Muqdisho (PP) ─Maxakamadda Sare ee Ciidanka Qalabka sida ee Somalia ayaa maanta xukun dil toogasho ah ku riday Col. C/naasir Xoosh Maxamed oo horey u dilay Abaanduulihii Ciidanka Badda Somalia Jeneral Saciid Aadan Yuusuf Saciid [Mariino]. Bishii Feberaayo 20-keedii 2018-ka, ayay maxkamada darajada koowaad ee ciidamada qalabka sida qalabka sida ee Somalia ayaa xukun dil toogasho ah ku ridday Col. C/naasir Xoosh, balse sarkaalka ayaa xukunkaas lagu riday ka qaatay rafcaan. Sidoo kale, Maxkamadda Sare ee ciidanka qalabka sida ayaa maanta waxay xukun dil toogasho ah ku riday sarkaalkan, xukunkaas oo xoojinaya midkii horay ay ugu ridday maxkamadda darajada koowaad ee ciidamada xoogga dalka. Dhanka kale, Guddoomiyaha Maxkamada Sare ee ciidamada qalabka sida, Liibaan Cali Yaroow ayaa xukunka dilka ah oo ay maxkamaddu riday u akhriyay warbaahinta qaybaheeda kala duwan. “Markii aan dhageysannay xeer-ilaalinta maxkamadda ciidamada qalabka sida, markii aan dhageysannay qaar ka mid ah markhaatiyaashii maxkamadda la horkeenay, markii aan dhageysannay abuukaatihii u doodayay, waxaa cadaatay in Col. C/naasir Xoosh uu galay dambiga loo haysto, maxkamadduna waxay ku xukuntay dil toogasho,” ayuu yiri Col. Yaroow oo go’aanka xukunka akhrinaya. Ma ahan markii ugu horreysay oo sarkaal ka tirsan ciidamada qalabka sida ee Dowladda Somalia lagu oo gacan ku dhiigle ah xukun dil ah lagu rido, iyadoo horay saraakiil dhawr ah xukunno noocan oo kale ah loogu riday, isla markaana lagu fuliyay qaarkood xukunnadii dilka ahaa. Ugu dambeyn, Marxuum Siciid Aadan Yuusuf [Mariino] ayaa lagu dilay gudaha dekedda Muqdisho 19-kii bishii Jannaayo ee Sannadkaan 2018-ka, wuxuuna door muuqda uu ku dhex lahaa ciidanka xooga Dalka Somalia oo in muddo ah uu u soo shaqeynayay. PUNTLAND POST The post Sarkaal ka tirsan Ciidamada Qalabka sida ee DF oo Maanta lagu Xukumay Dil Toogsaho appeared first on Puntland Post.

Wado laami ah oo madaxtooyada Puntland dhexmarta. Waxaan arkay in madaxtooyadii looga arimiyo Puntland ay madaxda dalku ka fuliyeen qurxin leh bilic kusoo jiidanaysa,taasoo aad dareemi karaysid in ay tahay goobtu meel xasiloon oo qurxoon taasoo saamaxaysa in qofkastaa ku raaxaysto ku dhax shaqaynteeda. waana mid u haraysa jiilba jiil. Ma ogtahay sideedaba dalwalboo leh dhismo qurxoon dadkiisaa ka dhigay sidaa,hadaba dalkaaga ood quruxsataa waxay keentaa uugu horayn in aad ku ildoogsato oo aad ku raaxaysato adigii iska lahaa ee dhistay,intaa kadibna waxaabad soo jiidanaysaa indhaha caalamka kale oo cidkastaa jeclaysanayso quruxda dalkaaga kol hadaysidan tahay waxaa hoogay oo asaagii ka haray ninkii gurigiisa quruxsan waaya. Qaabkan loo dhireeyay wadooyinka magaalada Boosaaso ayaa haboon in laga dhigo mid lagaarsiiyo magaalooyinka puntland oo dhan. waayo dhirto waxay kamid tahay walxaha u yeela nolasha dadka macaan iyo raaxo indhuhu ku doogsadaan intaa waxaa dheer faa iidada dhirtu leedahay oo farabadan,sida roob soo jiidasho iyo neefta laga helo maalintii dhirta,hooska iyo nicmooyinka faraha badan ee aan lakoobi karayn. Waxaa aad u haboon in la dardar galiyo wadada laamiga ah ee isku xirta Caasimada Puntland GAROOWE iyo xeebta Eyl.waayo caasimadu waa in ay leedahay xeeb ay dadka caasimadu kana kaluumaystaan kuna dabashaan oo ku raaxaystaan. kol hadii illaahay siiyay xeeb u dhaw waa in loo dadajiyaa wado balaaran oo laami ah oo isku xirta waana in dawladu fulisaa mashruucaas.kaluunka waxaa laga helaa faytamiino aan laga helin xilibka xoolaha oo ugaara oo dhisa jirka iyo maskaxda qofka cuna hilibkaluun. xeebta eyl ee quruxda badan. Xeebta Garacad ee mudug. Waaxeeb ay dadka puntland aad uugu baahan yihiin gaar ahaan gobolka mudug,waa xeeb aad u dheer nadiif ah oo bilic leh iyo dhul furan oo waasac ah. waa xeeb kaluunku aad ugu badan yahay oo aan is leeyahay dadka reer mudug haday bad sadaan cunida kaluunka oo yareeyaan cunida hilibka xoolaha waxay ahaan lahaayeen kuwo afka ka hadla ee aan gacanta ka hadal! waayo kaluunku iyo hilibka bada laga helaa waxay dajiyaan maskaxda inbadan.hadaba illahay waxa uu siiyay galkacayo iyo mudug oo dhan xeebtaa dheer halaga faa iidaysto oo yaan la ahaanin dameerkii malabka uun siday! aduunka waxa laynoo abuuray in aan fakaro oo noolaano kana faa iidaysano nicmada deegaanka inagu xeeran taala.nin bad leh oo baahan aduunka lama sheegin. Dawlada puntland waa in ay hirgalisaa wadada isku xirta galkacayo iyo garacad xeebteeda si dadku uga soo adeegto bada uugana faa iidaysto khayraadkeeda.labadaa wado midina ka baxdo Garoowe tagtana eyl iyo mida kabaxda oo tagta garacad waa in dawladu fulisaa. waxbadan oo hormar ah ayay puntland samaysay,laakiin maha in aynu isu bogno oo gaabis noqono waa in aan dadaalaa,waxaan u mahad celinayaa shacabka iyo dawlada puntland oo had iyo jeer ka fakaraya hormarka dalkooda iyo dadkooda. waxaan ku faraxsanahay siday u dhiseen puntland siday usugeen amaanka puntland oo ah meesha uugu nabada badan soomaaliya iyo afrikaba. hormarka waxbarashada puntland waa mid la mahadiyay oo rag u kacay meelna gaar siiyay halkaa ka sii laban laaba. Puntland nolol iyo nabad iyo diin iyo dhaqan ayaa ka jira waana gogol iyo hoy nin wayn oo aan ula jeedo qof bani aadam ah gogoshii taasoo ah nabad.dadka puntland waa dad is jecel oo isu gargaara oo isu gurmada had iyo jeer waana tay ku gaareen hormarka iyo helida naxariista eebe weeyne. puntland waa dad u roon martida sokeeye iyo shisheeyaba leh waana dad dhulkooda si gobonimo leh loogu dhex nool yahay. dhulka puntland waa dhul udgoon oo sixo wanaagsan leh oo malaha qaniin iyo wax dadka cuno dhamaan sida kaneecada iyo wixii lamid ah. waa dhul ruux daymoodaa uusan dhaayo ka jeedin karayn. dadka puntland waa dad edeb iyo akhlaaq leh oo dariska xurmeeya,waa dad jecel in qofka la nabad galiyo mana arkaysid wax is haysta iyo wax is dulmiyaaya,halkaa waxaad ka fahmaysaa in ay yihiin dad ehel u leh xadaaro filwayn. wax yaabaha yaabka leh ee puntland ka jira waxaa kamid ah,qofku haduu rabo in uu tacliin barto niyadaa loo dhisaa waana lacaawiyaa qofkastaa taageera ardayda wax baranaysa,haduu qofku layimaado in uu wax qabsado oo shaqaysto sida ganaacsigoo kale qofkaa waa lagarab qabanayaa oo lacaawinayaa si uu heer ugaaro maadaama uu layimid dadaal. runtii waa dhaqanka illahay amaanay jecel yahayna qofkana wax u kordhamooyee aan waxkaga xumaan wuxuu caawimo gaystay. cidkastoo puntland dhextagtay waxay heshay sirtan kadibna waa xajisteen noloshada puntland kol haday sirtaa heleen.waxaan ku soo gaba gabaynayaa duco ah illaahay wanaagaad dhexdiina isu samaynaysaan iyo hormarkaad gaarteen haydiin sii badiyo noqdana kuwo liibaanay noloshan iyo tan aakhiraba.hormarkuna waa garab qabasho walaalkaa iyo tacliin iyo shaqo ah dhiso dalkaaga. hadaan kaftamo Puntland hal wax unbaa ka dhiman wax badan oo ay gaareen,oo waxaasi tolow waa maxay? waa reer mudug kaluun labada daan buuxsha! Yuusuf Omar

Shacabka ku dhaqan Magaalada Bosaaso ee xarunta Ganacsiga Puntland ayaa waxa ay aragtiyo kala duwan ay ka dhiibteen iscasilaadii uu maanta sameeyay Gudoomiyihii hore ee Baarlamanka Soomaaliya Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari. Waxa ay shacabka sidookale ay shegeen in maalmihii uu Mooshinku uu socday dalka uu galay jahwareer Siyaasadeed. Halkan ka dhagayso shacabka Bosaaso Aragtida iscasilaada jawaari

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Prof. Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan (Jawaari) ayaa soo gabagabeeyay muddo 5 sano ka badan oo uu soo ahaa guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya oo loo doortay sanadkii 2012, kadibna dib loogu doortay 2017. Jawaari ayaa xilka isaga casilay cadaadis uga timid xukuumadda uu hoggaamiyo Ra’iisal wasaare Xasan Cali Kheyre iyadoo ay noqotay markii ugu horeeyay ee guddoomiye Baarlamaan ku baxo cadaadiska Ra’iisal wasaare, waxaana is casilaadda si rasmi ah loo shaacin doonnaa kulan Baarlamaanku yeelan doono Arbacadda 11-ka April 2018. Haddii aan dib u eegnotaariikhdiisa Maxamed Sh. Cusmaan jawaari waxa uu 7dii bishii December ee sanadkii 1945tii ku dhashay degmada Afgoye ee gobolka Shabeelada Hoose. Dhinaca tacliinta sare, waxa uu sanadku markuu ahaa 1982 ka qalan jabiyey kulliyadda Qaanuunka ee Jaamacadii Ummadda Soomaaliyeed, isaga oo xiligaas ka horna qaatay shahaado macalinimo oo luuqadda Ingiriiska iyo dimploma sharciga Islaamka ah. Dhinaca shaqada waxa uu xilal kala duwan ka soo qabtay dawladdii militariga ee Somalia, isaga oo Agaasime guud, xoghaye joogto ah iyo wasiirba ka soo noqday wasaarado dhowr ah. Waxa uu soo noqday Wasiirka Wasaaradda Gaadiidka, Dhulka iyo Cirka, waliba Wasaaradda Shaqada iyo Arrimaha Bulshada. Dhinaca kale, waxa uu sanadkii 1970kii Guddoomiye kasoo noqday koox diyaarisay Sharciga Shaqada ee dalka Somalia, sharcigan oo looga gol lahaa dib u habaynta meelaynta shaqaalaha iyo qiimeynta xirfadleyda. Guddigani waxa uu xeerka sharciga shaqaalaha Somalia waafajiyey xuquuqda shaqaalaha ee caalamiga ah. Maxamed Sh. Cusmaan Jawaari waxa kale oo shaqooyin dhinaca arrimaha bulshada ah ka qabtay dalka Norway oo uu ku noolaa intii burburka dalka Somalia uu jiray. Dhinaca dastuur u sameynta Somalia, waxa uu bishii May ee sanadkii 2008dii ilaa iyo bishii December ee sanadkii 2010kii la taliye oo dhinaca dastuur sameynta u ahaa Xafiiska Siyaasadda QM ee Arrimaha Somalia iyo waliba hay’adda UNDP. Waxa uu intaas ka dib noqday Guddoomiyaha Guddiga Khubarada DAsturka oo dib u eegis ku sameynayey Qabyo qoraalka Dastuurka iyo diyaarinta dastuurka si loo ansixiyo. Maxamed Cismaan Jawaari waxa uu ku hadlaa luuqadaha Soomaaliga, Carabiga, Ingiriiska, Talyaaniga iyo luuqadda Norwejiga. Intii aanu 2012 qaban xilka Guddoonka Baarlamaaka wuxu u lasoo shaqeeyay Qaramada Midoobay, Isagoo jaamacad ku taalla dalka Norway oo uu degay kadib dagaaladii sokeeye. ka hor dagaaladii Soomaaliya 1991 Prof Maxamed Cismaan Jawaari wuxuu soo noqday wasiir dhowr jeer ka tirsanaa dowladii Maxamed Siad Barre. Wuxuu kaloo dowladaas ka qabtay xilal kale oo dhowr ah. Aqoon ahaan, waa Qareen, wuxuunaJawari guddoomiye uga soo noqday guddiga madaxa bannaan ee dastuurka ee soo diyaariyay dastuurkii ugu dambeeyay. Waxay isku hayb yihiin madaxweynaha maamulka K/Galbeed iyo guddoomiyihii hore ee Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Shariif Xassan Sheekh Aadan oo in muddo ah loolan siyaasadeed oo hoose kala dhaxeeyay. Dad badan oo la soo shaqeeyay Jawaari ayaa ku bogaadiyey aqoontiisa iyo sida uu dhidibadda ugu taagay Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya oo hore u ahaa mid aan sal iyo tixraac lahayn. Siyaasiyiin badan ayaa ku xusuusan doona kaalintii uu kasoo qaatay maareynta Mooshinadda faraha badan ee dowladii Xasan Sheekh, isagoo lagu tilmaamo nin aan meelna loogu soo hagaagi karin marka ay timaado go’aan qaadashada xaaladaha cakiran. Jawaari wuxuu ugu danbeyn u muuqdaa inuu xilkii sare ee Guddoonka baneynayo laakiin ma cadda inuu sii ahaan doono xildhibaan ka tirsan Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya, waxaana lagu bogaadinayaa tallaabada geesinimada ah ee uu qaatay. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Wareegto ka soo baxday Xafiiska madaxweyne Ku xigeenka dowladda Puntland ahna,Kusimaha madaxweynaha,Cabdixakiin cabdullaahi Xaaji Cumar(Cameey) ayaa guddoomiye cusub loogu magaacabay degmada Laascaanood ee gobolka Sool. Wareegtada oo ku taariikhaysan 9 bishaan April ee 2018,ayaa duqa cusub ee Laascaanood loogu magacaabay,Cabdiqani Mukhtal Maxammed Garaad,waxaana shaqada looga joojiyay duqii hore ee degmadaasi,Cabdalle Xaaji Warsame. Dhinaca kale wararka ka imaanaya magaalada Laascaanood ayaa sheegaya in weli ay taagantahay xiisaddii ka dhalatay ganacsade caan ah oo habeen ka hor lagu dilay halkaasi. Maamulka Somaliland ee degmadaasi haysta ayaa ciidamo badan oo militari ah ilaa iyo shalay ku daabulayey bartamaha magaalada,waxaana shacabka lagu amray in aysan wax socod ah samayn karin xilliyada habeenkii ah. Qaar kamid ah cuqaasha iyo waxgaradka Laascaanood oo diiday in magacooda iyo codkooda la xigto oo la hadlay PUNTLAND POST ayaa maamulka Somaliland ku eedeeyay dilka ganacsade,Maxammed cabdi Timir iyo isku-dirka beelaha gobolka. Halkaan hoose ka akhriso wareegtada. The post Puntland oo guddoomiye cusub u magacowday degmada Laascaanood appeared first on Puntland Post.

Madaxwayne Ku xigeenka Puntland ahna Ku simaha Madaxwaynaha ayaa degmada laascaanood oo Gacanta Somaliland Ku jirta u magaacabay duq cusub oo Puntland. Waxaa xilkaan loo magacaabay Abdiqani Makhtal Maxamed Garaad. Halkaan hoose ka akhriso.

UNESCO and UN Women have partnered with Media Ink, a local media development NGO based in Hargeisa, Somaliland, to produce short videos featuring female journalists in Somalia talking about their encounter with gender stereotyping in their daily media work, and what they have done to challenge such stereotypes. In this video, Farxiya is owner of Cosob Newspaper in Mogadishu. She is the head of the female journalist association.

Some of the most impoverished drought-displaced pastoralist families in Somaliland have moved in to 1,000 new iron-sheet houses built for them in various IDP camps. The worst off families who were first to start pouring in to the urban areas from rural parts of Burao, Ainabo, El-Afweyn and Odweyne two years ago were allocated the first batch of two-room houses. The housing project, run by the Refugee and IDP Commission and supported by the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), aims to provide housing for all IDPs facing hardship in the camps. Mohamed Farah Osman and his family of 10 moved into one of the houses in an IDP camp on the outskirts of Ainabo, where they lived for a year and a half. His family lost 200 goats in their village in Balidhig, 90 km west of Burao. Mohamed said the hut they were living in was so small and flimsy that some of children had to sleep outside. The wind blew through the stick-and-rags hut, which provided barely any shelter from any kind of weather. “I used to stay at home most of the time to watch over our property,” Mohamed said. The IDP camps suffer high rates of theft and other crime. Mohamed said he is now confident he can leave his family and travel to the city to find work on construction sites. Whilst they receive food aid from the World Food Programme (WFP), he want to be independent of food handouts. Osman Adan, a father of six, said he has enjoyed much better sleep in his new iron-sheet house, which they moved in to three weeks ago in an IDP camp in Odweyne, Togdheer region. They had suffered two years of living in a flimsy hut. He lost 250 goats and 30 camels in the drought after three years of failed rains, 40 km north of Odweyne. He receives food aid from WFP just like other IDPs in the area. These 1,000 or so families are a fraction of the more than 15,000 IDP families in Somaliland, who fled to the urban areas in the last few years of drought. The director of the Refugee and IDP Commission in Somaliland, Mohamud Mohamed Ali, said they are planning to provide housing for all displaced families facing hardship. The second phase of this housing project will construct another 3,000 houses. Ergo

1. INTRODUCTION According to dominant paradigms of international relations theories, a country’s foreign policy consists of the self-interested strategies chosen by the state to protect its national interests, and the deployment of the various tools of diplomacy and statecraft in order to achieve these objectives within the international relations milieu. Since Somaliland re-asserted its independence on 18 May 1991, its main foreign policy objective has been the attainment of international recognition. Somaliland has made tremendous strides toward this end by building a functional state with all the legal attributes of a modern state. Notwithstanding the enormous challenges Somaliland has faced under the status of being diplomatically unrecognised for the last 27 years, the state apparatus has continued to evolve internally and externally. Somaliland has conducted foreign relations with the international community in its various shapes and forms, and has continued to welcome the international community cooperate on issues such as development, investment, social reform and consular relations inside Somaliland. In the modern international order, the recognition of statehood is administered by a number of different legal, political and economic factors that include (a) a permanent population, (b) a defined territory, (c) a functioning government, and (d) the capacity to enter into populations with other states. Somaliland has a strong case for satisfying all of these conditions. It is worth acknowledging that successive Somaliland administrations have done an impressive job with respect to Somaliland’s international relations, given the many international and domestic constraints it faces. Nevertheless, observers of Somaliland’s foreign policy over the past 27 years have seen it as a more reactionary and self-explanatory approach (mere differentiation from Somalia), rather than entirely pragmatic. It is the theme of this paper to examine Somaliland’s foreign policy goals and decision-making as they evolved under the leadership of Somaliland’s previous four presidents. Doing so involves presenting how these respective administrations dealt with Somaliland’s neighbouring states as well as regional and other global organisations. This paper will also focus on the present foreign policy challenges. It will conclude by offering recommendations with respect to current foreign policy arrangements. 2. FOREIGN POLICY SURVEY IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 2.1. The Leasership of President Abdirahman, Somaliland’s First President (1991—1993) In 1991, the Somali National Movement (SNM) was the only political organisation in Somaliland with sufficient authority to establish law and order and oversee a process of recovery and reconciliation in Somaliland. The SNM was formed in 1981 in London by a group of northern politicians and activists from what was once known the Somali Republic. The SNM was born out of the profound marginalisation felt by northern clans from former British Protectorate, which existing since union with Somalia but which was exacerbated during the dictatorial military junta government and its campaign of terror, division and violence orchestrated against the civilians of northern clans. After a long struggle, the SNM, with the help of USC, finally succeeded in overthrowing the military government. On 18 May 1991, representatives from a wide variety of Somaliland clans met in Burao for a reconciliation conference, where they agreed to a resolution that annulled the northern territory’s merger with the former Italian colony, and declared the reassertion of Somaliland’s independence. The meeting also led to the collective decision to appoint Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (Tuur) as Somaliland’s first President of the modern era. President Tuur’s presidency occurred at a very turbulent time politically. His political weight and high leadership calibre, as well as the financial resources and inclusive government he formed, were insuffient to overcome the enormous resposbility he was handed—including daunting challenges such as establishing security from the scratch; inclusively accommodating non-Isaaq clans within the government; building institutions; drafting a constitution as the basis for the country’s first democratic government; resurrecting the collapsed economy and restorating all basic services. All of these daunting tasks had to be accomplished within a brief two-year tenure i. The aim of President Abdirahman’s foreign policy was to translate the decision of restoring Somaliland’s independence into a language that could be agreed to by the international community. To this end, President Abdirahman appointed Shiekh Yusuf Sheikh Ali Madar, former SNM Chairman, as his Foreign Minister. Once appointed, Madar and a government delegation were quickly dispatched to Europe and North America. Their mission: to deliver Somaliland’s message to the international community. One of the historic achievements of that trip was hiring two lawyers specializing in international law based in Washington, USA. Mohamed Bihi Yonis, a Somalilander living in the United States at that time who would later become Somaliland’s Foreign Minister succinctly elucidated the meeting between the Somaliland diaspora in New York and the new head diplomat: “The Somaliland community in New York received Minister Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Ali Madar and exchanged views on how best to promote Somaliland’s quest for international recognition. During the meeting, we agreed to hire two international law lawyers who would prepare a legal document on Somaliland’s justification for de jure recognition”. The international lawyers who engaged in this colossal task were Anthony J. Carroll and B. Rajagobal, and what they produced ended up being one of the most significant legal analyses written about Somaliland’s Case to date. The paper was entitled “The Case for the Independent Statehood of Somaliland”, which was published in the American University International Law Review in 1993. This document has served as the legal and academic base for any publication on the subject up to the present. However, beyond this, President Abdirahman Ali’s government had minimal success in establishing relations with Somaliland’s neighbouring states, one of the major reasons for this being divisions within SNM political and military leadership. This discord would only increase as the presidency passed to Abdirahman’s successor, becoming the main factor instigating the large-scale clan feuds of 1994-1995. 2.2. The Leadership of President Egal, Somaliland’s Second President (1993—2002) It is important to note that when when Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal was elected in Borama in 1993 as the second President of Somaliland, he took leadership of a country that was without a state for all practical purposes and ruled by the gun rather than the lawii. The political climate of the time was highly polarised because of the political differences between SNM’s military and political leaders. This was made worse by the fact that the SNM veterans, who liberated the country and remained loyal to their commanders rather than the government, had not yet been disarmed. From the beginning, President Egal’s administration had taken an integrated approach to reconciliation and peace-making, which it later extended to institution-building, democratisation and development. While internal conflicts hindered the process of state building, such infighting was not enough to thwart Egal’s administration in its pursuit of a proactive foreign policy, even if it did have a negative impact. Egal’s foreign policy was based on the political dictum ”The best foreign policy is a good internal policy”, and, for this reason, Egal emphasised internal nation-building programs, which he contended were essential for Somaliland’s quest for recognition. Because there are a number of legal conditions for statehood which any aspiring state must fulfil—particularly a country seeking to remake itself while in a critical condition—President Egal focused his efforts on undertaking the kinds of social reforms that would enable Somaliland to meet this criteria. The tasks he had to perform mostly related to the state-building that his government was expected to firmly establish. Looking externally, President Egal’s foreign policy initiative involved clarifying and affirming Somaliland’s political stand against United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) in 1993. The political analyst Matt Bryden (2003) explains how Egal dealt with UNOSOM during his first months in power: “He [Egal] got his first high profile opportunity soon after taking office in 1993. When the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM), an international nation-building mission with over 30,000 troops deployed in the south, began courting opposition figures from Somaliland as part of its efforts to form a new national government, Egal took the top UN official in Somalia to task for undermining Somaliland’s peace and stability. His protest earned a contrite reply from the UN Secretary General via his Special Envoy, Admiral Jonathan Howe. But within a matter of months UNOSOM was back at its political intrigues, and Egal ordered the expulsion of the UNOSOM representative in Hargeysa.iii”. Bryden (2003) further adds that President Egal saw written diplomatic communication as an important tool in making a case to regional and global leaders: “Colourful orator in both Somali and English, Egal’s campaign for international recognition took the form of a kind of literary stream of consciousness: a flow of idiosyncratic letters and faxes often under his own signature to foreign diplomats, UN Officials and heads of states iv.” The relationship between Somaliland and the United Nations was shaky and tense for many years. This is evidenced by the fact that President Egal declared representatives of the UNOSOM office in Hargeisa persona non grata on several occasions in the early 1990s. A Somaliland government policy paper put out in 2001 characterised the relationship between Somaliland and the United Nations as follows: “Have borne the mark of polite, sometimes anguished enmity of their respective assertion on Somaliland’s independence v”. Similarly, the late renowned Ethiopian Scholar, Dr Kinfe Abraham, explains why Somaliland’s relations with the United Nations remained difficult in the early years of President Egal’s rule: “Somaliland’s relations with the UN remained tense throughout the period of 1991-1997 for a number of reasons. Chief among them is the erstwhile UN Secretary General‘s position on Somaliland’s independence because Secretary Boutrous Ghali’s position was influenced by his foreign policy doctrine during his time as a Foreign Minister for Egypt, which was mainly not to accept the breakup of Somalia vi”. With regards to President Egal’s foreign policy toward Somaliland’s neighbouring states, Egal maintained peaceful diplomacy, the premises of which were based on the notion that Somaliland’s stability and security are dependent on the stability of its neighbouring states. In light of that, one of the primary foreign policy goals of Egal’s administration was to establish cordial relations with Ethiopia. Egal was well aware of Ethiopia’s diplomatic influence over other African nations, as well as its close ties with western powers.As a result, Egal fostered an atmosphere of diplomatic understanding with Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, and succeeded to convince him to establish formal diplomatic representative offices within Somaliland. Nasir Ali, academic and analyst on the Horn of Africa, elucidates how relations between the two neighbouring states started: “In May 1993, when late Egal came to power, relations between the two sides started to take shape. The activities carried out by Egal was the foundation stone on which current bilateral relations between Ethiopia and Somaliland were built….This move also caused the military commanders of the Ethiopian armed forces in Hararghe to contact their counterparts in Somaliland to collaborate in order to maintain peace and stability along the border areas between the two sides vii”. President Egal’s diplomatic relations with Ethiopia strengthened following Egal’s milestone agreement with Prime Minister Zenawi in 2000 in Addis Aabab, Ethiopia. Professor Iqbal Jhazbhay (2007), renowned African Scholar and diplomat, elaborates further: “Toward the end of 2000, Somaliland signed agreements with Ethiopia, aimed at boosting trade and communications. This was announced following a visit by the late President Egal on three days official visit to Addis Ababa. The core of the agreement centred on enabling greater use of the strategic port of Berbera, on the Gulf of Aden, by improving the road link to the Ethiopian border. Ethiopia would install a microwave communication link between Buroa, Hargeisa and Berbera. Ethiopia and Somaliland Central banks were intended to facilitate trade by providing links to the outside world. From Hargeisa standpoint, the agreement was seen as a significant boost for Somaliland in its efforts to gain international recognition viii”. With respect to Egal’s foreign policy towards Djibouti, there are number of important issues that need to be explained carefully. First, as we argued previously in another paper examining Somaliland’s relations with its neighbouring countries, friendly cooperation with Djibouti was seen as crucial to achieving the broader foreign policy pillar of maintaining peaceful and cordial relations with neighbouring countries. With that in mind, President Egal paid one of his first diplomatic visits to Djibouti. Prior to that, there had been military confrontations between SNM fighters that were based on the border with Djibouti and Djiboutian military forces. During Egal’s visit to Djibouti, President Abtidon requested that President Egal do what he could to address the SNM fighters’ role in the military confrontation. President Egal immediately took action on the issue by removing the troops, who had yet to be demobolised, from the border in order to avoid further military clashes. From 1994 to 1999, relations between Somaliland and Djibouti were therefore very stable, even though there was no formal exchange of diplomatic representatives between the two states. This low-key diplomatic relationship deteriorated in early 2000 when Djibouti hosted the Somali Peace Conference in Arta, which the Somaliland government in the end boycotted. The Arta Conference had originally been proposed by Egal during a visit with his new counterpart, President Ismail Omar Guelleh, in Djibouti, who envisaged the event as the means to secure a detailed peace plan for Somalia, with Djibouti—the only Somali majority populated country that enjoyed international recognition—using its influence to bring the warring parties to an agreement. Egal believed Djibouti could play a significant role in reconciling the warring factions in Somalia by using its positions at the UN, OAU and Arab League to secure the diplomatic, economic and political support of the international community. Unfortunately, however, Guelleh betrayed Egal by inviting Somaliland to the conference as one of the warring groups of Somalia in direct contravention of their private agreement that Somaliland would not participate at the conference under such an arrangement.ix After this incident, Egal’s relations with Djibouti became very tense and challenging. With respect to his foreign policy towards neighbouring Somalia, Egal initially tried to collaborate with Somalia on a fraternal basis, believing that mutual collaboration could advance the interests of both countries. He invited influential southern politician Abdulqasim Salad to Hargeisa, meeting him prior to Qassim’s appointment to the presidency of Somalia at the Arta Conference in Djibouti. At the time, he suggested that if Qassim won his bid for the presidency, that Somalia and Somaliland would recognise each other and agree to settle outstanding issues between the two, such as the division of foreign assets of the Somali Republic, ownership of assets in each country owned by the citizens of the other, on an amicable and fraternal basis. Egal also pledged to support the government of Somalia in its efforts to defeat the warlords that were fomenting anarchy and violence in that country, as well as to mediate political disputes between various clans in Somalia. Unfortunately, these efforts at establishing cordial and collaborative relations were met with hostility and double-dealing by Qassim once in office. In effect, President Qassim’s stance towards Somaliland became more aggressive and belligerent, most significantly when he declared Somaliland a ‘rogue’ province of Somalia under his authority, rather than as an independent state. The government of Djibouti supported Qassim including his claims against Somaliland. Negative and hostile relations between Somaliland and its two neighbours were set in motion. In short, Egal extended an olive branch of friendship and mutual cooperation to both Djibouti and Somalia, only to be betrayed by political calculations. Coming to President Egal’s foreign policy towards Arab states, Egal was concerned from the beginning that Arab states might present a serious obstacle to Somaliland’s bid for recognition, and sought to counter this by extending the hand of friendship and mutual collaboration early on. However, Egal’s enthusiastic pursuit of support from Arab states would be scrapped when he came to learn the efforts of Boutros Ghali—UN’s Secretary-General, had taken to block recognition of Somaliland’s independence. Jhazbhay (2007) describes Boutros Ghali’s aggressive policy against Somaliland in the following manner: “former UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali tried everything in his power to prevent and reverse Somaliland’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). Boutros-Ghali went to the extent of making a bid via the UN to have Egyptian troops deployed in Berbera as part of a ‘peacekeeping’ presence that would have given Egypt a major strategic military foothold in the Horn of Africa.x” It is worth mentioning that after Boutros Ghali left the United Nations, Egal attempted again to repair diplomatic relations with Egypt. However, Egal’s fraternal overtures were met with resistance, a result of Egypt’s decision to pursue an active campaign in support of a united Somalia. This strong stance on Somali unity was based on a calculation that a powerful Somalia would serve as a regional counterweight to Ethiopia, and that such regional antinomy could force Ethiopia to abandon its plans to build hydroelectric dams on the Nile, an issue of vital importance Egypt’s survival. Egypt persuaded the Arab League to let it determine the body’s collective policy towards Somaliland/Somalia, and this led to the ban on Somali livestock by Saudi Arabia in 1997. The aim was to starve Somaliland into capitulating to the demands of Egypt on Somali unity. However, Egypt and its allies had not reckoned upon the determination and resolve of the people of Somaliland and their political leaders in remaining faithful to their commitment to national independence, and, in the end, Somaliland was able to weather the storm until the livestock ban was lifted in 2005. With regards to Egal’s foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia and Egypt, Mohamed Saeed Geesxi, Egal’s former minister of finance and foreign affairs, has argued that Egal had extended the hand of friendship to most Gulf countries, notably Egypt and Saudi Arabia, only to be met with hostility and antagonism. Dr. Gees has further mentioned that Egal met with the leadership of both states to appeal to them based on a common history and religious affinity, which with Saudi Arabia extended back to the early years of Islam when the first known mosque on the African continent was built in Zeila, and with Egypt the relationship dated back to Ottoman times. Egal sought the support of both states for Somaliland’s bid for recognition, and pledged that Somaliland would be a reliable partner in all efforts to resolve the region’s problems, including the Nile water dispute and the growth of terrorist networks, while also working to enhance the relationship between Africa and the Arab League. When it comes to the wider continent of Africa, President Egal did not manage to establish significant relations with states in the African Union who could add value or influence to Somaliland’s efforts at garnering support for recognition. 2.3. The Leadership of President Rayale, Somaliland’s Third President (2002- 2010) President Rayale became president of Somaliland with less political knowledge and foreign policy experience than his predecessors. Yet, during his period in power, which began when he won the presidential election of Somaliland in 2003 by a small margin, he could be seen to demonstrate political maturity and ethical leadership. After President Egal’s sudden death, Rayale was quick to start the process of uniting the country and reducing the political tensions that prevailed at that time. He quickly supported the process of holding the democratic elections that his predecessor initiated, creating a political environment that paved the way for one man-one vote. President Rayale inherited the foreign policy environment that Egal had forged, and thus had to navigate the challenges that the preceding decade had left behind. Even though he tried to redeem Somaliland’s relations with Djibouti, the country’s political leaders remained reluctant to deepen ties with Somaliland. Rayale’s most significant achievement with respect to foreign policy was his ability to strengthen Somaliland’s diplomatic relations with Ethiopia, particularly in the areas of security and anti-terrorism cooperation. This cooperation was very effective and productive, and led to Somaliland’s security services earning the trust, collaboration and training of Western security services. In addition, President Rayale expanded Egal’s outreach to African states and the AU, where the Rayale administration was able to secure the unofficial and tacit support of several important African states in pushing for greater consideration of Somaliland’s claims for independence and recognition. Based on these diplomatic successes, President Rayale followed up in December 2005 by writing a direct application for admission to the African Union, after an African Union fact-finding mission report had made strong arguments in favour of the legal and political basis for Somaliland’s independence. Equally, Rayale established close relations with the British Government, paying a historic visit to London where he delivered a landmark speech to British Lawmakers. Yusuf Roble, Somaliland scholar and author of the book Somaliland: “A Nation Reborn” has further explained the significance of President Rayale’s visit to the UK in 2004 in the following terms: “Rayale’s visit to London has opened a new line of communication between the British government and its former Protectorate of Somaliland, which apparently attracted other EU states to adopt a similar policyxii”. Nevertheless, there are some analysts who heavily criticized Rayale’s foreign policy, and characterised his foreign policy as isolationist and overly focused on the security dimension. 2.4. The Leadership of President Ahmed Silanyo, Somaliland’s fourth president (2010 to 2017) President Ahmed Silanyo came to power on 26 June, 2010 after successfully defeating Daahir Rayale in presidential elections. A unique element of President Ahmed Silanyo’s foreign policy was the change he brought to Somaliland’s relations with Somalia, particularly by entering Somaliland in talks with Somalia. Unlike the Silanyo government, Somaliland’s previous administrations had always avoided engaging and dialoguing directly with the administrations of Somalia. For example, the administrations of Egal and Rayale consistently insisted that Somaliland would never open talks with any government in Somalia that lacked the legitimacy and the democratic representation of the people of Somalia—instead they were waiting for a credible counterpart with which to negotiate. However, when President Silanyo came to power, he immediately accepted the UK government’s invitation to have his Foreign Minister attend and participate in the Wilton Park Conference on Somalia’s state-building. Foreign Minister Mohamed Omar’s participation of that conference engendered widespread criticism from the public in Somaliland, leading to massive debates over the rationality of President Ahmed Silanyo’s foreign policy regarding Somaliland’s quest for international recognition. However, Silanyo would maintain this course, and in February 2011 accepted the British invitation to attend a major donor conference in London, in which the primary objectives concerned the security and political process in Somalia. This again aroused the ire of the people of Somaliland, and raised further questions concerning the foreign policy of the Silanyo government. However, the President was successful in mobilising Somaliland’s two houses of parliament to amend laws that prevented Somaliland dealing in diplomacy that related in Somalia, thus giving a mandate to the Somaliland government to participate in the London conference in 2011. The communique of that conference urged Somalia and Somaliland to enter into dialogue of the future status of relations of the two entities, which President Silanyo and his counterpart within the transitional government, Sheikh Sharif, followed up with in Dubai soon after. These talks would continue throughout Silanyo’s tenure in a stop-start and ultimately fruitless manner, and as such constituted the mainstream of Silanyo’s foreign policy agenda. Among the broader society, there has been a great deal of interesting debate on the talks. Many analysts have contended that these talks were unlikely to produce any tangible results given that Somalia has no competent central government that has the mandate of its people as well as it’s federal member states to negotiate with. Instead, they warn that entering the dialogue risks opening a pandora box, in which Somaliland slowly gets sucked into Somali politics, thus losing its unity and resilience in the face of outside pressure. Nevertheless, the other side of the debate has argued that Somaliland needed to start thinking out of the box in such a manner, and that, further, the negotiated path to independence has historically been more successful—as in the cases of Eritrea and South Sudan—than the unilaterally declared path. Critics against Silanyo’s foreign policy argue that Silanyo had made risky manoeuvres regarding issues existential to Somaliland, and yet did not have the pragmatic and robust foreign policy vision and strategy to back it up or do navigate the geopolitics of it. De Waal (2016) is among those who think Somaliland’s foreign policy rests on a precarious geopolitical foundation, and that the fluidity and lack of guarantee within the situation means that vigilance, adaptability and strategy in needed xiii: “The regional environment will also be crucial: it is unclear whether the current benevolent protection afforded by Ethiopia and the neglect by other regional powers will prevail, or whether Somaliland will become the cockpit for regional rivalries. But, at the very least, Somaliland has demonstrated that it is possible to snatch stability and relative prosperity from violent turmoil”. Nevertheless, one important area which President Siilanyo’s foreign policy has shown success is its newly accelerated engagement with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which can arguably be characterised as the most significant foreign policy move in Siilanyo’s time. As a result of extensive diplomacy, Somaliland and the ports management company Dubai Ports World Company in 2016 agreed to a deal in which the company would invest in the expansion of the Berbera Port in order to transform it into a regional trade hub, while government based in Abu-Dhabi secured access to Somaliland’s territory to establish a military base. On 1 March 2018, Ethiopia joined the agreement as a 19% shareholder (DP World owns 51% of shares and the Somaliland government 30%, respectively), which includes a commitment to the financing of the Wajale-Berbera Corridor connecting Ethiopia to the port. From the beginning, the Berbera Port deal has generated heated discussions among the public. The idea of partnering with UAE and DP World was welcomed, although concerns were raised over the transparency of the process as well as its potential geopolitical impact, at a time when political divisions in the Horn and the Gulf have increased tensions between transregional rival blocs. However, it is not the contention of this piece to critically analyse the Berbera Port deal, and time will tell how Somaliland takes advantage of it. Nevertheless, it is our firm belief that Somaliland’s new government needs to capitalise on UAE’s diplomatic weight as well as Ethiopia’s active role in the region for the interest of its state and people. 3. PRESENT FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES Currently, Somaliland’s foreign policy is facing complex challenges in a number of areas. Firstly, many analysts claim that Somaliland’s foreign policy approach has been mainly following on self-elucidation approach—which from one perspective achieved remarkable success in achieving the objectives of making the world more aware of Somaliland’s historic, political and legal quest for recognition. However, this approach has lacked a comprehensive policy with workable strategy, one that, looking externally, targets and builds support among regional organisations such as AU, IGAD and other important regional bodies, and, looking internally, embeds foreign policy decision-making, execution and support into the very fabric of government institutions. Somaliland, as a small developing country, has limited financial and human capacity resources to dedicate to a vast array of governance challenges, and it needs to be strategic in its deployment and mobilisation of these resources. This requires a highly feasible and strategic foreign policy that targets spaces and moments of opportunity and possibility where they appear. Secondly, and relatedly, it is widely believed that Somaliland’s foreign policy has been mainly reactive rather than pragmatically proactive. The Foreign Ministry has spent more time dealing with threats to the nation’s territorial integrity and legitimacy in recent years than it has going out into the world to make its case. This is in large part a result of the changing geopolitical circumstances and the international community’s renewed attempts to build a united Somali state, which has placed greater external pressure on Somaliland to fall in line. However, Somaliland has the opportunity to transform this increased attention on the region into renewed attempts to make its case, and must have a well thought-out plan for how to do so. Thirdly, presently, Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs is not structured as an institution that can be entrusted with leading the nation’s foreign policy as well as securing long overdue recognition. It remains too top-heavy, and lacks a committed team of mid-level officers who can track changes in the international environment, maintain regular contact with important allies, follow up on diplomatic opportunities, and provide strategic input. The ministry also lacks the capacity and will to mobilise and engage with civil society, the academic community, domestic officials, traditional leaders and the diaspora to create unified and widespread political momentum in support of foreign policy campaigning and execution. In addition, the budget allocated to the ministry is very meagre, not nearly sufficient enough to attract knowledgeable diplomats as well as efficiently finance Somaliland’s missions abroad. The ministry has also failed to organise strong and capable missions abroad that, if put in place, could play a significant role in promoting Somaliland’s quest for recognition and building deep relations with important friends and supporters of Somaliland’s cause. Diplomacy requires constant contact and visibility within the circles of decision-makers, so as to get the country’s argument across on a wide variety of ever-changing matters. So far, Somaliland’s missions abroad remain poorly equipped in terms of financial and human resources, thus limiting their ability to provide such levels of influence. Fourthly, the other significant foreign policy challenge that Somaliland presently faces is the issue of failed talks with Somalia. Since 2013, a number of rounds negotiations have been held in Turkey between Somaliland and the post-transition government in Somalia. However, to date, these talks have achieved little in the way of success. While a code of conduct and general technical mechanisms have been agreed to in principle, the former has regularly been violated (with commitments to regular meetings and against inflammatory language not adhered to) and the latter never materialising. Furthermore, political conflicts over airspace management, border issues and representation (i.e. whether negotiators originating from Somaliland could be part of the Somali negotiating team) have derailed negotiations, demonstrating that the Federal Government in Somalia remains unready and unwilling to act as a credible dialogue partner. Analysts have placed the blame for the failure of the talks on several related factors. First, some believe that Turkey, who has single-handedly dominated the mediation role in the dialogue since 2013, has demonstrated a lack of in-depth understanding of the political history of Somaliland and Somalia, and thus the depth of the political division separating the two sides. As a result, they have not deployed enough of their diplomatic clout to helping both sides overcome the long-standing mistrust and ideological disagreement between them, which is the precondition to any meaningful discussion. These critics similarly hold Turkey at fault for not allowing the participation of technical support actors, such as aviation experts or civil society, that could provide the technical capacity necessary to negotiate complicated matters of practical cooperation. Second, it is argued that the Silanyo Administration had not prepared a strategic framework on how to navigate the talks with Somalia. As a result, instead of making strategic use of the dialogue process to win concessions and further the institutionalisation of discussions of Somaliland’s independence, the government has only acted to reactively push back against Somalia’s provocations. Third, another important factor behind the failure of the talks is a lack of commitment on the part of the Somali Government. This has included the abrogation of agreements reached during the talks as well as provocative violations of Somaliland’s authority in managing its own territory and assets. 4. CONCLUSION: President Silanyo’s predecessors adjusted their foreign policy goals to the issues that prevailed at the time and adapted different methods to achieve them. President Egal adopted a pro-Africa foreign policy, in which he established cordial relations with Ethiopia and attempted to do similarly with other regional players. Similarly, President Rayale built on this policy by engaging with other important African states. On the other hand, President Silanyo became the first Somaliland president to directly negotiate with Somalia, and, as a result of these talks, Somaliland’s cause became politically bound up in and domesticated this bilateral affair, rather than remaining proactively engaged with the wider world. For these reasons, the authors have argued that Somaliland’s foreign policy in its current form lacks philosophical thought and visionary imagination. With the election of a new president, Musa Bihi, in November 2017, and the end of the Silanyo era, Somaliland now has an opportuntiy to turn the page on a new era in its foreign policy. However, having inherited the reins of the Somaliland government at a difficult time in the country’s foreign policy, when regional geopolotics are more unstable and volatile than in most times in recent memory. Despite this, President Bihi’s first hundred days has demonstrated a commitment to major public policy reforms aimed at strengthening Somaliland’s foundations on good governance, economic growth and the sustainability of its statehood. Only time will tell whether the actions he makes during his tenure will materialise or annul the pledges he made during his campaign for presidency. In the light of the above analysis, the paper makes the following recommendations: 1. Somaliland should consider institutionalising a proper scenario management approach to its foreign policy, one that looks at the implications of different approaches through understanding the given constraints and enablers for each scenario. Adopting such an approach will allow Somaliland to adopt a dynamic foreign policy based on strategies through which it can address the changing global realities in their various political, economic and security dimensions. 2. Somaliland’s foreign policy approach should graduate from the self-elucidation and should henceforth incorporate an aggressive dual-track approach that focuses more on identifying and cultivating relationships with the regional and global actors who can play the strongest role in supporting Somaliland’s quest for recognition, while also expanding trade cooperation with a view to transforming these relationships into long-term diplomatic assets. 3. The Foreign Ministry should set up area-focused departments, which would allow for specialised strategies and diplomatic engagements to be cemented for each important region, including emerging powers, (such as the UAE, Turkey, Qatar), regional actors, (Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya), and traditional powers (the UK, USA, EU, Sweden, Germany, etc.). 4. Somaliland’s foreign policy message must better incorporate historical arguments, so that neighbours and the wider international community can appreciate the full significance of the failure of the Greater Somalia project. This means developing an understanding that the mass violence and war crimes committed against Somalilanders was not a concern of the past, but remains an acute concern for the stability and security of the region in the present. 5. The internationally-backed dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia has been going on for nearly six years, and it has yet to yield a significant positive result. In this regard, Somaliland needs to be very careful, smart, strategic and proactive in how it proceeds. The timing of any resumption of the dialogue is very important, as is the decision on which countries and other diplomatic players should lead any future instances of mediation. Hence, it is our recommendation that Somaliland to reorganise itself and reconsider its vision and intensions regarding the dialogue, and that a special entity should be established and institutionalised to carry out these tasks. Furthermore, the authors recommend that President Bihi’s government (a) engage key political, traditional and civil society leaders for guidance and technical support; (b) establish an inclusive commission mandated to lead the dialogue, and (c) mandate the Foreign Ministry and other diplomatic entities to continue making the diplomatic case to international partners that final resolution to Somaliland’s quest for independence is in the interest of all. In the course of its negotiations with Somalia, Somaliland must be convincing and demonstrate the advantages that Somalia might gain from a sovereign Somaliland. Mohamed Abdillahi Duale is a political analyst and independent researcher on Horn of Africa politics, mainly Somaliland’s international relations. He is currently based in United Kingdom. Saeed Mohamed Ahmed is a social worker and Civil Society activist based in Somaliland and he is currently the Director for Strategy, Research and Innovation Services of Gollis University. End Notes 1. iBradbury, Mark. Becoming Somaliland. Indiana Univ Pr, 2008. 2. ii Egal, Ahmed. The Political Legacy of MI Egal. Somaliland Times, 2007 3. iiiBryden, Matt. “The banana test: is Somaliland ready for recognition?” In Annales d’Ethiopie, vol. 19, pp. 341-364. 2003. 4. iv Ibid 5. v Somaliland Government. (2001) Somaliland: Demand for International Recognition. Policy Document. Hargeisa: Ministry of Information. http://www.somalilandlaw.com/Government_Recognition_Paper_2001.pdf, accessed on 15, February,2018 6. viAbraham, Kinfe. Somalia calling: the crisis of statehood, and the quest for peace. Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, 2002. 7. vii An interview with Nasir Ali in Hargeisa, Somaliland, on September, 2015. 8. viiiJhazbhay, M. Iqbal D. “Somaliland: post-war nation-building and international relations, 1991-2006.” PhD diss., 2008 9. ixMohamed A. Duale, and Saeed M. Ahmed. “Re-Examining Somaliland’s Relations with Neighbouring States.” Pambazuka News 679 (2014). 10. x Ibid 11. xi An Interveiw with Mohamed Saeed Gees in Hargeisa Somaliland January,2016 12. xii Roble, Yusuf. Somaliland: A Nation Reborn. Druckhaus Späth GMbH 2006. 13. xiii De Waal, Alex. The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa. 2016.

MOGADISHU (Reuters) – The speaker of Somalia’s parliament, Mohamed Sheikh Osman Jawari, has resigned ahead of a confidence motion against him, a lawmaker said, ending weeks of political tension. “We were in the parliament house this morning ready for the motion against the speaker. Then the deputy speaker came in and read a resignation letter from the speaker,” lawmaker Dahir Amin Jesow told Reuters. “We applauded and his resignation was accepted as per the constitution. That is the end of the political crisis.” Jawari had held his position since 2013 and has clashed with other lawmakers, including over a decision to withdraw an impeachment motion against the then president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in 2015. Somalia has been in a state of lawlessness since the early 1990s, when dictator Mohammed Siad Barre was toppled by warlords. It has also had to contend with al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab which carries out frequent attacks in Mogadishu and other regions, in a campaign to topple the government.

By Ahmed Abdi KISMAAYO—The Governor of lower Juba Abdirashid Ali Gooni and United Nations’ Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) discussed Sunday ways to further strengthen their relations. Office of the Governor said in a statement that “Mr. Gooni met with Representative of the United Nations Support Office in Kismayo,megnus Bjarnason, noting that, “the two sides stressed the need to strengthen cooperation between the Jubaland State of Somalia and United Nations Mission. “Governor Gooni praised the UN’s efforts to support Jubaland in terms of Security and humanitarian fields as well as the help extended to families repatriated to Jubaland from Dadaab refugee, Kenya,” the statement said. During the meeting, Mr. Bjarnason said the UN’s support of Jubaland State in all areas will continue and the Mission is exploring ways to create jobs for the returned Somali Nationals from refugee camps, according to the statement. In a separate statement, the governor called on the local officials and Governmental institutions from Jubaland to facilitate the work of the United Nations and International partners in part of enhancing cooperation between Jubaland and UN. This autonomous state has strategically situated the mouth of the Indian Ocean and the entrance to the Red Sea. It will connect the Eastern African region to the outside World for the near future. Experts say Jubaland is the most prosperous regional state that has the largest coast of Somalia. Turkey and UAE sent delegations to Kismayo in an effort to present themselves in a region believed its natural resources mainly oil unexploited. Ras-kamboni, a coastal town in the Indian Ocean near Kenya border is thought to have rich deposits of oil and other marine resources. The United States first built the port of Kismayo and China involved in some industrial projects in Jubaland before the civil war in the 1990s.

Two taxi assaults within less than a week of each other last month have taxi drivers on edge; at least one cab company changing its policies. It’s every cab driver’s worst nightmare and it came true for two men last month. They both describe similar situations in which they were robbed and beaten by a young couple who called for their help, a couple one of the men believes to be 21-year-old Shirley Qinones and 20-year-old Hector Rivera, who appeared in court on charges for one of the cases Sunday. The victim, in that case, is Ahmed Hassan, who was attacked in the parking lot of the Ulu Factory in downtown Anchorage on March 22. The other victim has requested KTVA not reveal his identity for fear of another attack. For the purposes of this story, we will refer to him as “Bob”. “I never had any problems, till those guys now,” Bob said of what seemed like a routine call for the taxi driver of more than 30 years. On the night of March 27, a couple called for help opening their car at West High School. The camera in Bob’s taxi caught a quick glimpse of them in the dark. The scenario turned out to be a trap. “The guy grabbed my jacket and tried to knock me down. And when I tried to get the guy, the lady with the baton hit me straight in the head,” Bob said. “The lady kept hitting me in the head, those guys tried to kill me.” Bloodied and severely beaten, Bob managed to drive to the hospital. Even weeks later, his blood stains still mark the scene, hidden behind a snow bank. Bob’s attackers got away with less than what some people keep in their wallet. “They got from me 15 or 17 dollars, just my change. I just started late that night,” Bob said. Hassan believes those were the same people who robbed him at gunpoint just five days before at the Ulu Factory in downtown Anchorage. It was the same story, a couple said they’d locked their keys in the car. “When I came out, I start grabbing my stuff in the trunk, I see people just punching me. But I saw he pulled a pistol,” Hassan said. Hassan soon found himself begging for his life. “She said ‘shoot him, shoot him,’ and I said, ‘please don’t shoot. If you want money or something, take it, but don’t shoot me,'” Hassan said. When Hassan moved here with his family, from Somalia, several years ago, Anchorage was supposed to be a safe haven. “I come here to live, to get peace — that’s why I fled from my country, to get peace,” Hassan said. Now, peace has been replaced with scars — both emotional and physical — scars both men are still trying to heal. Hassan says cab companies need to do more to field calls and ensure they aren’t sending their drivers into dangerous situations. Since the attacks last month, Anchorage Checker Cab says it has revamped its policies. It’s now sending two drivers to some late night calls, instead of just one. But both drivers and dispatchers agree — the safest thing for the industry would be if customers used apps to call for cabs. Normally, Anchorage Checker Cab only collects a person’s name, phone number and drop off address — all of which could easily be made up. But if the industry were able to switch to app-based transactions, similar to Uber and Lyft’s business models, they’d have a lot more data to identify just who they’re going to meet because apps require credit card verification in order to dispatch a driver. It’s something Anchorage Checker Cab owner Michael Thompson says he’s been trying to promote. But because some customers don’t have credit cards or smartphones, cash has become a niche for cabs. They’ll still take it even though Lyft and Uber won’t. “With the app, it does have to be verified, there’s a verification that goes before they use it. So, I suppose that because people know they’ve already been identified, it would be a safer method of getting a cab to a person,” Thompson said, adding that the app can also be an added convenience for customers because they can track the cab’s route. Anchorage Assembly Vice-Chair Forrest Dunbar says his ordinance to change certain taxi regulations could help, by reducing fees on the industry in other areas. In doing so, Dunbar hopes to encourage companies to invest in app-based systems. “We do hope that the taxi industry starts using apps more, we think that it will help them reach more young folks,” Dunbar said. “I know it’s expensive for the industry to make that adaptation as well.” Dunbar’s ordinance will be taken up by the Anchorage Assembly on Tuesday. Copyright 2018 KTVA. All rights reserved. Source: – KTVA

Wars between Parliament and the Executive on one hand and the Judiciary on the other hand have intensified after legislators insisted on vetting Justice Mohamed Warsame as a nominee to the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). Despite a court order and a directive from JSC that Mr Warsame should not to appear before the Justice and Legal Affairs committee, MPs plan to write a report on the vetting. The MPs have sought background information from relevant State agencies, including the National Intelligence Service and Ethics and Ant-Corruption Commission (EACC). “We wish to confirm that we have not undertaken any investigations where Justice Mohamed Abdulahi Warsame has been found culpable. The information provided is based on records available as at March 29, 2018,” wrote EACC Deputy CEO Michael Mubea to National Assembly Clerk Michael Sialai, in a letter dated April 3. He said the absence of records in the commission’s database was no guarantee of the nominee’s integrity. Progress report The MPs plan to write what they call a “progress report” stating that they were unable to vet Warsame and therefore could not determine his suitability. A senior member of the National Assembly told The Standard that National Assembly Speaker Justin Muturi would send the progress report to President Uhuru Kenyatta, telling him that since they had been barred from vetting the judge, he was not suitable to serve in the commission. The MPs want to use Article 250 of the Constitution, which requires that chairpersons and members of independent commissions must be approved by the National Assembly and can only be sworn in once they are formally appointed by the President. “No one can be sworn in unless he is appointed by the President. The election by the High Court or Court of Appeal as representative is a method of recommendation, not appointment,” Mr Muturi told The Standard by phone from London. Source: – Standard Digital

The World Bank’s Doing Business 2018 report ranks 190 economies based on how easy it is to do business there, taking into account trading regulations, property rights, contract enforcement, investment laws, the availability of credit and a number of other factors. 1. New Zealand (Rank 1) For the second year in a row, New Zealand retains its position at the top of the Doing Business rankings. The Oceanic country may be thousands of miles away from major markets in the West, but global supply chains and new communication technologies are eroding this hindrance. New Zealand’s strengths are particularly pronounced when it comes to starting a business; the country boasts the smallest number of procedures required – just one – and the shortest time needed to fulfil them (half a day). It also scores highly in terms of building regulation transparency, tax payment services and protecting minority investors. 2. Georgia (Rank 9) The only lower-middle-income economy to feature in the top 20, at first glance Georgia appears to be something of an anomaly. With a population of just 3.7 million and a GDP per capita that ranks among the lowest in Europe, it is not a country often considered a business hotspot. However, the Georgian Government has made great efforts to enhance private enterprise in the country, implementing 47 business regulation reforms since the Doing Business report began in 2003 – more than any other country in the survey. Among the many changes, Georgia has made electricity more affordable and created more accessible insolvency proceedings for debtors and creditors. 3. UAE (Rank 21) The UAE is the best-performing country in the Middle East and North Africa region, and climbed five places from last year. The country performs particularly well in the availability of electricity and the efficiency of issuing construction permits. In addition, great strides have been made towards improving credit reporting, with credit bureaus now offering scores to banks and other financial institutions, helping them to more accurately determine the creditworthiness of borrowers. The formation of a regulatory reform committee, which pays close attention to the Doing Business metrics and how to score highly, has also helped the UAE’s rise. 4. Thailand (Rank 26) Thailand is one of the world’s most improved economies in terms of the ease of doing business, having implemented eight reforms during the 2016/17 period covered by the report. The adoption of a new secured transactions law has bolstered the rights of creditors and borrowers, while changes to risk assessment and land administration systems boosted efficiency markedly. These reforms, and a host of others, have created a much more welcoming business climate in the country. Not so long ago, starting a company in Thailand took an average of 27.5 days. Now, it takes less than five, demonstrating the South-East Asian country’s impressive recent development. 5. Chile (Rank 55) Chile was ranked 34th in the 2014 Doing Business report, but has suffered a significant drop in the years since. While the World Bank has been keen to stress that the fall is simply due to other nations improving at a faster rate, some suspect foul play. Critics of the report have gone as far as suggesting that Chile’s lower ranking is politically motivated, influenced by opponents of the country’s left-leaning former president, Michelle Bachelet. The 12 methodological changes made between 2014 and 2016, which have largely damaged Chile’s score, have only added credence to claims of the report’s bias. 6. India (Rank 100) India may already be the world’s sixth-largest economy, and is growing fast, but it still has a long way to go if it’s to make doing business in the country easier. Fortunately, the government is working hard to climb the ranking. The processes for making tax payments were streamlined in 2016, thanks to the introduction of income computation and disclosure standards. Contract enforcement has also improved due to the adoption of performance measurement reports on a wider scale. One area where India has had great success is protecting minority investors, where enhanced standards of governance have had a significant impact. 7. Nigeria (Rank 145) Nigeria made it onto the report’s list of the 10 most improved economies for the first time this year as a result of recently enforced business reforms. Africa’s most populous state recently increased transparency regarding construction permits and the transferral of property rights. Starting a business has also become a faster process since the government introduced the electronic stamping of registration documents. Nigeria is still playing catch-up in other areas, and ranks particularly poorly in terms of electricity access and cross-border trade. The country’s overall position shows there is much work still to be done. 8. Somalia (Rank 190) For the second year in a row, Somalia has the unwanted distinction of being named the most challenging place in which to do business. Dire economic conditions, a fragile political climate and the ongoing threat of terrorism make it difficult for Somalia to create much upward momentum. A mostly dollarised economy and a worrying number of regulatory loopholes have also meant that the informal economy often seems more prominent than the formal one. Business potential does exist, particularly if diaspora professionals can be enticed back to the country, but the chances of Somalia rising significantly up the Doing Business rankings look slim for now. Source: World Finance

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Xildhibaanada baarlamaanka Somalia ayaa aad u dhaliilay hanaanka ay dadka shacabka ah uga qeybqaadanayaan Siyaasada ka jirta dalka. Xildhibaan Maxamed Cumar Dalxa oo ka mid ah mudanayaasha Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya, ayaa sheegay in dadka shacabka ah ay kaalin weyn ka qaatan Khilaaf Siyaasadeedka ka dhaca dalka. Dalxa oo la hadlaayay Idaacada knn ee magaalada Muqdisho ayaa tilmaamay in shacabka ay kaalintooda ku qaatan hanaan laga wanaagsan yahay islamarkaana xiliyada qaar ay sabab u noqdan in Khilaaf Siyaasadeedka uu meel xun gaaro. Dalxa waxa uu tusaale usoo qaatay Mooshinka laga keenay Jawaari iyo sida ay uga qeybqaaten dadka shacabka ah, waxa uuna cadeeyay in dadka qaar ay sii hurinayeen Khilaafka. ‘’Dadka shacabka baraha bulshada ayey ku afuufayeen waxa ay rabaan, Warbaahintuna waxa ay tabineysay waxa ay doonto, waxaan orankaraa waxa ay qaabab khaldan uga qeybqaaten Khilaafka’’ Waxa uu intaa ku daray ‘’Baraha bulshada wixii la doono lagu qoraa, mana jirto cid mas’uuliyad iska saarta ilaalinta Qaranka, iyo dalkaba, taasina ay tahay dhibaato inteeda la’eg’’. Xildhibaan Dalxa ayaa sheegay in qeybaha kala duwan ee bulshada ay ku milmeen siyaasada isla markaana ay ugu hadlaan qaab qabiileed, qaab urureed iyo wixii la mid ah. ‘’Qaarkood ayaa qabiil ahaan ugu hiilinaayay Jawaari, qaarna urur ahaan, waxaan qirayaa in kaalinta shacabka ee Khilaafka uu ahaa mid u badan hurin iyo sii kala geyn, waayo waxa aan mar qaati ka ahay in lagu kala jabo khilaafyada’’ Dhinaca kale, Xildhibaan Dalxa ayaa dadka Shacabka ah ugu baaqay inay dhex dhexaad ka noqdaan Khilaaf Siyaasadeedka ka dhexeeya Madaxda dalka. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari, guddoomiyahii golaha shacabka ee baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa iska casilay xilkii uu hayey. Guddoomiye ku xigeenka Koowaad ee golaha shacabka C/weli Muudey ayaa xildhibaanno saakay tagay golaha shacabka waxa uu ka hor akhriyey warqad uu sheegay in guddoomiye Jawaari isku casilay, islamarkaana uu u qoray madaxweyne Farmaajo. Warar ay Caasimadda Online ka heshay guddoonka golaha shacabka ayaa xaqiijiyey in Jawaari uu is casilay kadib markii uu cadaadiska ku batay iyo isaga oo go’aansaday inuu ka tago dhaxal ah inaan la xumeyn waxqabadkiisa Shantii sano ee lasoo dhaafay. Sidoo kale, warar lagu kalsoon yahay oo aan helnay ayaa waxay sheegayaan in mudane Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari uu xanuunsan yahay. Xanuunka guddoomiyaha ayaa la soo sheegayaa inuu ka dhashay cadaadiska siyaasadeed oo uu wajahayey maalmihii ugu dambeeyey. Guddoomiyaha ayaan jiifan dhawr habeen, waana nin da’ ah, waxaana lasoo sheegayaa inuu aad u xanuunsanayo. Buuq badan ayaa ka jiray mooshinkii laga keenay guddoomiyaha golaha shacabka, iyadoo goluhu uu Labo garab u kala qeybsamay. Saakay ayeey xildhibaannada u ballansanaayeen in codka loo qaado guddoomiye Jawaari, hase ahaatee waxaa soo baxday warqaddan is casilaaddiisa ah. Wixii warar ah ee kusoo kordha Xaaladda Guddoomiye Jawaari waan idinla socodsiin doona Inshaa Allah. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Waxaa soo baxaaya warar sheegaya in Xildhibaano ka tirsan garabka Guddoomiyaha Is casilay Maxamed Sheekh Cusmaan Jawaari ay aad uga carooden is casilaadiisa. Wararku waxa ay sheegayaan in Xildhibaanadaas ay Jawaari ku eedeeyen mowqif xumo, kadib markii uu uga baxay ballankii ahaa in laga dhabeeyo diidmada Mooshinka. Xildhibaanada aad uga carooday go’aanka uu Jawaari isku casilay ayaa waxaa kamid ah Idiris Dhakhtar oo kaalin weyn ka qaadanaayay nagaanshiyaha Guddoomiye Jawaari. Xildhibaanka ayaa go’aanka uu Jawaari isku casilay ku sheegay mid aan laga fiirsan, hase ahaatee waxa uu tilmaamay in is casilaadaasi ay tahay mid lagu dagdagay. Sidoo kale, waxaa lasoo sheegayaa inay jiraan Xildhibaano farabadan oo ku garab aha Guddoomiye Jawaari kuwaa oo aan waxba laga ogeysiin is xasilaada, balse warbaahinta un ka maqlay Is casilaada Jawaari. Xildhibaanada ayaa iyagu ku doodaaya inay u dhabar jabeen is garabtaaga Jawaari inta uu socday Mooshinka, balse aan waxba lagala socodsiin is casilaada. Is casilaada Jawaari ayaa soo dagdagtay kadib cadaadis kaga imaaday Saaxiibada caalamka, taa oo dhalisay inuu ka bixiyo jawaab adag. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Madaxtooyada Somalia ayaan weli ka hadal Is casilaada Jawaari, waxaana lasoo sheegayaa in halkaa uu weli ka socdo shirar kala duwan. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Faahfaahin dheeraad ah ayaa kasoo baxeysa qaabkii ay u dhacday is-casilaadda Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Somalia Prof. Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan (Jawaari). Is-casilaadda Jawaari ayaa ka danbeysay kulan bilowday xalay saqdii dhexe oo socday muddo saddex saacadooda ah, iyadoo kulanka labada mas’uul ku wehliyey guddoomiye ku xigeenka labaad Mahad Cabdalla Cawad. Jawaari ayaa aqbalay inuu ka tanaasulo xilka si xal loogu helo khilaafka hareeyay Barlamaanka isagoo sheegay inuu u tanaasulayo danta guud, mar haddii ay suuragal noqon weyday in la mideeyo Baarlamaanka. Guddoomiye Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari ayaa qoray qoraal kooban oo ku saabsan is casilaadiid, waxaana marqaati looga dhigay Guddoomiye ku xigeenka labaad Mahad Cawad iyo xubno kale, wuxuuna dalbaday in is-casilaadiisa aan la shaacin ilaa Arbacadda oo uu hortegi doono Baarlamaanka oo mideysan ugana dhawaaqi doono. Guddoomiye ku xigeenka koowaad ee Baarlamaanka C/weli Muudey oo gaaray xarunta Baarlamaanka saaka ayaa u sheegay xildhibaanno ku dhow 100 oo goobta ku hormaray inuu is casilay guddoomiye Jawaari, isagoo ku qanciyey xildhibaannada inuu shirkii baaqday oo Arbacadda uu kulanka xiga dhici doono. Waxaa sidaas ku soo gabagaboobay murankii soo bilowday 14-tii Maarso kadib markii mooshin ka dhan ah ay ka keeneen Guddoomiye Jawaari, iyadoo markaas kadib uu dalku galay xiisad siyaasadeed. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Dadweynaha Soomaliyeed Waxa Lagu Wargalinaaya in Kalkaal speciality hospital ee magaalada Muqdisho uu imaan doono Dhaqtarkii Hindiga ahaa ee ku taqasusay Cudurada lafaha kudhaca Dr.P.Sankaralingam oo heesta Shaadooyinka Qualification: M.S (Ortho), DNB (Ortho), MNAMS Dhaqtarka ayaana ku xeel dheer BEDELKA JILBAHA(KNEE REPLACEMENT BEDELISTA SINAHA (HIP REPLACEMENT TOOSINTA LAFAHA QALOOCDAY KABISTA LAFAHA JAJABAY DAWEYNTA LAFA XANUUNKA DAWEYNTA DHABAR XANUUNKA DAWEYNTA ROOMATIISIMKA DAWAYNTA MURQAHA FIIRO GAAR AH DHAQTARKAAN WAA DHAQTARKII LOO AADIJIRAY DALKA HINDIA WAANA DHAQTAR KU TAQAQUSAY LAFAHA SIDA LATACAALIDDA XANUUNKA KU YIMAADA LAFAHA AYDAOO LA ADEEGSAN DOONO QALAB CASRI AH . DHAMAAN HOWSHAANI WAA MID KUCUSUB DALKA SOMALIA WAXAANA KUU KEENAY KALKAAL SPECIELATY HOSPITAL, SHAQADAANI WAXAY DHICI DOONTAA INSHA ALLAH 1/5/2018 HADABA ISDIIWAANGELINTU WAYSOCOTAA, ISBITAALKU WUXUU KUYAALAA ISGOWSKA DIGFEER IYO BANAADIR INTA UDHE XAYSO, AGAGAARKA MASJIDKA CABDULLAAHI CIISE. WIXII FAAH FAAHIN AH KALASOOXIIR / TE L617633661 / 0617633662 /0699996665

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Prof. Maxamed Sh. Cismaan Jawaari ayaa iska casilay xilkii Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya. Prof. Jawaari ayaa waraaqdiisa is casilaada u gudbiyey Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Ra’isulwasaaraha iyo guddoomiye ku xigeenka koowaad ee Muudey. Waraaqdaas ayaa Maanta waxaa Xildhibaanada Baarlmaanka ka hor akhriyey guddoomiye ku xigeenka koowaad ee Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Cabdiweli Sh. Muudey. Haddaba Caasimadda Online ayaa soo ogaatay waxyaabaha Prof. jawaari ku dhaliyey inuu is casilo. Sida xogta sheegeyso waxaa la hadal hayaa laba qodob oo Jawaari ku qasabtay inuu is casilo, waxaana loo badinayaa qodobka koowaad: 1) Labadii Maalin ee ugu dambeysay Jawaari ayaa lumiyey Xildhibaano badan waxaana soo fuulay Culeys badan oo dhanka Xildhibaanada ah 2) Inuu qaata Lacag Shan Malyan ah sidaasna uu ku aqbalay inuu is casilo. Xildhibaanada qaar ee taageersanaa Prof. Jawaari oo Caasimadda la hadlay ayaa ku doodayo inuu Jawaari qaatay lacag isla markaasna uu sameeyey qiyaano qaran, ayna hadda kadib ka fiirsan doonaan shakhsiyaadka noocaan oo kale ah. Guddoomiye Jawaari ayaa wajahay culeys siyaasadeed oo aad u badan, waxaana xusid mudan inuu yahay 73 jir ay da’da ka damba timid isla markaasna aan u dulqaadan karin dagaal siyaasadeed. Guddoomiye Jawaari ayaa la filayaa inuu Arbacada Xildhibaanada Baarlamaanka u jeediyo Khudbad uu ku caddeenayo sababta uu isku casilay. Waxaa hadda Villa Somalia ka socdo kulan xasasi ah oo u dhaxeeyo Madaxweynaha, Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka, ku xigeenadiisa iyo Ra’isulwasaare Kheyre, waxaana la doonayaa in lagu heshiisiiyo xubnihii siyaasadda isku qabtay maadaama uu dagaalka dhamaaday Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Wararka naga soo gaaraya Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa sheegaya in Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari uu goor dhawayd iscasilay ka dib wadaxaajood socday shalay ila aiyo saaka. Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya iyo Gudoomiye Jawaari ayaa shalay galinki dambe kul qaatay mudo saacado ah waxaa lagu soo qaaday in xaalada siyaasadeed ee dalka ka taagan kana dhalatay Mooshinka Jawaari laga keenay la soo afjaro. Ilaa iyo hada Gudoomiye Jawaari wali lama uusan hadlin Warbahinta balse warqadiis iscasilaada ayaa waxaa shaaciyay Gudoomiye kuxigeenka 1aad ee Baarlamaanka kaas oo Xildhibaanada hortooda ka Akhriyay Warqadii iscasilaada Gudoomiyaha . Xildhibaanada Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa saaka ku balan sanaa kulankoodii ay Mooshinka ugu qaadi lahaayeen Gudoomiyaha ,balse waxaa lagu wargaliyay markii ay Golaha taeen in Gudoomiyuhu uu iscasilay. Wasiirka Dastuurka C/raxmaan Xoosh Jibriil ayaa bartiisa Facebook ku soo qoray in Jawaari uu is casilay, isla markaana la laalay Mooshinkii laga gudbiyay . lasoco wixii soo kordha.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Sida aan warkeena hore ku sheegnay waxaa goordhow is casilay Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka Somalia Maxamed Sheekh Cusmaan Jawaari, oo waayadanba lagu muransanaa xilkiisa. Is casilaada Guddoomiye Jawaari kadib ayaa waxaa kulan khaasa uu Xarunta Villa Somalia uga furmay Madaxweyne Farmaajo, Ra’isul wasaare Kheyre iyo Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka Jawaari. Kulankan saaka dib u bilowday ayaa la sheegay in lagu heshiisiinayay Ra’isul wasaare Kheyre iyo Guddoomiye Jawaari, waxa uuna ka danbeeyay kadib ogolaanshiyaha Jawaari ee is casilaada. Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa labada Mas’uul ka dhex abuuray Heshiis niyad sami ah, waxaana sidoo kale Guddoomiyaha lagu war galiyay inuu iska iloobow wixii hore. Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa la sheegay in sidoo kale uu kulamo kala duwan la furay garabyada iska soo horjeeday ee baarlamanaka Somalia taa oo ka danbeysay in Jawaari uu Madaxweynaha ka dalbaday qancinta garabka kala shaqeynaayay fashilinta Mooshinka. Kulamo kuwaa ka duwan ayaa Saaka ka socda Hooyga Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka ee is casilay waxaana halkaa ku sugan Xildhibaano ka tirsan garabka kasoo horjeeday Mooshinka xalka laga gaaray. Xildhibaanada ku sugan Hooyga Jawaari ayaa waxaa kamid ah Guddi la sheegay inay ka danbeeyen natiijada is casilaada ee Saaka kasoo baxday Jawaari. Go’aanka is casilaada Jawaari ayaa waxaa kaalin weyn ka qaatay Xubno ka tirsan Beesha Caalamka oo iyagu aad uga soo horjeeday khilaafka faraha kasii baxaayay. Geesta kale, Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Ra’isul wasaare Kheyre ayaa lagu wadaa in saacadaha soo socda ay war kasoo saran Is casilaada Jawaari. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Wars between Parliament and the Executive on one hand and the Judiciary on the other hand have intensified after legislators insisted on vetting Justice Mohamed Warsame as a nominee to the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). Source: Hiiraan Online

Two taxi assaults within less than a week of each other last month have taxi drivers on edge; at least one cab company changing its policies. Source: Hiiraan Online

Guddoomiye ku xigeenka 1-aad ee Golaha shacabka Soomaaliya Cabdi wali Shiikh Ibraahim Muudeey ayaa goor-dhaw sheegay in uu iscasilay Guddoomiyaha Golaha Shacabka Soomaaliya Maxamed Shiikh Cusmaan Jawaari. Warqad la sheegay in uu soo qoray Guddoomiye Jawaari ayaa laga hor aqriyay fadhi la sheegay in aysan joogin Xildhibaano badan oo maanta ka qabsoomay xarunta Golaha shacabka Soomaaliya waxaana warqadaasi ku qorneed in uu iscasilay Prof Jawaari. Ma jirto faah faahin intaas ka badan oo laga haayo, Xildhibaan ka tirsan garabka Guddoomiye Jawaari ayaa ii sheegay in warqad la aqriyay balse aysan xaqiijin karin xaqiiq ahaanshiyaha Warqadda. Xildhibaano ka tirsan Golaha Shacabka Soomaaliya oo aan la hadalnay ayaa wax ay xaqiijiyeen is cailaada gudoomiyaha baarlaamanka soomaaliya. Xildhibaano aan badneyn oo ku shiray Xarunta Golaha Shacabka ayaa waxaa warqad is casilaad ah ka hor akhriyey gudoomiye kuxigeenka 1aad ee Golaha Shacabka Cabduweli Ibarahim Muudeey. Sidoo kale Xoosh Jarbiil oo ah Wasiirka Dastuurka ayaa Boggiisa Facebook kusoo qoray inuu jawaari is casilay