabilisation of Somalia — the Kenya-led process that created Jubaland. Noordin lists his major achievement on his CV as having “successfully established the Jubaland Federal State of Somalia”. He says this “ensured Kenya’s interest in securing its borders through the creation of buffer zones” across the neighbouring country. Jubaland stretches along the entire Kenyan border, effectively creating a buffer zone with the rest of Somalia. But the jury is still out whether this has prevented terrorists from crossing over into Kenya. In September 2013, Kenyans indirectly interacted with Noordin when his brother, Abdul Haji, rescued him and other hostages from terrorists at the Westgate Mall. Abdul was the man famously photographed rescuing a little white girl in the deserted mall. Noordin was born on July 3, 1973, in Malindi, Kilifi county. His mother was a high school teacher and his father a powerful provincial commissioner from 1970 to 1997. “Having been civil servants, my family constantly moved across the country. I began my formative years in school at DEB Nyahururu Primary School, subsequently moving from Standard One to Eight in different schools across the country, Nakuru, Mombasa, Nyeri, Eldoret and Garissa, to name but a few,” Noordin told MPs yesterday during his vetting. “This exposed me to the rich diversity of our Kenyan cultures, allowing me to appreciate, at an early age, our interdependence as a society.” He was admitted to Moi High School, Kabarak, and left in 1989. He proceeded to the Greensteads High School in Nakuru for his O-level education. He did his A-level studies at the Bronte College of Canada, and then acquired bachelor’s and master’s law degrees from the University of Wales, UK. He proceeded for a diploma at the Kenya School of Law in 1998. He briefly taught at Moi University.

Dalka Itoobiya ayaa markii ugu horeeysay waxaa Ra’isilwasaare ka Noqonayo Nin Oromo ah oo Muslim ah. Abiyyi Ahmed Ali waa nin udhashay Qoomiyada ugu badan Itoobiya ee Oromada waa siyaasi rug Cadaa ah wuxuuna hada yahay hogaamiyaha xisbiga OPDP (Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization). Abiyyi Ahmed 44 jir katirsan Baarlamaanka dalkaasi kana mid ah rugcadaaga siyaasadeed ee dalka Itoobiya. Horay ayuu u soo noqday Ra’isilwasaare ku xigeenka dalka Itoobiya uu muddo hayay. Waa aqoonyahan Shahaadada PHD-da ka diyaariyay Sayniska iyo Tiknoolajiyada. Waxaa arintaasi soo dhowaayay shacabka dalka Itoobiya waxaana uu u muuqdaa in ay dariishada ka bixi doonto khilaafka iyo kacdoonkii Oromada. Xasan Maxamed Samatar Cowke Puntland Post Muqdisho The post Itoobiya oo yeelaneeysa Ra’isilwasaarihii ugu horeeyay oo Muslim ah appeared first on Puntland Post.

Xisbiga talada haya ee dalka Ethiopia ayaa Abiy Ahmed oo ah muslim kasoo jeeda qowmiyada Oromada udoortay hogaamiyahooda, sida lagasoo xigtay warbaahinta dowladda Ethiopia. Abiy Ahmed ayaa ugu dambayn noqondoona Raysal Wasaaraha cusub ee dalka Ethiopia, isagoo xilka kala wareegaya Hailemariam Desalegn, oo bishii February iscasilay. Demeke Mekonnen, ayaa isagana loo doortay inuu noqdo ku xigeenka hogaamiyaha xisbiga talada ee EPRDF, sida warbixinta lagu sheegay. Abiy Ahmed ayaa noqondoona taariikhda markii ugu horeysay oo qof muslim ah uu hogaamiyaha ugu sareeya ka noqdo dalkaas, marka laga hadlayo taariikhda cusub ee Ethiopia. Xisbiga Oromada (OPDO), ayaa dhawaan Abiy Ahmed u doortay hogaamiyahood. Abiy Ahmed, ayaa haatan sugaya inuu barlamaanka Ethiopia meel mariyo si uu unoqdo raysal Wasaaraha soo socda ee dalka Ethiopia Puntlandi.com

Ethiopia's ruling coalition has elected Abiy Ahmed as its new chairman, according to state media. The announcement on Tuesday by state broadcaster FANA means that Ahmed... Source: Hiiraan Online

Ethiopia's ruling coalition has elected Abiy Ahmed as its new chairman, according to state media. The announcement on Tuesday by state broadcaster FANA means that Ahmed... Source: Hiiraan Online

Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya, ayaa dacwad ka dhan ah Imaaraadka Carabta u gudbisay Gollaha Amaanka ee Qaramadda Midoobey, taasi oo ku saabsan saldhigga Militeri ee magaalada Berbera. Abuukar Cabdi Cismaan, Safiirka Soomaaliye ee QM ayaa u sheegay Gollaha Amaanka in Tallaabada Imaaraadka ee uu Saldhigga Militeriga uga dhisanayo Berbera ay halis ku tahay Madax-banaanida Soomaaliya iyo Shuruucda Caalamiga ah. Safiirka ayaa ugu baaqay Gollaha Amaanka inay soo farageliyaan arinta dhisamaha Saldhigga Militeri ee Berbera, islamarkaana tallaabo laga qaado dowladda Imaaraadka oo uu ku eedeeyay inay faragelin ku hayso arrimaha Soomaaliya. “Arrimaha Imaaraadka uu kawado Soomaaliya waa ku-xadgudub qaawan, oo lagu sameynayo shuruucda caalamiga ah iyo midka QM, waxaana uu dhaawacayaa cunaqabeyntii hubka ee saarnayd Soomaaliya,” ayuu yiri Safiirka. Waa dacwadii labaad oo sanadkan gudihiisa Soomaaliya ka gudbiso Imaaraadka, iyadii midii tan ka horeysay u u gubisay bishan Ururka Jaamacadda Carabta, taasi oo ku saabsanayd Heshiiska Dekedda Berbera ee Somaliland iyo DP World. Somaliland ayaa bishii Maarso ee 2017 la gashay Imaaraadka Heshiiska saldhigga Militeri ee Berbera, kaasi oo Warbixintii ugu dambeysay ee UN Monitering Group lagu sheegay inuu dhismihiisa la billaabay. Xiriirka Soomaaliya iyo Imaaraadka ayaa mudooyinkii dambe sii xumaanayay wixii ka dambeeyay markii DP World Heshiiska Saddex geesoodka ah ee Dekedda Berbera la gashay Somaliland iyo Itoobiya horaantii bishan.

The pensive face of Nasa leader Raila Odinga as he helplessly watched security officers grab Miguna Miguna by the waist in a bid to force him out of the country on Monday night told it all. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Safiirka Somalia u fadhiya Qaramada Midoobay, Abuukar Daahir Cismaan [Baalle] ayaa dacwad ka dhan dalka Isu-tagga Imaaraadka Carabta u gudbiyay Golaha Ammaanka ee QM, isagoo xusay in Imaaraadka Carabta ay ku xad-gudubtay Qaranimada Somalia. Abuukar Baalle oo qudbad u jeediyay Golaha Ammaanka ayaa ugu horeyntii u mahadceliyay Madaxweynaha cusub ee golaha ammaanka Khdbadiisa oo ka koobneyd saddex bog ayaa wuxuu ku eedeeyay Dowladda Imaaraadka Carabta heshiiska ay shirkada DP World la gashay maamulka la magic-baxay Somaliland waxana uu sheegay danjiruhu inay tahay xadgudub lagula kacay xornimada iyo madax banaanida dalka Soomaaliya. “Dowladda Somalia waxay si kulul u cambaareyneysaa xadgudubka lagula kacay waxayna qaadi doonto wax walba oo ay ku ilaalin karto Qaranimadeeda iyo jiritaankeeda,” ayuu yiri Abuukar Baalle. Sidoo kale, khudbadiisa ayuu danjiruhu u sheegay inay heshiiska Waddanka Imaaraadka Carabta iyo Maamulka Somaliland ay wadagaleen labo sano ka hor taasoo ah in Dowladda Imaaraadka Carabta ay Saldhig Milatari ka sameysato magaalada Berbera uu xad-gudub ku yahay cunoqabataynta saaran dalka Somalia. Danjire Abuukar Baalle ayaa ugu baaqay Golaha Amaanka ee Qaramada Midoobey in tallaabada lagama maarmaanka ah ka qaataan arrinta saldhigga Milateri ee Imaaraadka carabta ka dhisanayo Berbera, taasoo uu xusay inay caqabad ku noqon karto cunqabateynta hubka ee saaran Soomaaliya. Safirirka Somalia ee QM – ayaa walaac ka muujiyay khudbadaha Madaxda UNSOM ka jeediyaan shirarka arrimaha siyaasadda, kaasoo uu ku sheegay inay si qaldan uga hadlaan arrimaha Soomaaliya. Abuukar Baalle wuxuu sheegay in Madaxda UNSOM looga baahan yahay inay qaataan mas’uuliyadooda, si waafaqsan waajibaadkooda, isla markaana ka fogaadaan dareenada siyaasadeed ee jira. Ugu dabmeyn, Danjiraha Soomaaliya ee QM ayaa waxa uu u mahadceliyay Qaramada Midoobay dadaalka ay ugu jirto sidii Soomaaliya ay horumar ugu tallaabsan lahayd. PUNTLAND POST The post Dowlada Somalia oo Maanta Qoraal Dacwad ah ka Gudbiyay Dalka Imaaraadka Carabta appeared first on Puntland Post.

Hooyo KHadiijo Cali Mire Hooyo Diib Axmed SHeikh-Doon DHammaan Ilmo Xaashi Wayrax DHammaan Ilmo Max’ed C. Sooyaan iyo DHammaan qoyska reer Wayrax, oo ku kala nool dalka gudihiisa iyo dibaddiisa, waxay iyagoo la qaybsanaya tiiraanyada Tacsi u dirayaan Hooyo Saciido Xaashi Wayrax iyo guud ahaan caruurtii uu ka geeriyooday Alle ha u naxariistee Colonel Axmed Max’ed Jaamac (Axmed-Caato) oo shalay ku geeriyooday magaallada London ee dalka Britain, waxayna marxuumka Alle uga baryayaan denbi dhaaf iyo inuu naxariistiisii Janno siiyo, Qoyska iyo guud ahaan ehellada uu ka baxayna sabur buuxa ka siiyo gadaashiisana aysan fidnoobin. “أللهم آمين”

Intii dhawaanahanba ah waxaa jiray wisiisi ummadda Soomaaliyeed gaar ahaan Gobolka Gedo galay. Dhiiladaas waxay sii laba kaclaysay kolkii dawladda Kenya bilowday inay hirgeliso derbi ay ku sheegtay inay ka dhisayso xuduud-ku-sheegta. Hadaba sidee wax uga jiraan arrintaas, maxayse yihiin dhinacyada loo baahan yahay inay ka hadlaan? Sida aan kasoo xigtay dad aan isku meel kusoo wada kornay oo isugu jira Sanatar, xildhibaano, wariyayaal madax banaan iyo aqoonyahan soomaaliyeed oo arrimaha xuduudda khibrad dheer u leh kana soo jeeda degaanka laga hadlayo, iyo aqoonta qodada dheer ee aan u leeyahay deegaankaas waxaa jira xariiq kala qaybisa labada qoys ee kala degan laba dhinac , xariiqdaas oo aanu dastuurka Soomaaliyeed aqoonsanayn, sidaa awgeedna ay tahay khalad in lagu tilmaamo xuduud. Dawladihii soo maray wadanka Soomaaliyeed waxay isla ogolaadeen xukuumadda Kenya in xariiqaas sidaa loo daayo illaa laga gaadhayo xilli ku haboon oo labada wadani ka wada hadlaan xuduudda dhabta ahi halka ay noqonayso. Heshiiskaas farsamo waxuu dhigayaa in labada wadan ay xariiqaas ka fogaadaan masaafad dhan 120m dhinac walba. Masaafaddaas waxaa labada dhinacba ka reebbanayd inay dhisaan. Hadaba burburkii dawladdii dhexe ee Soomaaliyeed waxaa ka dhashay qaxooti labada dhinac ee xariiqdinta dheer dhan walba u butaacay. Dadkaas qayb kamid ahi waxay salka dhigtay degmada maanta muranka dhalisay ee Balad-Xaawo & deegaamo kale oo uusan darbigu wali gaadhin. Deegaanka u fiday labada dhinac ayaa keenay in laga tallaabo xariiqii kala badhayay labada dhinac. Maanta oo ay timid inay Kenya derbi dhistana waxaa ka dhashay in cagafta la mariyo aqaladii ka dhisnaa xariiqa shishadiisa, iyada oo ay dhici karto dhismahaas ay meesha ka dhisteen in sharci & aqoonsi daganaansho ay u haystaan, halkaana waxaa ka dhalatay qaylada maanta taagan. Qaylada xariiqa u dhaxeeya labada dhinac si loo xaqiijiyo in Kenya ay kusoo xad-gudubtay iyo in kale waxaa tiro dhawr jeer ahba dawladihii kala danbeeyay ay u direen guddi xaqiiqo raadin, kuwaas oo indhahooda kusoo arkay xaqiiqda dhabta ah & waxa meesha ka jira, dibna ugusoo noqday mas’uuliyiinta ugu sareysa wadanka siiyeyna xog & warbixin dhameystiran. Hadaba mas’uuliyiinta ummaddu waxay gafeen inay ummadda soomaaliyeed si dhab ah ula wadaagaan waxa jiray ee guddigu u keenay iyo siday iyaga ula muuqato inay arrintaas wax uga qabtaan. Sameyn la’aanta ama ka gaabsiga arrinkaasi waxuu ummadda ku abuuray walaahoow iyo mala’awaal cadho badan beeray. Waxaan aaminsanahay inay arrintu deganaan lahayd haddii la heli lahaa mas’uuliyiin hormuud ummadda u ah oo ka hadlaysa mar walba wixii soo kordha. Intaas haddii aan kusoo ibo-maro xariiqdaas iyo waxa ka taagan waxaan midh yar ka odhan lahaa darbiga Kenya dhisayso. Darbiga maanta la dhisayo waxuu ku lahaan doonaa saameyn taban bulshada labada dhinac degta oo xigto iyo xigaalo ah. Waxuu kala teedayaa wiil & aabihii & laba wada dhalatay, waxaana ku lumaya is weheshiga labada qoys ee labada dhinac degan. Baylahda dhaqan-dhaqaale, bulsho iyo deegaan ee ka dhalanaysa derbigaa waa mid aan la saadaalin karin. Arrinta kale ee u baahan in hoosta laga xariiqo ayaa iyaduna ah in darbigu Kenya u xalaalaynayo dhul horeyba ay u duudsiday welina aan laga wada xisaabtamin, wadadii Kenya ay usii mari lahayd badda muranka gashayna uu noqdo darbigaas. waxaana xusid mudan in darbigan uusan ku koobnaan doonin inta u dhaxaysa Balad-xaawo & Mandheere balse uu yahay darbi masaafadiisu gaadhayso in ka badan 700-km uuna ku dhamaan doono halka uu ka jiro muran baddeedka Soomaaliya & Kenya. Hadaba waa halkan meesha la rabo in dadka degan labada dhinac ee isdhalay ay si wadajir ah uga dhiidhiyaan dhisida darbigaas iyagoo aanan cid kale xajiimaynaynin. Axmed Maxamed Xasan Ahmed3151@gmail.com 27/3-2018

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Waxaa magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimada Somalia ka socda loolankii ugu danbeeyay ee u dhexeeya Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka Somalia Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari iyo Xildhibaanada Mooshinka kawada Guddoomiyaha. Guddoomiye Jawaari oo ku jira maalmihii ugu danbeeyay ee fursadiisa ayaa dadaal badan ku bixinaaya sida uu uga dabaalan lahaa Mooshinka la filaayo in loo codeeyo dhamaadka asbuucaani. Gudoomiye Jawaari oo og saameynta Xildhibaanada tirada badan ee Mooshinka gudbisay, ayaa waxa uu maalmahan waday olole uu ku kasbanaayo Xildhibaanada isagoo adeegsanaya lacago tiro badan oo uu ka soo qaatay Dowladdo Shisheeye. Guddoomiye Jawaari oo u muuqda mid ku taamaaya inuu kusii raagi doona Kursiga ayaa iminka bilaabay bixinta dhaqaale xoogan oo uu siinaayo Xildhibaanada garabka u ah. Guddoomiye Jawaari, ayaa bixinta lacagaha ugu kala roonaanaaya Xildhibaanada, waxaana jira xogo muujinaaya in qaarkood lasiiyay lacago 5,000, 10,000 ilaa 15,000 oo dollarka Mareykanka. Jawaari oo garab muuqda ka helaaya dowlada Imaaraadka Carabta, Sacuudiga iyo Agaasimaha shirkada DP World, ayaa dhaqaalaha ugu badan siinaaya Xildhibaanada howsha u wada. Waxaa la xaqiijiyay in bixinta dhaqaalaha uu uga Wakiil yahay Xildhibaan C/rashiid Xiddig oo isagu qeyb ka ahaa Xildhibaanada ay dowlada Imaaraadka dhaqaalaha ugu soo dhiibtay Jawaari, si looga dulqaado Mooshinka. C/rashiid Xiddig ayaa waxaa guddiga ololaha u qaabilsan Jawaari ku daray Ex Ra’isul wasaarihii hore ee Somalia Cumar C/rashiid, waxa uuna iminka u dhexeeyaa Jawaari iyo Xildhibaanada ku garabka ah, isagoo aad uga soo horjeeda Mooshin wadayaasha. Sidoo kale, Qaar kamid ah Xildhibaanada saacadihii ugu danbeeyay Jawaari kulanka kula qaatay Villa Hargeysa, ayaa sheegay iney quus ka muuqatay Jawaari, mararka qaarna uu ku celcelinayay Su’aalo mar hore looga Jawaabay. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Xildhibaanada baarlamaanka Somalia ayaa waxaa ka go’an inay qarka ka tuuran Guddoomiye Jawaari oo u muuqda mid la xawsanaaya Kursiga. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Xoogaga ururka Al-shabaab ee weerarada ku qaada xarumaha Dowladda iyo Hotelada Magaalada Muqdisho waxa ay inta badan waxa ay soo xirtaan Dareeska Ciidanka, hadii ay yihiin Millitariga, Nabad sugidda iyo Booliska. Markii ugu dambeysay Al-shabaab ay ku weerar tagaan labiska Ciidanka Dowladda waxa ay aheyd 23-kii bishii ina dhaaftay, xilligaasi oo laba weerar ay ka dhaceen magaalada Muqdisho, weerarka hore waxaa loo adeegsaday qarax Baabuur waxaana uu ka dhacay meel u dhow Taliska xarunta Nabad sugidda, halka kan labaadna loo adeegsaday qarax oo ay daba socdeen rag hubeysan oo isku dayay in ay jiiraan Kontorool laga galo Madaxtooyada. Markii uu soo dhamaaday Howlgalka ee Ciidamada amniga ay toogteen raggii hubeysnaa ee Shabaab ka tirsanaa, waxaa sawiradii laga qaaday ka muuqatay in ay wateen Dareeskii ugu dambeeyay ee loo qeybiyay Ciidamada Dowladda. Weerarkaasi kadib ayaa Taliska Booliska waxa ay saraakiisha Gobolada ka codsadeen in ay soo tirakoobaan dhammaan Dareeskii la siiyay, dhammaan Gobolada waxa ay sheegeen in labiskooda uu u dhan yahay marka laga reebo, Taliska Booliska Koonfur Galbeed oo sheegay maqnaansho 10 joog oo ah labiskii cusbaa ee ugu dambeeyay la siiyo Booliska. Mid ka mid ah saraakiisha Booliska Gobolka Baay ayaa Taliyiihisa u sheegay maqnaansha labiskaasi, ugu yaraan bil iyo bar kahor markii uu dhacay weerarkii Muqdisho, sarkaalkaasi wuxuu ahaa Taliyaha Booliska Magaalada Baydhabo Gaashaanle Dhexe Muqtaar Axmed Ibraahim, waxaana uu sameeyay wixii awoodiisa gaarsiisaneyd ee ah inuu Taliyihiisa gaarsiiyo maqnaanshaha labiskaasi, Gen. Mahad C/raxmaan Aadan oo ah Taliyaha Booliska Koonfur Galbeed. Gaashaanle Dhexe Muqtaar Axmed Ibraahim ayaa sheegay in labiska uu ku haray magaalada Muqdisho, wuxuu bixiyay magacyada laba ka mid ah saraakiisha Koonfur Galbeed oo uu sheegay in iyaga ay Muqdisho ka ambabixiyeen dharkaasi, labadaasi sarkaal mid ka mid ah waa Korneel Aadan Baariyow Taliyaha Tababarka Booliska Koonfur Galbeed, halka kan kalena uu ahaa Laba Xidigle Cali Aadan oo la sheegay in uu Muqdisho u soo diray Taliyaha Booliska Koonfur Galbeed si uu dharka u soo gudoomo. Aadan Baariyow oo arrintan ka hadlay ayaa sheegay inuu joogay halkii dharkan lagu bixinayay oo aysan waxba ka maqneyn xilligaasi, balse markii dambe uu maqlay in dhar ay maqan yihiin, welina aanan waxba la iska weydiinin. Laba Xidigle Cali Aadan oo dhankiisa arrinatan si kooban uga hadlay ayaa yiri “Arrimahaasi waa arrimo ciidan, waa arrimo Boolis, Afhayeenka Booliska waa joogaa, wax aan ka hadlo magaranayo, cidii dharka soo qaaday iyo cidii saxiixday xafiisyada Booliska ayay yaalaan.” Ayuu yiri. Hadaba su’aalaha muhiimka ah ee u baahan in la is weydiiyo ayaa ah Maxaa talaabo ah oo Ciidanka Booliska ay qaadeen ? kadib markii uu digniintan bixiyay Gaashaanle Dhexe Muqtaar Axmed Ibraahim, su’aal kale ayaa ah ma cadahay in dharkaasi loo adeegsaday weerarkii dhacay bishii Febraayo 23-keedii ? Taliska Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliya ayaa waxa ay sheegeen in ay baaritaan wadaan, welina ay wadaan xaqiijinta falkaasi, hadana aysan bixin karin macluumaad dheeraad ah. Taliyaha Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliya Bashiir Cabdi Maxamed ayaa yiri “Wax warbixin ah ma jiraan, waala baarayaa, guddi ayaa maqan saraakiil ayaa la diray, waala baarayaa, baaritaanka wixii ka soo baxa ayaan ku camal faleynaa. Shabaabkii ka dambeeyay weerarkii dhacay 23-kii bishii Febraayo ayaa waxa ay ahaayeen ilaa 5 qof, taasina waxa ay ka dhigan tahay in weli Al-shabaab ay heystaan ugu yaraan ilaa Shann joog, hadii ay dhab tahay in Tobanka joog ee ka maqan Koonfur Galbeed ay gacanta u galeen Shabaab. Isha: VOA Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Dagaal u dhaxeeyay ciidamo ka wada tirsan dowladda Federaalka ayaa waxa uu maanta ka dhacay magaalada Muqdisho, gaar ahaan Xaafada aaga Xerada 77 oo ku taalla degmada deeyniile ee Gobolka Banaadir. Dagaalka oo muddo socday ayaa waxa ay labada ciidan isku adeegsadeen Hubka noocyadiisa kala duwan, waxa uuna dagaalka yimid kadib markii ay kala shakiyeen. Dadka deegaanka ayaa sheegay in ciidamo ka tirsan dowlada ay si lama filaan ah dhexda uga dhaceen ciidamo kale oo aag ku jiray, waxaana sidaa ku bilowday dagaalka. Dagaalka ayaa waxaa ka dhashay khasaaro kala duwan oo soo kala gaaray labada ciidan, waxaana lasoo sheegayaa in khasaaraha dhimasho uu gaarayo laba askari, halka dhaawacana uu ku dhow yahay afar. Sidoo kale, dagaalada u dhexeeya ciidamada dowlada ayaa ku soo beegmaaya xili maleeshiyaadka al-Shabaab ay ku mashquulsan yihiin carqaladeynta amniga, halka ciidamaduna ay yihiin kuwo iyaga un is arka. Maalmihii ugu danbeeyay waxaa magaalada Muqdisho kusoo badanaayay weeraro ismiidaamin iyo dilal kala ceyn ah oo dhamaantooda lala eeganaayo dadka shacabka ah. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

The US has nothing to fear – that’s the message broadcast loud and clear by Djibouti’s government after its annexation of a key container port in Djibouti City last month. But Djibouti’s veteran dictator, Ismail Omar Guelleh, gives Washington every reason to worry. Under Guelleh’s loan-thirsty leadership, Djibouti is succumbing to Beijing’s global influence policy of “debt trap diplomacy.” As a result, the recently nationalized Doraleh Container Terminal may very well end up in Beijing’s hands. Even if Guelleh assured the international community he has no intentions of so doing, it certainly wouldn’t be the first time a foreign partner had to give up a strategic asset to write off debt to Beijing. But by handing such a prized asset off to China, Djibouti may well deal a blow not only to the United States’ strategic interests but also to the international order. In purely economic and historical terms, Djibouti is not an obvious choice of “strategic partner” for any state. It’s a tiny, poor, apocalyptically dry East African country with little to speak of in terms of human capital or natural resources. Djibouti’s global importance only makes sense once you look at a map. Overlooking a strategic chokepoint traversed by one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes and providing a convenient launchpad for naval missions to the Gulf of Aden, Djibouti is perfect naval-base material. Camp Lemonnier is the forward operating base of US Africa Command, and America’s only full-fledged naval base on the continent – officially, at least. With the nearest friendly port – in Mombasa, Kenya – 2,700 kilometers away, the US, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and the European Union are dependent on Djibouti as a base for counterterrorism and anti-piracy operations. The same goes for the French, who also have a base in Djibouti City, as well as for the Japanese and Italians, who lease land around Camp Lemonnier. China joined the crowd last year when Beijing opened its first permanent overseas naval base only a few kilometers from Camp Lemonnier. At the time, the new base prompted security concerns about having Beijing as a neighbor. Now, with Djibouti deepening its dependence on Beijing and China’s global strategy of “debt trap diplomacy” coming into sharper focus, US fears are becoming more profound. China and Djibouti, despite one having a population 1,500 times as great as the other, are officially “strategic partners.” A constant shower of concessionary Chinese loans are enabling Guelleh to realize his professed mission to turn Djibouti into the “gateway to Africa.” The Doraleh Multipurpose Port projectand the Hassan Gouled Aptidon international airport are two of the big-ticket items to be funded and built by Beijing. Cumulatively, they are worth a cool billion in US dollars, or well more than half of Djibouti’s gross domestic product in 2015. But Beijing’s largesse is not prompted entirely by altruism toward the poverty-stricken country. With the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative it is increasingly obvious that China is intent on transforming its economic power into strategic might. And increasingly, it has been wielding this power by employing debt-trap diplomacy to lure poorer nations into giving up strategically important concessions. This has been taking place not only in Djibouti, but in other strategic points along China’s Belt and Road as well. Last year, after struggling to pay its onerous Chinese-held debts, Sri Lanka was forced to sell offthe Hambantota port. The US$1.3 billion asset, which was opened eight years ago using Chinese loans, was handed over to Beijing on a 99-year lease, providing China with critical access to Indian Ocean sea lanes and causing alarm in New Delhi. Even when China isn’t dramatically acquiring strategic assets, it still uses debt as leverage – in 2016, for instance, Beijing canceled $90 million of Cambodian debt in order to secure new projects funded by yet more debt. Not only that, but while banks operating by international standards opt for “sustainable financing,” Beijing isn’t squeamish about saddling tiny countries with huge debts and demanding natural resources or assets like Hambantota as collateral. The Center for Global Development recently analyzed this practice and found that eight countries along the Belt and Road are particularly vulnerable to debt traps laid by Beijing. Not surprisingly, Djibouti is counted among those eight countries. With its ratio of public debt to GDP fast approaching 100%, and many more projects in the pipeline, Djibouti will soon owe far more than it’s worth. For Beijing, that means free rein in one of the most strategically important countries on Earth. For Washington, it means America’s only naval base in Africa being hosted by a Chinese dependency. Considering that the most recent National Security Strategy describes China as America’s main strategic rival, the US AFRICOM commander is probably justified in voicing his concerns. What’s more, China’s growing presence in Djibouti affects not only the US, but also its allies and the international order it has overseen since the end of World War II. For decades, Western-brokered international standards and practices have governed how infrastructure can be financed and built. The Chinese like to point out that unlike their Western counterparts, their loans don’t come with unpopular conditions – such as adherence to democratic norms and respect for human rights. But while Beijing can afford to undercut Western governments in Africa by being prepared to bribe officials and evict locals, its loans come with their own strings attached. Instead of sustainable finance and responsible government, Beijing demands fealty and conditions that privilege China. The coming debt crunch in places like Djibouti presents problems for the US Navy – but it also promotes the idea that a tinpot dictators like Guelleh are free to pursue their unsustainable dreams in exchange for pledging allegiance to Beijing. Souurce: Asia Times

“Representation is a form of surveillance.” These words—said by Martine Syms to Doreen St. Felix in a profile in The New Yorker—have stuck with me for some time because of how apt they are—especially for Somali women, who create on the fringes of both Muslim and black cultural production. And all this creation happens while the world is watching as we grapple with how to create—and even just exist—in spite of all of the forces around us suppressing or trying to outright ban us from the public spaces. More and more people are slowly becoming cybersecurity-literate, but while some people rush to cover their webcams with tape, others can’t escape their more intimate, long-standing relationships with surveillance. As black Afrofuturists have contended with before me, black people have always been ahead of their time, and thus are no strangers to navigating and subverting the kind of mass surveillance used to police and control parts of the populace; black people have been surveilled long before the invention of any GPS device. And so, knowing this, knowing we are being watched, how do we document our current realities without filtering ourselves? How can we create without feeling like we need to censor our thoughts and feelings about the way the world is engaging with our many identities? I spoke with five Somali artists about this very issue. All of the women I spoke with flirt with someone else’s gaze, whether that be the gaze of their own communities, the male gaze, or the white gaze; these are gazes that fetishize, and they respond to them in their own ways. If these women are not archiving, documenting, and facilitating discourse, they are curating magazines and online publications. These Somali women are proactive in their own representation and hail from different backgrounds and are interested in different types of artistic expression, but underlying their creations is the daunting reality of both external and internal surveillance. Read about what creating under surveillance culture means to them. Naima Nur: Sun Song Naima Nur is an archivist and the founder of The Sun Song, an online destination featuring poetry, fiction, and essays, which she describes as a cultural hub dedicated to inclusivity. When you think of “surveillance,” what comes to mind? How much does surveillance culture impact the work you do? Both within the Somali community and outside the community? When I think of surveillance, I think of social control. Everything we do is under a microscope, but, on some level, we participate in our own surveillance by constantly updating the world on our whereabouts via social media. As a Somali, there is an added level of surveillance just within our community because we are so tight-knit. I find myself self-censoring myself online and avoiding certain scenes to avoid the gaze of the Somali community. It can be quite limiting. How has your social media usage changed when you started creating work for public consumption? What parts of your life are important for you to keep to yourself? When I first started using social media, I was quite young and carefree. I would talk about myself and what I was doing quite a bit. As I started creating work for the public, I completely stopped sharing personal details about my life. I rarely post pictures of myself or my family. The larger my platform has grown, the more private I have become. It is important to keep my personal life private to avoid the cyberbullying and abuse that comes with a public life. Do you think surveillance culture plays a role in assimilation? Do you think visibility, or the need for, forces us to want to assimilate? How true is that for you and your work? I think for sure it plays a huge part. The internet, in particular, is like the Wild West right now, because there are no set social mores or ethics. People self-censor themselves in order to protect their image and sometimes that self-censoring leads them to assimilate. I couldn’t assimilate even if I wanted to and the point of the work I do is to push the discourse forward and provide space for marginalized voices. — Rooney Elmi: Svllywood Rooney Elmi is a filmmaker, writer, and founder of Svllywood, “a digital and print leftist film editorial geared toward curating a radical cinephilia.” When you think of “surveillance,” what comes to mind? How much does surveillance culture impact the work you do? It’s a bit difficult to contextualize how I understand and navigate surveillance without divorcing myself from growing up in a post-9/11 landscape, but that’s enough to fill up a dissertation. In terms of creative endeavors, I’ve noticed that cinema tends to side-step the common anxieties of living under surveillance and reduces it to a spectacle of voyeuristic observation, which eventually helped inform the documentary I’m currently filming, Seen. [It is] a year-long video diary of my personal recordings of surveillance cameras in a variety of different locations. Even in my political organizing, it’s distressing to witness how the surveillance state has caused minor bouts of hysteria among activists, but there’s a history of the U.S government utilizing these pervasive technologies to destroy progressive movements. Growing up as a Muslim in America, especially as a Somali and being included in this travel ban monstrosity, [this] means that you’re always aware of your phantom presence on the surveillance [radar] and how that can and will be weaponized against you and your community. How has your social media usage changed when you started creating work for public consumption? Do you feel the need to be respectable or “professional”? What parts of your life are important for you to keep to yourself? Being hyper-aware of my digital footprint while being logged on is enough for me to disconnect from every app on my phone. Sometimes I fantasize about that scene in The Dark Knight Rises where Catwoman is offered a file to delete her entire identity from the online sphere and live the rest of her existence off the grid. I think that’ll be a luxury trading item in the Deep Web in the years to come, but, in the meantime, the need to engage with like-minded individuals tends to temporarily quell those anxieties. I recently had some run-ins with some industry people who’ve commented on my social media presence, and it’s made me do a double take. It’s challenging to balance the understanding of having a professional online presence while trying to portray an authentic version of yourself on the world wide web. But to be completely honest, I’m interested in critiquing structures of power and how it manifests in our collective definition of “professionalism,” which is rooted in elitism, and that’s something I’d like to see dismantled in my area of work. Do you think surveillance culture plays a role in assimilation? Do you think visibility, or the need for, forces us to want to assimilate? How true is that for you and your work? I think they inform each other and that isn’t discussed enough. It’s fascinating to see how surveillance, or at least hyper-visibility, on the online realm has translated into people voluntarily weaponizing their identities and trauma for public consumption. I think a lot of folks growing up online, myself included, have fallen for that, but it’s best to not engage. — Ifrah Ahmed: Araweelo Abroad Ifrah Ahmed works in the legal field. She’s one of the co-founders of Araweelo Abroad, a publication for Somali women. When you think of “surveillance,” what comes to mind? How much does surveillance culture impact the work you do? Both within the Somali community and outside the community? I think of state-sanctioned spying and monitoring of the various communities that I am a part of. Within the context of the U.S., black people have been under surveillance in some form since we’ve arrived. We often think about surveillance as a modern thing due to the rise of technology, but the surveillance of black people goes as far back as chattel slavery. Whether it was overseers, slave catchers, or slave masters monitoring and brutally enforcing the systemic subjugation of black people or Jim Crow or even the recent targeting of the Black Lives Matter movement, black people have always been under surveillance. The state has relied on surveillance as a tool to oppress and upkeep white supremacy. That’s also just in the United States. There’s also the surveillance of black and brown people worldwide. I just think about things like colonialism and even America’s foreign policy of interfering with and destabilizing many countries around the world. Surveillance has always been an important tool in furthering the agendas of oppressive states. Muslims have also been targeted by the state. In addition to the international war on terror, you have the domestic surveillance of Muslims throughout the United States. No-fly lists, extreme vetting of refugees, travel bans—these all have roots in surveillance. Somalis belong to three communities that have been and are under surveillance in some form or another—we are black, we are largely Muslim, and many of us are refugees or the children of refugees. The fear of surveillance is a real thing in many Somali-American communities. Minnesotan Somalis especially have seen the devastating results of what happens to our communities when surveillance culture and the state’s domestic war on terror converge. In terms of the impact of surveillance on my work, both in the Somali community and outside of it, surveillance is something that we’re always conscious of at Araweelo Abroad. Somalis not only deal with state surveillance of our communities but Somali women often also navigate surveillance on an interpersonal level within our own communities. Surveillance in our community is often gendered and can be a form of enforcing patriarchal cultural norms. We created Araweelo Abroad for many reasons, but one reason was that [co-founder Sagal Abdulle] and I recognized the intimacy of the relationships we had with other Somali women In many cases, due to the anxiety of interpersonal surveillance in our community, many of us had our public selves, but we created private spaces and friendships where we could be our true selves with our fellow Somali women… It was meant to be a digital homecoming of sorts. A community for Somali women and a space for us to exist on our own terms. How has your social media usage changed when you started creating work for public consumption? Do you feel the need to be respectable or “professional”? What parts of your life are important for you to keep to yourself? I don’t feel the need to be anything. I don’t subscribe to respectability politics, so I suppose that helps. I think in terms of my current social media usage though, I do feel a need to be more private. I think there’s a certain freedom in that, especially when there’s so much being constantly shared. Too much social media gives me a sort of existential dread anyways. When I was younger, being private or needing to curate a respectable public self was due to the anxiety I felt around being under surveillance. Now, I am choosing privacy on my own terms. I’m also trying to remain present and just exist. — ML Hassan ML Hassan is a visual artist and a writer who, in the wake of Trump’s election, made a guide for women in hijab. When you think of “surveillance,” what comes to mind? How much does surveillance culture impact the work you do? Both within the Somali community and outside the community? I immediately think of government and capitalism. Businesses want to know what everyone is doing in order to sell to us, and governments want to watch marginalized communities in order to stifle any potential status quo change. I choose to work with subject matter that directly affects me as a person and relates to people identifying in the same way. Because markers of my identity are hyper-visible—dark skin, Muslim, etc., and these are highly-surveilled groups of the population—I am always aware that this is not something that can fly under the radar. Being Somali automatically adds like three extra layers [of surveillance] that all have their own expectations. Even though I am a card-carrying immigrant Black Muslim hijabi woman, it can feel like I have to answer for each identity, [including within the Somali community]. I honestly may try to keep laying low just in case a cousin finds one of my videos and sends it to my mom. That’s probably [going to be] the end of this project to be quite honest. However, strong Somali youth communities grow on the internet. There are invaluable resources, and they will hopefully keep growing despite the culture of surveillance. Outside of the community, there is a lens pointed straight at me and people in my same situation. It can be dysphoric. Whether it’s the need of an organization looking to align itself with one of my identities or “the agent watching me through my webcam,” my visible markers of identity are going to take precedence over anything else in my life. Do you think surveillance culture plays a role in assimilation? Do you think visibility, or the need for, forces us to want to assimilate? How true is that for you and your work? Absolutely. It has become a meme in the last two or so months, but the idea that there are systems watching from above has been ingrained within Muslim, black, and immigrant communities for decades. It shapes our beliefs and actions. There are eyes everywhere you turn, and they aren’t letting up, especially now, so it can be [an act of] self-preservation to keep out of the light. Also, freak Siri and Alexa forever. I can’t say that I have taken a huge step in any direction. I do create and want to continue creating in this sensitive time about issues affecting marginalized communities. [I want to] put myself out there in that manner. At the same time, I don’t have thriving social media accounts online, and I am not personally compelled to do so. — Halima S. Gothlime Halima S. Gothlime is civil engineer and artist. She co-founded Byte Zine, an annual digital zine curated by Gothlime and graphic designer and illustrator Eman Aleghfeli. When you think of “surveillance,” what comes to mind? How much does surveillance culture impact the work you do? Both within the Somali community and outside the community? Like most people, I would say “Big Brother” is more complex than that. For me, surveillance seems like an organism trying to regulate how and where things are placed. Surveillance is a form of regulation. Surveillance is daunting and stressful. It forces me to imagine a world without that “gaze”—all gazes, whether it be the regulatory grandma in the corner or the “man.” As for my work, I try to imagine [my own] little world, using the same tools that are used to control us. How has your social media usage changed when you started creating work for public consumption? Do you feel the need to be respectable or “professional”? What parts of your life are important for you to keep to yourself? In general, it does keep me awake at night. How can I be authentically me? Am I a censored version of me because of surveillance? How do I navigate it? I try to be vague about everything. As for my work, surveillance makes me more cryptic. Do you think surveillance culture plays a role in assimilation? Do you think visibility, or the need for, forces us to want to assimilate? How true is that for you and your work? Yes, I do think it has a huge role. For example, in a lot of science-fiction novels or WE by Yevgeny Zamyatin, anybody who tries to go up against the status quo sticks out. The systems work all of us to wear the same uniform, and if you do not comply, you are obviously different. So assimilation, in my opinion, is about wearing a uniform with a number tag—not even a name tag. With surveillance, the man wants you to wear a uniform, and if you do not wear that uniform, you are going to be in trouble. Surveillance and assimilation are linked. Source: – Nylon

Six Somali students, presumed to be missing for a year, surrendered at a police station in Dhaka on Monday. The students submitted a bond to the police, apologizing for dropping out of contact. The police warned them not to repeat this incident in the future, and requested the young men to abide by the rules and regulations applicable to foreign students in Bangladesh. These students told the police that they went into hiding after not being able to pay their tuition fees. On March 24, the Bangla Tribune published a story titled “Six Somali students missing for a year in Dhaka.” This story created a buzz among the administration. The six Somali students and their family members were also alerted about the matter. They learned that a general diary (GD) was filed at the Uttara West police station in connection with their disappearance. Six students contacted the Uttara police on Monday. Of them, five went to the police station in person and submitted the bond. Earlier the same day, the five youth visited International University of Business Agriculture and Technology (IUBAT), where they were studying. The six youths- Sakid Hasan Buye, Abdi Rahman Abdullahi Hasan, Mohammad Abukar Dahir, Ali Salad, Abdir Rahman Abdullahi Hasan and Sakir Omar Sheikh Abdul Kadir, dropped out of contact for over a year. The tale of vanishing students At the end of the year 2016, seven Somali students visited to Bangladesh on academic purposes and got admitted in IUBAT. They went missing after three months. The university administration became concerned and filed general diary with the Uttara West police station. Three months after their disappearance, one student named Siraji Mohammad Ali contacted IUBAT in June, 2017. He paid his due tuition fees and took back his passport from the university. Siraji is currently getting a BBA degree at Shanto-Mariam University of Creative Technology in Dhaka. Police informed the IUBAT authorities about the surrender of other six students. The university later submitted a document stating that the missing six Somali students have been found. According to sources from the Uttara West police station, among the six, Dahir and Sakid are currently studying at City University and Ali Salad, Sakir and Abdi Rahman are studying at Dhaka International University. Police have kept copies of their academic ID cards for future reference. Uttara West police station Sub-Inspector (SI) Mahmudul Hasan said: “The six Somali students have been located. They dropped out of contact without informing the IUBAT authorities. “The six young men told us that they were studying in other private universities in Dhaka. They cut contact with the IUBAT over concerns that the university will not provide them with release letters.” The students also complained that they were misinformed by their agency about the academic costs of studying in IUBAT. The SI further said: “None of the six Somali men have valid visa for staying in Bangladesh. Their visas expired between August to September in 2017. IUBAT is also holding onto their passports. “A foreign student cannot change their university without securing a release letter first. Both these students and their agency is at fault for this debacle.” Responding to a query, IUBAT authorities stated: “These Somali students got admitted into the university in the fall semester of 2016. They disappeared after completing one semester. We tried to contact them on multiple occasions, but to no avail.” IUBAT International Program Officer MA Mazedur Rahman said: “We provided the Somali students with offer letters to study here. If they were having problems, they could have notified us, but they chose not to do so.” This article was first published on banglatribune.com Six Somali students, presumed to be missing for a year, surrendered at a police station in Dhaka on Monday. The students submitted a bond to the police, apologizing for dropping out of contact. The police warned them not to repeat this incident in the future, and requested the young men to abide by the rules and regulations applicable to foreign students in Bangladesh. These students told the police that they went into hiding after not being able to pay their tuition fees. On March 24, the Bangla Tribune published a story titled “Six Somali students missing for a year in Dhaka.” This story created a buzz among the administration. The six Somali students and their family members were also alerted about the matter. They learned that a general diary (GD) was filed at the Uttara West police station in connection with their disappearance. Six students contacted the Uttara police on Monday. Of them, five went to the police station in person and submitted the bond. Earlier the same day, the five youth visited International University of Business Agriculture and Technology (IUBAT), where they were studying. The six youths- Sakid Hasan Buye, Abdi Rahman Abdullahi Hasan, Mohammad Abukar Dahir, Ali Salad, Abdir Rahman Abdullahi Hasan and Sakir Omar Sheikh Abdul Kadir, dropped out of contact for over a year. The tale of vanishing students At the end of the year 2016, seven Somali students visited to Bangladesh on academic purposes and got admitted in IUBAT. They went missing after three months. The university administration became concerned and filed general diary with the Uttara West police station. Three months after their disappearance, one student named Siraji Mohammad Ali contacted IUBAT in June, 2017. He paid his due tuition fees and took back his passport from the university. Siraji is currently getting a BBA degree at Shanto-Mariam University of Creative Technology in Dhaka. Police informed the IUBAT authorities about the surrender of other six students. The university later submitted a document stating that the missing six Somali students have been found. According to sources from the Uttara West police station, among the six, Dahir and Sakid are currently studying at City University and Ali Salad, Sakir and Abdi Rahman are studying at Dhaka International University. Police have kept copies of their academic ID cards for future reference. Uttara West police station Sub-Inspector (SI) Mahmudul Hasan said: “The six Somali students have been located. They dropped out of contact without informing the IUBAT authorities. “The six young men told us that they were studying in other private universities in Dhaka. They cut contact with the IUBAT over concerns that the university will not provide them with release letters.” The students also complained that they were misinformed by their agency about the academic costs of studying in IUBAT. The SI further said: “None of the six Somali men have valid visa for staying in Bangladesh. Their visas expired between August to September in 2017. IUBAT is also holding onto their passports. “A foreign student cannot change their university without securing a release letter first. Both these students and their agency is at fault for this debacle.” Responding to a query, IUBAT authorities stated: “These Somali students got admitted into the university in the fall semester of 2016. They disappeared after completing one semester. We tried to contact them on multiple occasions, but to no avail.” IUBAT International Program Officer MA Mazedur Rahman said: “We provided the Somali students with offer letters to study here. If they were having problems, they could have notified us, but they chose not to do so.” Source- Dhaka Tribune