Mandheera (Caasimada Online) – Maleeshiyo ka tirsan kooxda Al-Shabaab ayaa weeraray oo qabsaday masjid ku yaalla magaalada Mandheera ee dalka Kenya, halkaasi oo dhowr saac ay ka wacdinayeen. Booliiska deegaanka ayaa sheegay in rag aad u hubeysan oo Shabaab ah ay qabsadeen masjidka Komor Haile, abaare 10-kii habeenimo ee xalay, ayna joogeen illaa labadii subaxnimo ee jimcaha maanta ah. “Waxay yimaadeen ayada oo Sheekh uu noo wacdinayo, waxay ka dafeen makaroofanka, waxayna amreen inuu fariisto oo uu dhageysto” Waxaa sidaas yiri qof ku sugnaa masjidka, markii dhacdadan ay dhacday. Waxa uu sheegay in dhowr saac ay masjidka ku xannibnaayeen, oo qofna aan loo ogolaan inuu ka baxo. Sarkaal sare oo ka tirsan booliska ayaa xaqiijiyey dhacdadan, isaga oo sheegay in maleeshiyada fulisay ay ahaayeen 10 nin oo aad u hubeysan, kuwaas oo la rumeysan yahay inay kasoo gudbeen xadka Soomaaliya. Sarkaalka oo codsaday inaan la magacaabin ayaa sheegay in maleeshiyada ay dadka weydiinayeen halka ay ku sugan yihiin guddoomiyaha degmada, taliyaha booliiska iyo xubnaha kale ee dowladda deegaanka. Waa markii labaad ee Al-Shabaab ay qabstao masjid ku yaalla Mandheera, ayada oo markii koowaad ay ahayd August, 2015, markaasi oo sidoo kale ay jeeidyeen wacdi ka dhan ah dowladda Kenya. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Nairobi Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Madaxweynaha Somalia, Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa mar kale ku celiyay in si shuruud la’aan ah loo joojiyo dagaalka ka socda deegaanka Tuka-raq ee Gobolka Sool, isaga oo caddeeyay in Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ay sameysay, walina ay waddo dadaal kasta oo lagu baajin karo in la daadiyo dhiiga dadka Soomaaliyeed. Madaxweynaha oo maanta hadalkan ka jeediyay khudbadii Jimcaha keddib Masjidka Shuhadada ee Villa Soomaaliya ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay in dagaallada iyo muusiibooyinka soo noqnoqda looga gudbi karo in shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay Allaah waydiistaan dambi dhaaf, ayna la yimaadaana isku duubni iyo midnimo. “Waxaan rabaa inaan baaq u jeediyo dadka Soomaaliyeed ee dhiigga ku daadinaya magaalada Tuka-raq. Waxaan leeyahay xabad joojin degdeg ah hala sameeyo, dhiiga daadanayana hala baajiyo. Waxa dhimanaayo waa wiilal Soomaaliyeed. Annagu ka dowlad ahaan wixii karaankeenna ah waan sameynay. Waan isku daynay Alle hortiisa inaan baajinno dhiigaas,” ayuu yiri Madaxweyne Farmaajo. Sidoo kale, Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa ugu baaqay shacabka Soomaaliyeed inay gacmaha isqabsadaan, ayna gargaar u fidiyaan walaalaha Soomaaliyeed ee ay dhibaatada kasoo gaartay roobabkii iyo duufaannadii maalmo kahor ku dhuftay qeybo kamid ah Somaliland iyo Puntland iyo fatahaadaha Wabiyada Shabeelle iyo Jubba oo iyaga laftooda sababay barakac baahsan iyo burbur hantiyeed. Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa uga mahad celiyay dalalka aan saaxiibka nahay iyo hay’adaha samafalka ee garab istaagay walaalaha Soomaaliyeed ee ay saameeynta xooggan ku yeesheen duufaannada iyo daadadka ku dhuftay qeybo kamid ah dalka. Dhanka kale, Madaxweynaha DF ayaa adkeeyay muhiimadda ay leedahay in hay’adaha amniga lagala shaqeeyo sidii loo sugi lahaa nabadgelyada dalka, loogana adkaan lahaa kooxaha argagixisada ah ee doonaya in ay maalin walba dhibaateeyaan dadka Soomaaliyeed ee gudanaya waajibaadka bisha barakeysan ee Ramadaan. PUNTLAND POST The post Madaxweynaha DF Somalia oo ku baaqay in si deg-deg ah loo joojiyo Dagaallada Tuka-raq appeared first on Puntland Post.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Wasaaradda amniga xukuumadda federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa waxa ay si faah faahsan uga hadashay dhacdadii maalin ka hor ka dhacday Koontaroolka Ciidanka NISA ku leeyihiin agagaarka KM-0 ee magaalada Muqdisho. Dhacdada ayaa waxa ay la xiriirtay in askari ka tirsan ciidanka ku sugnaa Barta Kontorool uu hal xabad ku riday gaari uu la socday Xildhibaan Xildhibaan C/llaahi Maxamed Nuur oo ka tirsan Golaha Shacabka, kadib markii uu ka gudbay barta kontorool. Wasaaradda amniga ayaa qoraal ay soo saartay ku tiri “Wasaaradda amniga Gudaha Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya waxay Shacabka Soomaaliyeed iyo Xildhibaannada Golaha Shacabka la wadaageysaa shil kooban oo maalin kahor xilli galabnimo abbaarahihii 5:30-PM ka dhacday barta koontaroolka Ciidamada Amniga ay ku leeyihiin KM-0 ee magaalada Muqdisho, waxaa goobta ka dhacday hal xabbad oo kaliya taas oo askari ka tirsan ciidamada uu kor ugu riday digniin ahaan kadib markii uu ka shakiyay gaari ka gudbay barta kontorool.” Sidoo kale Wasaaradda amniga ayaa qoraalkeeda waxay ku sheegtay in ay bilowday baaritaanada la xiriira dhacdadaas, dibna ay ka soo saari doonto wixii go’aan ah, iyada oo sidoo kale tilmaamtay in ciidamada ay habeen iyo maalin diyaar u yihiin inay naftooda u huraan difaaca muwaadiniinta Soomaaliyeed oo dhan. Wasaaradda amniga ayaa waxa ay sheegtay in ciidamada ay amar ku qabaan in ay ilaaliyaan amniga Xildhibaannada iyo Mas’uuliyiinta Dowladda, islamarkaana dhowraan xasaanadda Xildhibaannada labada Gole ee Baarlamaanka oo laguma xad gudbaan ah. Ugu dambeyntii Wasaaradda ayaa tilmaamtay in ay aad uga xun tahay wararka aan salka lahayn ee laga faafiyey ciidamada amniga, waxayna ugu baaqday dhammaan Xildhibaannada iyo Mas’uuliyiinta Dowladda oo dhan inay iska ilaaliyaan faafinta iyo ka qeyb qaadashada wararka lidka ku ah ciidamada oo khalkhal gelinaya xasiloonida iyo Dowladnimada.

Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa mar kale ku celiyay in si shuruud la’aan ah loo joojiyo dagaalka ka socda deegaanka Tuka-raq ee Gobolka Sool, isaga oo caddeeyay in Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ay sameysay, walina ay waddo dadaal kasta oo lagu baajin karo in la daadiyo dhiiga dadka Soomaaliyeed. Madaxweynaha oo maanta hadalkan ka jeediyay khudbadii Jimcaha keddib Masjidka Shuhadada ee Villa Soomaaliya ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay in dagaallada iyo muusiibooyinka soo noqnoqda looga gudbi karo in shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay Allaah waydiistaan dambi dhaaf, ayna la yimaadaana isku duubni iyo midnimo. Madaxweynaha ayaa yiri “Waxaan rabaa inaan baaq u jeediyo dadka Soomaaliyeed ee dhiigga ku daadinaya magaalada Tuka-raq. Waxaan leeyahay xabad joojin degdeg ah hala sameeyo, dhiiga daadanayana hala baajiyo. Waxa dhimanaayo waa wiilal Soomaaliyeed. Annagu ka dowlad ahaan wixii karaankeenna ah waan sameynay. Waan isku daynay Alle hortiisa inaan baajinno dhiigaas.” Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa ugu baaqay shacabka Soomaaliyeed in ay gacmaha isqabsadaan, ayna gargaar u fidiyaan walaalaha Soomaaliyeed ee ay dhibaatada kasoo gaartay roobabkii iyo duufaannadii maalmo kahor ku dhuftay qeybo kamid ah Somaliland iyo Puntland iyo fatahaadaha Wabiyada Shabeelle iyo Jubba oo iyaga laftooda sababay barakac baahsan iyo burbur hantiyeed. Madaxweyne Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa uga mahad celiyay dalalka aan saaxiibka nahay iyo hay’adaha samafalka ee garab istaagay walaalaha Soomaaliyeed ee ay saameeynta xooggan ku yeesheen duufaannada iyo daadadka ku dhuftay qeybo kamid ah dalka. Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda ayaa adkeeyay muhiimadda ay leedahay in hay’adaha amniga lagala shaqeeyo sidii loo sugi lahaa nabadgelyada dalka, loogana adkaan lahaa kooxaha argagixisada ah ee doonaya in ay maalin walba dhibaateeyaan dadka Soomaaliyeed ee gudanaya waajibaadka bisha barakeysan ee Ramadaan.

May 25 (UPI) -- Yemeni officials have declared the southern island of Socotra a disaster zone after Cyclone Mekunu hit and trapped people in floodwaters strong enough to sink two cargo ships. Source: Hiiraan Online

Suspected Al-Shabaab militants invaded a mosque on the Kenya-Somalia border and preached to the residents for about five hours. Source: Hiiraan Online

COMESA Ministers of Justice and Attorneys General have passed new regional legal instruments among them, the COMESA Airspace Agreement and the Agreement on Admission of Somalia to COMESA. Source: Hiiraan Online

NAIROBI, May 25 (Xinhua) -- Thousands of victims of a devastating cyclone that hit Somaliland on May 19 are in dire need of food, clean water and basic health services, said global charity World Vision in a statement issued in Nairobi on Friday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Dardar gelinta hannaanka loo yaqaan (Globalization) ee Bariga Dhexe iyo Geeska Afrika, ujeedkuna yahay si loo helo hannaan fudud oo isku xira salkana ku hayo xog is weydaarsiga, sida sirdoonka, dhaqaalaha, ciidanka iyo isgaarsiinta aya waxa caqabad ku noqday isla markaana udub dhexaad u noqday amni darada ka jirta geeska Afrika (Soomaaliya) iyo gacanka cadmeed. Iyadoo ay qeyb ka yihiin wadamada ay quseyso xiisada colaadeed iyo kuwa kalo oo daneeya arrimaha Geeska Afrika iyo Gacanka Cadmeed. Wadamada Mareykanka, Ruushka, Shiinaha, Iiraan, Turkiga iyo kuwa Carabta aya waxa ka dhex bilowday in ay isku herdiyan gacan ku haynta biyaha badda cas iyo Badweynta Hindiya. Iyado wadamada Carabta ee dhoofiya saliidda ay laba jeer khatar u arkaan dalka Soomaaliya, Waa dal leh qeyraadka Saliidda oo an weli la taaban Waa dal juqraafi ahan ku yaal marin muhiim u ah ganacsiga iyo isgaarsiinta adduunka. Isku dhacan wadamada gacanka iyo geeska Afrika waxa ay keeneysa xasilooni darro ka dhalata xuduudaha ay leeyihiin dalalkaas taasoo horseed u noqoneysa in an la helin amni buuxo oo aay isaga gooshaan maraakiibta ganacsi ee mara biyaha Geeska Afrika, Ganacka cadmeed iyo Bab al-Mandab, kaasoo lagu qiyaasay ganacsi ka badan $1 Trilion oo doollarka Mareykanka ah in uu maro biyaha Geeska Afrika iyo ganacka Cadmeed, iyado wadamada beesha caalamka ay xoogga saareen sidii looga hortagi laha ururada Alqaacida gacanka Cadmeed (AQAP) iyo ururka Al Shabaab. Balse aaney muhiimadda saarin kaliya sidii biyaha Geeska Afrika iyo Ganacka cadmeed ay si nabad ah uga gudbi lahaayeen maraakiibta ganacsi ee isaga goosha qaaradda Aasiya iyo Yurubta Galbeed. Waxa kale oo jira in biyaha Soomaaliya ay ku kulmaan iskuna xiraan isgaarsiinta internetka ee loo yaqaan Global Fiber Optic Connectivity HUB (GFOC) taaso inta badan laga ilaaliyo in wadamada Shiinaha, Ruushka iyo Iiraan in ay wax yeelaan, waana midda ay u joogaan maraakiibta dagaalka ee dalalka ku bahoobay ururka NATO waxayna ku joogaan qaraar ka soo baxay Qaramada Midoobay, balse aaney ku joogin rabitaanka Dowlad Soomaaliyeed, taaso qatarteeda leh marka laga eego dhanka madaxbaanida iyo midnimada Dalka Soomaaliya. Haddaba iyado taa ay ka duulayan wadamada Carabta gaar ahan Qatar, Sucuudiga iyo Imaaraadka aya waxa ay bilaabeen in Soomaaliya anay noqon wadan uu amni ka jiro, iyago wakiilanaya dhaqaale badana ku bixinaya dalalka deriska la ah ee Itoobiya iyo Kenya. Dowladda Imaaraadka aya ku abaal marisay dalka Itoobiya in uu yeesho 19% dekedda Berbera, si ay Itoobiya uga mid noqota wadamada lagala tashado isla markaana saami ku leh juqraafiyadda siyaasadeed ee Geeska Afrika, iyado laga ilaaliyay in Dowladda Soomaaliya ay kaalinkeedi hesho, aya waxa heshiis seddex geesood ah uu dhex maray Imaaraadka, Itoobiya iyo maamulka Somaliland. Waxa sido kale jira xiriir hoose oo dhex maray dalka Qatar & Kenya iyago sido kale u wakiishay dalka Kenya in uu qeyb ka noqdo dagaal dhanka warbaahinta ah taaso Kenya ay marar badan ku eedeysay dalka Imaaraadka in uu Soomaaliya ku hayo faragelin toos ah, waxayna Kenyanka uga digeen Imaaradka in ay joojiyan faragelinta isla markaana ay tixgeliyan madaxbannaanida dalka Soomaaliya. Waxa ayan darro ah in Dowladda Federaalka ah aanay ahmiyad siinin khatarta kasoo socota geeska Afrika, waxana ay ku mashquulsan tahay siyaasad gurracan oo an hadaf lahayn, waxa ayna ahayd in kaalinkeeda ay ka qaadato siyaasadda geeska Afrika sameysana istraatijiyad cad oo loogala xaajoodo wadamada ay danta toosska ah ka leh Soomaaliya kuna jirto maslaxadooda sida, Mareykanka, Shiinaha iyo Turkiga. Maamulka Madaxweyne Farmaajo waxa uu qaatay go’aan dhexdhexaad ah kasoo lagu dhaliilay laguna eedeeyay in go’aankaas aanu ku jirin maslaxadda iyo danta dalka Soomaaliya, wana sidoo kale lagu eedeeyay in uu si dadban ula saftay dalka Qatar. Dowladda Qatar aya waxa xurguf siyaasadeed ay kala dhexeysa wadamada Carabta ah ee loo yaqaan GCC, kaddib markii ay boqortoyada Qatar diiday in ay xiriirka u jarto dalka Iiraan, iyado fiirsaneysa danaheeda qaran. Dalka Qatar oo ah dalka ugu qanisan adduunka aya waxa dhaqaalaha ugu badan ay ka helaa dhoofinta saliidda dabiiciga ah, Dalka Qatar aya waxa keydka ugu badan ee saliidda dabiiciga ah laga helay xadka ay la wadaagto dalka Iiraan ee loo yaqaan (North Dome) halka dalka Iiraan uu ka helay keyd aad u badan xadka ay la wadaagto dalka Qatar ee loo yaqaan (South Pars). Labada dal aya kala saxiixday heshiis horumarineed iyo in ay si wadajir ah u soo saaraan keydka saliidda dabiiciga ah, waxa sidoo kale lagu heshiiyay in Qatar ay si toos ah uga dhoofin karto saliideeda dekedda Lavan ee dalka Iiraan. Arrintan aya lafdhabar u ah colaada ka dhexeysa wadamada Khaliijka. Sucuudiga aya u arka dalka IIRAAN Qatar amni iyagoo kaashanaya dalalka Mareykanka iyo Isara’il. Dagaalkii qaboobaa (Cold War) iyo hogaanka Milatariga (1969 – 1991) Kaddib markii xukunka uu kula wareegay afgambi milatari bishii Oktoober 21, 1969. Maxamed Siyaad Barre wuxuu xiriir aad u dhow la lahaa gaashaan buurtii Warsaw oo uu hormuudka ka aha dalkii loo yiqiin Midowga Sofyeetii. Ruushka aya Soomaaliya ka caawiyay dhamaan dhismaha hay’adaha dowliga ah, waxana Soomaaliya ay ka faa’idey gaashanbuurtaas, in Soomaaliya ay yeelato ciidan iyo cudud military oo aad u weyn, waxana inta badan lagu sheega in Soomaaliya ay ahayd kaga jira safka qaaradda Afrika marka loo eego dhinaca dhismaha ciidaman cudud leh. Cilaaqaadkii aan la lahayn Ruushka aya waxa soo galay mugdi madow, sanadkii 1977 kaddib markii Gen. Maxamed Siyad Barre uu dagaalkii 77 loo yiqiin la galay dowaldda Itoobiya, dagaalkaas oo Soomaaliya ay ku weyday naf iyo maal. Bartamihii 1977 aya amar ka soo baxay Madaxtooyada Soomaaliya, waxa lagu amray in saraakiisha iyo dhamaan howlwadeenada ka howlgala Soomaaliya ee ka soo jeeda dalka Ruushka ay muddo 48 saacadod ah uga baxaan dalka. Taaso sababteeda ay ahayd in Ruushka uu si toos ah u taageeray dagaalkii 77 ee Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya. Dowladaha Mareykanka iyo Masar aya kala taliyay Maxamed Siyaad Barre in aanu ku duulin dalka Itoobiya taaso wiiqi doonta awooddisa ciidan, una horseedi doonta mugdi siyaasadeed haddii uu ku geeleysto ama ku guul dareysto. Balse go’aan xumadii 1977 aya horseed u noqday in Soomaaliya ay gasho colaad sokeeye iyado kaddib markii laga soo laabtay dagaalkas ay isku dayeen saraakiil Soomaaliya in ay inqilaabaan xukunkii Milatari sanadkii 1979, inqilaabkaas oo dhicisoobay aya waxa bilowday in dalka uu yeesho jabhado hubeysan oo saldhig u aha dalka Itoobiya, sida SSD, SNM, USC iyo kuwa kale. Ujeedka an u xusay taariikhda danbe aya ah, in ay mar labaad muuqato saansaan taa la mid ah, iyo go’aan qaadasho xumo laga dhex arkayo hoggaanka dalka ka jira wallow aanu dalka gacanta ugu wada jirin haddan go’aamada la qaadanyo ayaanan ahayn kuwo ku dhisan istraatijiyo siyaasadeed oo dan u ah dalka iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed. Dowladda Madaxweyne Farmaajo ma uusan eegin mana ka fiirsan go’aankii ee uu qaatay colaada ka dhexeysa wadamada Carabta, waayo dowladda Qatar go’aanka ay ku diiday in ay xiriirka u jarto dalka Iiraan waxa ku jiray maslaxadeeda, dadka iyo dalka Soomaaliyeedna waxa maslaxadooda ay ku jirtaa labada dal ee loo dhoofiyo xoolaha Soomaaliya isla markaana uu naga dhexeeyo xiriir ganacsi oo qoto dheer. Balse Madaxweyne Farmaajo aya qaatay go’aan dhexdhexaad isago aanan si qoto dheer uga fiirsan go’aanka uu qaatay.

AT THE BEGINNING Turkey-EU relations have an extremely long history, in fact a history almost as long as that of the Treaty of Rome the Treaty Establishing the European Economic Community in 1957. Turkey first applied to join the European Economic Community in 1959, barely two years after the treaty was signed. This application was made for strategic rather than economic reasons. Turkey was a member of NATO, a much-valued organization at the height of the Cold War, and of other European institutions such as the Council of Europe. However, its economy was very much less developing than the average of the original six members of the European Economic Community. For Turkey, and indeed for other Mediterranean countries like Greece, Cyprus and Malta that signed Association Agreements that gave them a perspective of accession, a much longer time frame was envisaged for economic integration. In the case of Turkey, a period of 25 years starting in 1970 was foreseen. Meanwhile, an asymmetric arrangement was put into place whereby the EEC eliminated tariffs on all industrial products imported from Turkey, though it gradually started imposing quotas on imports of textiles and clothing, products in which Turkey had an important competitive edge. The arrangement foresaw the gradual economic integration of Turkey with the EEC. However, in areas such as agriculture, services, free movement of people etc., it was envisaged that Turkey would gradually align its policies with those of the EEC, so that exchanges would be liberalized and Turkey would be prepared for accession to the EEC. By the late 1980s, after more efforts done in Turkey to prepare the country for the completion of the Customs Union scheduled for 1995, under the Özel administration. Özal and his immediate successors had the good sense to accept the scenario. In the end, the job for which twenty-five years had been originally envisaged, namely the alignment of Turkey’s relevant legislation and trade regime on that of the EU, as well as the elimination of tariffs on imports from the EU was completed in just 3-4 years. In the end, Turkish industry survived and indeed thrived on the Customs Union. These days, much of Turkish industry is fully integrated with its EU counterpart. More than twenty years after its completion, the Customs Union remains in force, despite the fact that it was envisaged as a jumping board for accession which is still very far from happening. Excepting Andorra and San Marino, Turkey remains today the only non-member country to have a fully functioning Customs Union with the EU. Indeed, no member of the EU ever had a customs union with it before accession. RECENTLY PERIOD The completion of the Customs Union in 1995 coincided with the acceleration of EU enlargement. In the space of about twenty years, the EU moved from a membership of twelve to twenty-seven and then twenty-eight. In the euphoria that followed the completion of the Customs Union in Turkey, it was impossible for Turkey to stand aside from this process. One of the most important reasons why Turkey is not still accepting as member country of EU is Cyprus issue. The leaders of the EU probably hoped that the perspective of accession would encourage the parties to the Cyprus problem to find a solution to it. One might argue that a time when multinational states all around were breaking up into their separate national components, it was fruitless to force two communities separated by language, culture and religion to reunite after several decades of separation. The fact is that the international community was then and appears still to be unprepared to accept partition of the island. Half-hearted attempts were made to reach a settlement in parallel to the progress made in the accession negotiations from which the Turkish Cypriots were excluded as the EU recognized the Greek Cypriots government as the only legitimate authority on the island. The Turkish Cypriot leadership of the time was not interested in a settlement on the terms that were available. Turkey was ruled at the time by a disparate coalition only united by mistrust of the West. Prime Minister Ecevit was further weakened by serious health problems. The economy was going through an extremely grave crisis that prevented the government from taking unpopular foreign policy decisions, even if it had wanted to do so. The establishment, namely the military and civilian bureaucracies were opposed to any territorial concessions on the island without which a settlement was and remains impossible. By the time the government of Mr. Ecevit was replaced by one led by Mr. Erdogan at the end of 2002, the accession negotiations of Cyprus were almost completed. The new Turkish government was prepared to move on Cyprus despite opposition from the establishment that it did not yet control. However, it was too late. The Annan Plan put to a referendum in April 2004 been ready before the Accession treaty had been finalized, it would have been incorporated into the treaty and the Greek Cypriots would have been unable to reject it, as this would have meant rejection of the Accession Treaty and thereby of membership of the EU. By 2004, membership of the EU was guaranteed for Cyprus as the treaty was being ratified by existing Member States, a sign of political support for the Greek Cypriot leadership. Despite these inauspicious beginnings, the government of Mr. Erdogan took the perspective of accession to the EU seriously, at least at first. As the leader of the party that had won the November 2002 elections and despite being prevented from being elected to parliament by a prison sentence that he had served several years earlier, Mr. Erdogan embarked on a lightning tour of the then fifteen members of the EU, an unprecedented initiative. In most countries, he was received with open hands as a dynamic and forward-looking leader. The new government was therefore encouraged by the sincere welcome it had received in EU countries to proceed on the path of reform and meeting the political criteria needed for accession negotiations to start, it is undeniable that the AKP government in its first years made serious efforts to align on EU standards. It was rewarded with the opening of accession negotiations in 2005, a development that was received with elation by the Turkish nation. The economy had also recovered from the 2001 crisis, thanks to the fact that the AKP government pursued the structural adjustment reforms introduced during the crisis. Unfortunately, this honeymoon did not last. As a requirement of the initiation of accession negotiations, the government had had to agree not to discriminate among the members of the EU. This was a promise that was politically impossible to keep in the absence of a settlement in Cyprus. During the period that had followed the 1974 Turkish intervention on the island, all sorts of restrictions, on trade, maritime and air transport etc, had been imposed on Cyprus. Dismantling them in the absence of an agreed settlement would have been impossible to explain to Turkish public opinion which still felt very strongly about Cyprus. In the event, making progress in the accession negotiations became increasingly difficult since the opening and closing of chapters required unanimity. Cyprus was able to block progress by vetoing such decisions. Mrs. Merkel was less vocal but equally skeptical. A ‘privileged partnership’ was mooted for Turkey as an alternative to accession. Because Turkey rejected it out of hand, it has never been possible to ascertain what this partnership might have entailed. It is doubtful that its proponents had given much thought to its possible contents. Almost twelve years after accession negotiations started, only one chapter has been closed and barely half have been opened. Contrast this with Croatia, which started accession negotiations at the same time as Turkey and has been a member of the Union since July 2013. It is unlikely that the situation will change in the near future. If anything, it is likely to deteriorate. As the EU has lost its leverage over Turkey with the effective freezing of accession negotiations, Turkey itself has increasingly distanced itself from the EU and the values that it embodies. It is unclear whether the AKP has come to power because the majority of Turks is deeply conservative and devout, or whether Turkish society has become more conservative and devout after almost fifteen years of unprecedented and unbroken rule by a political party that openly espouses religious values. The fact is that is becoming increasingly difficult to argue that Turkey would fit into the EU. TURKISH-EU RELATIONS FORECASTS However, the EU and Turkey can’t turn their backs on each other completely. Apart from an intense economic and trade relationship, the two parties share common interests in the Middle East. The agreement concluded in March 2016 whereby Turkey would stem the flow of refugees and migrants over its territory into the EU, in exchange for material help, the normalization of relations, including the resumption of accession negotiations, and the lifting of the humiliating and largely redundant visa requirement for Turkish nationals has not been properly implemented. However, it showed that the two parties had the necessary willpower to address common problems jointly. Despite lack of full implementation of the agreement, the Turkish government has not acted on its threat to reopen its borders to migrants wishing to move on to EU countries. A more structured relationship is unlikely. Accession negotiations are not going to resume in the near future. Indeed, it might easily be argued that since the attempted coup of last year, and the crackdown that has followed it, Turkey no longer fulfils the Copenhagen political criteria. However, acting on such a conclusion would not be meaningful because it would have no impact other than pushing Turkey even further away from the EU, surely not a development in the interest of the Union. A Cyprus settlement might have had a positive effect by permitting the unblocking of chapters but despite intensive negotiations, it has not been possible to reach it. A majority of people on both sides of the island and the governments of Greece and Turkey appear to be unwilling to make the mutual concessions which a settlement would require. It is likely that pressures in Turkey for annexation of the North will surface if the negotiations are perceived to have broken down irremediably. It is difficult to imagine the EU remaining indifferent to the annexation of part of the territory of one of its member states, partly because of the example that this would set for others. However, it is equally difficult to imagine what sanction the EU could adopt in such an eventuality that would not damage its own interests more than those of Turkey. Relations with Greece have also started to deteriorate since the EU has lost its leverage over Turkey after the freezing of accession negotiations. Disputes over rocks in the Aegean Sea that had been pushed under the carpet after the initiation of accession negotiations in 2005 have now been resuscitated, perhaps because Greece is seen to be blocking progress in the negotiations over Cyprus. Inflammatory statements are being exchanged like in the bad old days of the 1990s and an accident involving naval vessels or warplanes cannot be excluded. However, what is also necessary to take into account, is that Turkey’s effluence in the region is increasing day after day. Turkey is getting more and more important for EU countries, Turkey is important for EU in terms of security, human trafficking, workforce, and so many other sectors. Therefore, EU will never allow losing Turkey. On another hand, it is obvious that Turkey needs EU. Turkey needs the membership of EU to have better economic and political stability. So in general, both sides need each other but thing is that no one knows when the time will come. HAMZE OMAR ALİ ISTANBUL AYDIN UNİVERSİTY POLİTİCAL SCİENCE AND İNTERNATİONAL RELATİONS Email: hamzeawed@gmail.com

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Beesha Caalamka ayaa walaacsan xooggan ka muujiyay isku-dhacyada hubaysan ee u dambeeyay ee ka socda agagaarka deegaanka Tukaraq ee Gobolka Sool, una dhexeeya Puntland iyo ‘Somaliland’, Waxayna ku baaqayaan xabbad-joojin deg-deg ah. Dagaallo culus oo u dhexeeya maamullada Puntland iyo Somaliland ayaa ka dhacayay deegannadaas muddo dhawr toddobaad ah, waxaana dagaalladaas ay sababeen khasaare badan oo isugu jirta naf iyo maal, waxaana dagaalkan uu salka ku hayaa muran dhanka maamulka ah. Saaxiibbada Somalia ee Caalamka ayaa ugu baaqayaan labada dhinac inay si dhakhso ah u hakiyaan Dagaalka, ay billaabaan Wada-hadallo dhex-mara Taliyeyaasha Ciidammada goobta ku sugan, xaqiijiyaan gaarsiinta gar-gaarka baniaadanimo ee loo wado dadka barakacay, ayna ka wada-hadlaan kala-qaadista ciidamada iyo is-weydaarashada maxaabiista askarta ah ee la kala qabsaday. Beesha Caalamku waxay tilmaameen in shaqaaqadu ay dhacayso iyadoo bartanka looga jiro xaalad bani’aadanimo oo adag oo sii cakirisay saamaynta duufaanta roobabka dabaylaha wata ee Sagar – isku-dhacyadu waxay keliya uga sii darayaan dhibaatada haysata dadka ku nool deegaanka. Ugu dambeyn, QM, Midowga Afrika, Midowga Yurub, Urur-Goboleedka IGAD, Dalalka Belgium, Denmark, Itoobia, Finland, Jarmalka, Ireland, Talyaaniga, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Turkey, Boqortooyada Midowday ee Ingiriiska iyo Maraykanka waxay ugu baaqayaan dhamaan dhinacyada inay dhawraan nabadda. PUNTLAND POST The post Maamulada Puntland & Somaliland oo loogu baaqa inay joojiyaan dagaalka u dhexeeya appeared first on Puntland Post.

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Wasaaradda Amniga Qaranka Somalia, ayaa war kasoo saartay dhacdadii maalin ka hor ka dhacday Koontaroolka ciidanka NISA ay ku leeyihiin agagaarka Isgosyka FIAT, kaasoo gaari uu saarnaa xildhibaan Cabdullaahi Maxamed Nuur oo ka gudbay koontaroolkaas rasaas lagu furay. Qoraal kasoo baxay Wasaaradda Amniga ayaa lagu sheegay in goobtaas ay ka dhacday hal xabad, taasoo askari ka tirsan Ciidamada NISA uu digniin ahaan ugu riday gaariga, kaddib markii uu ka shakiyay gaari ka gudbay barta koontaroolka. “Wasaaradda Amniga waxay shacabka Soomaaliyeed iyo Xildhibaannada baarlamaanka la wadaageysa shilkaan kooban oo 5:30 galabnimo Talaadadii lasoo dhaafay ka dhacay barta koontaroolka ciidanka Amniga ay ku leeyihiin KM-0 ama Isgoyska FIAT ee Muqdisho,” ayaa lagu yiri War-saxaafadeedkan. Sidoo kale, War-murtiyeedkan ayaa lagu xusay in Wasaaradda Amniga ay billowday baaritaan la xiriira dhacdadaas. Waxaana falkan loo yeelay wajiyo badan oo ay ka mid yihiin in la doonayay in xildhibaanka lagu dilo. Wasaaradda Amniga Qaranka, ayaa sheegtay inay aad uga xuntahay warar aan sal lahayn ee laga faafiyay ciidamada ammaanka, iyadoo ugu baaqday xildhibaannada iyo mas’uuliyiinta dowladda inay iska ilaaliyaan faafinta iyo ka qayb-qaadashada wararka lidka ku ah cidanka amniga oo qal-qal galinaya xasiloonnida iyo dowladnimada. Dhanka kale, Xildhibaan C/llaahi Maxamed Nuur ayaa qoraal uu soo saaray ku sheegay in la rasaaseeyay gaari uu saarnaa oo ahaa kuwa aan xabadaha karin, kadib markii uu ka gudbay koontaroolka ciidanka NISA, isla markaana uu markii hore askariga NISA uu toos ula eegtay xabadda. Ugu dambeyn, Xildhibaan Nuur oo ah Guddoomiyaha kutlada Baarlamaaniga ah ee mucaaradka ayaa sheegay inuu ahaa isku-day la doonayay in isaga lagu dilo, isla markaana uu dhowr jeer farriimo hanjabaad uu kala kulmay ciidamada NISA, taasoo uu la wadaagay guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka. PUNTLAND POST The post Wasaarada Amniga oo Qoraal kasoo saartay Xildhibaan lagu Rasaaseeyay Muqdisho appeared first on Puntland Post.

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Maamulka Somaliland ayaa aaminsan in madaxweynaha Puntland Cabdi Weli Maxamed Cali Gaas uu hal ujeedo ka leeyahay dagaalka uu la galayo Somaliland, balse dadka Puntland aysan ka war-hayn. Aqoonyahan Cabdiraxman Axmed Kayse oo ku sugan magaalada Hargeysa ayaa Caasimada Online u sheegay in Gaas uu dagaalka Tukaraq u billaabay sababo la xiriira doorashada madaxweyne ee kusoo socota, oo ujeedkiisu yahay inuu u guuleysto. “Gaas, wuxuu isu muujinaya shacabka Puntland, ma jirto ujeedo kale oo uu dagaalka ugu soo qaaday Somaliland. Wuxuu doonayaa in loo arko hoggaamiye xooggan oo Puntland difaacaya” ayuu yiri Cabdiraxmaan. Si kastaba, Puntland ayaa aaminsan in dagaalka Tukaraq ay billowday Somaliland. Qoraal shalay kasoo baxay xafiiska madaxweyne Gaas ayaa lagu sheegay in ciidamada Somaliland ee deegaanka Tukaraq ee gobolka Sool ay weerar ku qaadeen ciidamada Puntland, sidaas darteedna ay is difaacayaan. Puntland waxa ay sidoo kale sheegtay in dagaalka uu socon doono, illaa laga xoreeyo gobolka Sool, sida ay hadalka u dhigtay. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Hargeysa Caasimada@live.com

MOGADISHU (Xinhua) -- The East Africa bloc's weather prediction center has issued a warning of an active tropical cyclone named Mekuku threatening the coast of Somalia's semi-autonomous region of Puntland. Source: Hiiraan Online

Taleex (Caasimada Online) – Maamulka Somaliland ayaa soo bandhigay Ciidamo ay sheegen in ay kasoo goosteen maamulka Puntland, gaar ahaan kuwo qeyb ka ahaa dagaalka ka socda deegaanka Tukaraq ee u dhaxeeya Puntland iyo Somaliland. Ciidamadaas oo tiro ahaan gaareysa ilaa 118 askari ayaa gaaray, laguna soo bandhigay magaalada Taleex, ayaa maamulka Soomaaliland waxa ay sheegeen in ay si iskood ah uga soo baxeen furumaha dagaalka, islamarkaana xilligan wixii ka dambeeya ay ka mid yihiin Ciidamada Somaliland. Sarkaalka hoggaaminaya Ciidamada la sheegay in Puntland ay ka soo goosteen oo lagu Magacaabo Cabdi Salaan Yuusuf Sigaale, ayaa sheegay in ay kasoo goosteen Puntland kadib markii ay wadatashi la sameeyeen saraakiisha Ciidamadooda, Odayaasha deegaanka iyo Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Somaliland, kadibna ay kasoo baxeen halkii ay ka dagaalamayeen. Ciidamada ay Somaliland soo bandhigtay ayaa ku sugnaa deegaanka Geed Qaboobe oo ka mid ah deegaanada Gobolka Sool oo ay xiisada dagaal ka jirto, isla markana Ciidamada Puntland iyo Somalilnad isku hor-fadhiyaan. Cabdi Salaan Yuusuf Sigaale oo ah Sarkaalka hoggaaminaya Ciidamada ayaa sidoo kale waxa uu ugu baaqay Madaxda Maamulka Somaliland in waxqabad dhab ah oo ay u muujiyaan maadaama ay ku biireen ciidamada maamulka Somaliland. Hoos Ka Dhageyso Codka Sarkaalka Ciidamada hoggaaminayay oo lagu Magacaabo Cabdi Salaan Yuusuf Sigaale. https://www.caasimada.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Sarkaalka-Hoggaaminaya.mp3

Royal Philips, a global leader in health technology, and the governments of Ethiopia and the Netherlands, today signed a seven-year agreement to build Ethiopia’s first specialized Cardiac Care Center... Source: Hiiraan Online

Nearing the end of a packed two days of touring local industries, Leadership Kansas’ 2018 class sat down at Garden City High School to hear the stories of three Garden City immigrants. Source: Hiiraan Online

The two Islamic State members reportedly captured yesterday by a NISA operation in Mogadishu [Source: Mareeg] Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) reportedly arrested two members of the fledgling Islamic State wing in Mogadishu yesterday. NISA officials reportedly added that “one of the two men has shot and killed a police traffic officer in broad-day-light in Somali capital and other killings.” The NISA operation came as the Islamic State claimed another assassination inside the country. Yesterday, the jihadist group claimed its forces gunned down a NISA official in the Elasha suburb of Mogadishu. However, this incident has not been reported in local media. The claim would be the Islamic State’s 48th attack inside Somalia. According to data compiled by FDD’s Long War Journal, yesterday’s alleged assassination was the 11th claimed assassination in Mogadishu and its surrounding area and the 23rd claimed assassination overall. Most of these targeted killings are directed at NISA officers, however, Somali military and police personnel are also routinely targeted by Islamic State gunmen. Last month, Somali security services arrested a member of the Islamic State inside the country for the first time. That suspect, identified as Jama Hassan Hussein, was a former member of Shabaab – al Qaeda’s branch in East Africa – before he defected to the Islamic State. Defectors who survived Shabaab purges appear to constitute a large portion of the Islamic State’s numbers inside Somalia. The main Islamic State faction inside Somalia operates in the mountains of the northern Puntland region, however, smaller, disconnected, and likely autonomous cells from the larger faction, operate in central and southern Somalia. The Islamic State has had a difficult time establishing a strong foothold inside the country. Shabaab’s Amniyat (internal security service) has been tasked with hunting down and killing any members who seek to or have defected to the Islamic State, as well as potential Islamic State recruits. Source: – Long War Journal

The U.S. military says it has carried out an airstrike outside Somalia’s capital that killed 10 extremists. The U.S. Africa Command says it has carried out 14 such airstrikes so far this year against the al-Qaida-linked al-Shabab extremist group, which continues to hold some rural areas of the Horn of Africa nation. Dozens of U.S. airstrikes were carried out last year after the Trump administration approved expanded military operations against al-Shabab, which was blamed for an October truck bombing in Mogadishu that killed more than 500 people. The new statement says the U.S. military assesses that no civilians were killed in Wednesday’s strike about 15 miles southwest of Mogadishu. The U.S. has faced accusations in recent months of killing civilians in joint operations with Somali forces against al-Shabab. Source: – AP

A tall, sharply dressed man with warm, reassuring smile walked toward me and shook my hands. It’s a firm but friendly handshake. For a moment I thought he’s a brother or cousin of Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian citizen who spent more than 11 years in Ethiopia’s notorious prisons on bogus terrorism charges. For someone who spent the last decade languishing in maximum security prisons — being shifted in and out of solitary confinement where he endured brutal torture —Bashir looks incredibly well. It’s only been a month since Bashir walked free from the infamous Maekelawi prison in Addis Ababa. He was convicted on terrorism charges and accused of being a member of the outlawed rebel group, Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). He denies the charges. He was sentenced to life in prison in 2009 in a trial deemed sham by rights groups. Days after he was freed, Bashir flew to Canada and was welcomed home at Toronto airport in an emotional reunion with his family. On Tuesday when I met him in Ottawa, he had just hosted a press conference and was waiting for the start of a meeting organized by Amnesty International, the rights group that took up his cause a decade ago. Seamlessly transitioning between events, Bashir appears upbeat and content. The trauma and scars of his eleven years of torment weren’t visible at least on the surface. He ushered me into a conference room of Amnesty International’s Canadian headquarters, where his wife Aziza and cousin, Said Makhtal, were waiting. I recognized Said immediately. During the entirety of Bashir’s ordeal, Said was the public face of the campaign to free his cousin. He has made plenty of media appearances over the past decade in which he urged the Canadian government to pressure Ethiopian authorities to release Bashir. Despite the psychological and financial toll they have endured, both Said and Aziza looked remarkably well and still elated. Bashir speaks with a soft tone. He has an easy-going demeanor. He didn’t hesitate to delve into the horrific and tragic injustices that shaped the last decade of his life. OPride: First off, on behalf of our readers and staff, I am glad that you are with your family and that your nightmare is over. Welcome back to Canada. We’d also like to thank you for willing to share your story with us. Bashir: Thank you very much. I’m thankful you are here, as there are a lot of things I need to share with Ethiopians, with the world about my case and about what happens in Ethiopia. OPride: Most of us heard of your plight as a Canadian citizen fighting a politically motivated sentence. But there are many who are eager to get to know you better. Tell us about your upbringing. Where does the Bashir Makhtal story begin? Bashir: I was born in the town of Deghabour, Ethiopia. I lived there until the age of six. As I’m sure you know, the people of my region, the Ogaden, have faced systematic oppression at the hands of different Ethiopian governments. My family fled this oppression for neighboring Somalia and I grew up and went to school in the capital Mogadishu. I had a normal childhood. OPride: Years later, when you were accused by an Ethiopian court of being an ONLF fighter, Ethiopian government media pointed to the fact that your grandfather, Makhtal Dahir, was the founder of the ONLF. As a child growing up, did you see much of Makhtal Dahir? Did he influence you in any way? Bashir: It’s true that I’m the grandson of Makhtal Dahir, the founding chairman of the ONLF. He was a great leader and fighter for the cause of the Ogaden people. Somalis have suffered unbearably under the Ethiopian imperial and then military dictatorships. My grandfather fought to secure basic rights for his people — nothing else. He was among the first to launch a revolt against the system that was killing his people. We know his history very well, but I saw none of this as a child as he had become old and had ceased participation in these sorts of activities. For example, he was uncompromising on the ONLF agenda and opposed the initiative of the WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front) because that group had the goal of incorporating our region into Somalia. The ONLF pursued independence from Ethiopia and an end to the persecution of our people. My grandfather and his colleagues didn’t like the idea of the demarcated Ogaden territory being absorbed into Somalia. My grandfather’s story is well known, but as I said most of it happened before I was born so I wasn’t a witness to it. OPride: I understand you immigrated to Canada as a young man. Tell us about your life here in Canada prior to your arrest. Bashir: Yes, I actually went to Italy first. My elder brother was already in Canada and his presence here influenced my decision to come to immigrate to Canada. I arrived in 1991. I lived in the Toronto area and pursued my education, studying Computer Science at DeVry University. I worked hard for my goals and my degrees. I eventually got a job in my domain at the CIBC (Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce). OPride: You became a Canadian citizen and after hard work and tribulations; entered the professional job market and started giving back to society. Then, in 2001, 10 years after you arrived in Canada, you decided to return to East Africa. What was the reason for your trip? Bashir: I had a good life and a decent job in Canada. But I had intended on providing for not just myself, but my family members. I have around 20 siblings. On my salary, my contributions to them were limited. I was looking for options when a friend of mine — a fellow Somali and also a Canadian citizen — came to me with a proposal. He told me there was a market for selling used clothes in the region that would be very profitable. His business plan seemed foolproof and we became partners. So we left Canada with an idea. I was based in Djibouti, but we operated in Somalia, Djibouti and the United Arab Emirates. Business was good. I provided for my family and traveled frequently between these three countries. From 2001 until my arrest [in December 2006], I lived a successful life as a businessman. OPride: The main charge against you was that you were an ONLF member and it is linked to this period of your life. The Ethiopian government has always maintained that during this time, you made a trip to Eritrea that was not for business reasons. Eritrea has a history of supporting the ONLF. Did you ever travel to Eritrea and if so, what were the reasons for doing so? Bashir: It is true that I traveled to Eritrea on two occasions. I never claimed to have traveled to Eritrea for business reasons. I will make this part clear to you. Sometime before 2004, the ONLF held a general assembly in London where they published a communique which had information about the organization’s goals and details about its leadership. I have never been involved with the ONLF in any shape, way or form. Yet, to my surprise, I found my name listed among those as members of the group’s leadership team. Not only me, other notable Somalis also found themselves on this list. The ONLF politburo members knew my identity as a grandson of Makhtal Dahir and a member of the Somali community. But they never consulted me on the inclusion of my name among members of the organization. So I contacted them and requested the removal of my name. I was told that I have to appear before a committee in person in order for my request to be processed. This is the reason for my first trip. The said committee was at the time-based in Asmara, Eritrea. So in 2004, I traveled to Asmara for the first time to meet with ONLF representatives. When I got there, I was told that some key officials weren’t present for various reasons and that I wouldn’t be able to get my name removed. I had to wait for another occasion. I stayed in Eritrea for two days and left. In early 2006, the ONLF had another meeting. I went back to Eritrea to clear my name. This time, they heard me out. I left Asmara having been told that my request will be processed. Sure enough, in June of that year, I received two notices from the organization. One was the newly published list of ONLF leaders with my name removed from the list. The second was an official letter from the ONLF leadership apologizing to me for any inconveniences caused. I received these in June of 2006, and as you know, I was arrested six months later. I have never been a member of the ONLF. I had these documents in Canada. I managed to get them faxed to Ethiopia. Both documents, including the ONLF’s official apology, were submitted to the judge as evidence of my innocence during my trial. I think they were never even taken into consideration. OPride: Let’s rewind a bit and look at the events leading up to your arrest. The narrative long held by the Ethiopian court that sentenced you is that you were taken into custody by Kenyan troops on the Somali border after having fought with militants in Somalia. This was during the first weeks of the Ethiopian army’s December 2006 invasion of Somalia. What led you to being caught on the Kenyan Somali border? Bashir: Well, as I stated earlier, I was a businessman who frequented Mogadishu regularly. I was in the capital during those last few days before the Ethiopian army took over. At the time, the Ethiopian government was explaining to the whole world that everyone — the Islamists, the ONLF, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and others — were all in Somalia planning to launch attacks against Ethiopia. This is all a fabrication. But it became clear that they would use this as a pretext to invade the country. I realized that the situation had become unstable and that with the Ethiopian soldiers coming, it would be too dangerous to remain in Somalia. So I tried to book my flight out. What many don’t know is that in those last days before the invasion, the Ethiopian government planned every detail. Together, Ethiopia, with the help of the U.S. government and the so-called Somali Transitional Government sealed the country’s airspace. There were no flights allowed in and out of Somalia. There was no way out of the country. I had planned on flying out to Dubai but was unable to. I waited a few days and then I realized that I if I stayed any longer, I could be caught up in a war. So that’s when I decided to travel by land out of Mogadishu. I rented a car and was driven to the Kenyan border. From there, I crossed the border into Kenya and traveled to Garissa [northeastern Kenya), where there was an immigration office. I planned on applying for a visa there which I could use to stay in Kenya for a few days, enough time to travel to Nairobi and book a flight back to Djibouti. Many other foreigners were already there. With no flights out of Somalia, they were left stranded and took this same route to Garissa. OPride: So you weren’t actually captured on the border by Kenyan soldiers as was widely reported. You made your way peacefully to Garissa. Bashir: That’s right. At Garissa’s immigration office, we had to undergo screening. Kenyan authorities were wary of militants infiltrating the country, so they took their time with us. I was held there for five days, as they looked at my documents and file. After five days, they told me I was in the clear. They would transfer me to Nairobi. Everything seemed routine so far. On the sixth day, I was taken to a police station in Nairobi. Coincidentally, this police station is located next to the Canadian embassy. I expected my wait in that police officer to be the end of it. But I remained there for weeks. There were a number of other foreigners with me and we each waited for our turns, but my wait was the longest. While I was there, two Ethiopian intelligence agents came to the station and started observing me from close range. They chatted with the Kenyan police officials and would come back and sit with us. I felt something was fishy. OPride: How did you know that they were, in fact, Ethiopian intelligence officers? Did they have any clothing or visible markers that gave away their identities? Bashir: No they were plainclothes officers. I grew suspicious of them because they appeared out of nowhere and they immediately concentrated on me. I asked them “who are you?” One of them told me, “I’m a foreigner stranded like you.” I didn’t believe him. I’ve lived around East Africans all my life. We know each other’s traits very well. I identified them as being Tigrayans just by looking at them. Then my suspicion grew into fear when one of them asked if he could videotape me. I objected. At this time, I had enough. I contacted a friend in Nairobi. He came to the police station and gave me a cellular phone. I knew that I could always be a target of harassment and intimidation by the Ethiopian government, so I used the phone to notify the Canadian embassy of my circumstances. I was wary of what would happen next. OPride: So the first contact between Ethiopian and Kenyan security forces happened in Nairobi? Bashir: Yes. Both cooperated to ensure that I was transferred to Ethiopian custody. I have insider information that this was a personal request by [the late] Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who went as far as promising the Kenyan leader at the time (Mwai) Kibaki millions of dollars for his reelection campaign as a gift for handing me over to Ethiopian authorities. I didn’t know this at the time. From the police station, we were taken in vehicles to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. As foreign nationals, we were told we would be deported back to our countries. Aboard the vehicle, people chatted and talked, so nobody noticed me make a last phone call. I called my wife [in Canada] and told her I felt uncertain about what was happening to me. At the airport, there were state journalists and Kenyan security officials. They wanted to report on the story that foreigners fleeing Somalia were returning home. I, along with a group of foreigners, was separated from the rest and taken to the cargo section of the airport. I noticed the plane on the runway that we were supposed to board. Having flown back and forth across the region, I could identify the plane models and the locations they would fly to. The rather small plane was one used to fly from Nairobi to Mogadishu. It wasn’t what was used for intercontinental flights. Why would they send me to Somalia? I went up to a Kenyan security officer and asked: “Excuse me, if I’m being deported, as a Canadian, shouldn’t I be deported to my country?” The Kenyan security officer laughed at me and told me in a mocking tone, “yeah we will send you to your country.” When it was time to board, I refused. I refused to move and when they started to physically force me on the plane, I screamed out loud. I created a scene. When they saw that I wouldn’t go willingly, Kenyan soldiers came over to me and severely beat me. I boarded the plane bloodied. The attack on me dislocated my shoulder and left me in searing pain. I felt the pain in my shoulder for the next two years. The plane departed for Somalia. By that time, the Ethiopian army was already in the capital, Mogadishu. From there, I was put on an Ethiopian military plane and flown into Addis Ababa on January 16, 2007. OPride: You were physically assaulted at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Despite neither being born in Somalia nor being a citizen of that country, you were deported there — which is an extraordinary rendition and thus against international law. There were a host of violations of your rights even before entering Ethiopian custody. At the time, it was reported that you had acquired the services of a lawyer by the name of Mekuria Tafesse. Did this lawyer ever manage to speak of these violations to the judge? Bashir: I have never met this Mekuria Tafesse. He was hired by my family and the Canadian embassy to defend me. I had no access to any lawyers during the first 18 months of my incarceration. Mr. Mekuria was given a lot of money, I’m not sure how much exactly but I can find out for you. He never once met with me, and, in the end, he left the job before I had made a single court appearance –making a hefty sum and doing absolutely nothing for me. I had another lawyer, Gebreamlak Tekle who was appointed just as my trial was set to begin. He is the one who presented the judge with the ONLF apology document that should have cleared me. But this case wasn’t about evidence. It was completely fabricated from beginning to end. OPride: What part of the case against you do you think was fabricated? Bashir: My trial began in August 2008. I knew I was innocent and had nothing to hide. I even waved my right to not be cross-examined. But then the eyewitnesses began to testify. One came out and said under oath that I was an ONLF commander who he had seen fighting in Somalia. But the second witness had the most ridiculous testimony. He told the court that he had seen me among the ONLF fighters who carried out the attack on the Abole oil field in the Ogaden. It was the attack that left many Ethiopian and Chinese oil workers dead. That incident happened in April 2007. I was detained in December 2006. How could I carry out an attack and kill oil workers in the Ogaden if I was imprisoned at Maekelawi? I had been incarcerated for four months when this attack took place. When I heard this false testimony, I knew that the whole court process was corrupted. Later on, I discovered that some of those who testified against me had signed a written affidavit, declaring that everything they said in court was untrue. It was all fake. It was planned. They wanted me to suffer. They stole me from my wife and family. This interview was lightly edited for clarity. In Part II, Bashir talks about his time in prison, the people he met and the injustices he’d witnessed, as well as his release. Check back soon. Source:- OPride

Abdi Nor Iftin in the Maine barn where he cared for horses and chopped wood. GRETA RYBUS FOR THE BOSTON GLOBE MY HEART WAS BEATING FAST as the plane banked over downtown Boston and descended to Logan Airport. My face was glued to the window as I looked at the skyscrapers of America, then the blue waters of the Atlantic. Even though we were going down, I felt like I was going up to heaven. When the wheels bumped on the runway, I couldn’t control myself. “I am in America!” I shouted. Even the bored lady next to me found a way to smile. “Welcome!” she said. As we taxied to the gate, I thought of my brother in Kenya, my mom on the dusty streets of Mogadishu waiting for the good news, my friends in the tea shop in Little Mogadishu who applied for the visa lottery when I forced them, all the while assuring me it was hogwash. But I had no thought of saying “I told you so.” I was overwhelmed with joy, with tears melting down my cheeks. Exiting the plane felt like a historic moment, like when the first man walked on the moon. I wondered if gravity felt different in America, but it seemed about the same as in Africa. People poured out of the flight; they were in some sort of a hurry. It seemed like everyone knew what to do and they knew where they were going. I just felt like standing there and watching everything. I looked around the immigration hall. So far no Hollywood, no Disney World, no Statue of Liberty or Harvard University, not even Walmart or KFC. I saw people who looked a little like Bruce Willis, Sylvester Stallone, Eddie Murphy, Oprah, or Tom Cruise, and I couldn’t take my eyes off them. But I was not the only stranger there. A group of Asians speaking a strange language were lined up in front of me. People of other colors were everywhere. A black man right behind me in the line was glued to his phone. “Hi!” I said.“Hello.” To my surprise he had a thick African accent. “I’m from Somalia. Where are you from?” “Nigeria,” he replied, barely looking up from his phone. It was the first time in my entire life I had seen a Nigerian. He told me he had lived in America for 10 years. So many different kinds of people in America! I expected big, muscly white guys to be in charge at the airport, like the Marines I knew from Mogadishu. But lots of the airport staff were Asian, short with round faces. As the line moved on slowly, I gazed up at the huge television screens flashing the news: . . .  Actor Robin Williams has committed suicide  . . . . . .  Violent protests erupted in Ferguson, Missouri, after the killing of a black man . . .  . It was a police officer who shot the man, but people were protesting, taking to the streets. Although many Americans might not be happy with things in the United States, to me the protests were just a sign of freedom that people can get out onto the streets and show their unhappiness. Kenyan police would have killed Somalis who dared to protest in Little Mogadishu. When it was my turn, an officer asked me some questions and handed me a form to fill out. I had to choose between being African, African-American, Hispanic, or Caucasian. This threw me at first because I had never thought of myself as African. In Somalia we identify ourselves by our tribes. An officer led me into a room where a nice American lady took my fingerprints and photo. She had blue eyes and blond hair, and she said my official green card would arrive at my address in Maine. “Welcome to the United States!” she said warmly. Everything was very quiet, official, and businesslike in the airport, not like all the chaos and shouting in African airports, and I wondered if all of America was this serious. But when I finally walked through the doors from the immigration hall into the terminal, I flinched from the sudden rush of activity. People were everywhere, holding signs, wheeling suitcases, hugging relatives. Now I was really in America! Somewhere out there in the crowd were Sharon McDonnell and her daughter, Natalya, both trying to catch sight of me. Then I saw them; they were holding a sign that said “Abdi Iftin.” Sharon had straight, shoulder-length blond hair, and Natalya a dark ponytail. We met and I stooped to hug them. Both were so much shorter than I imagined, not like Americans in the movies or the Marines in Mogadishu. They looked up at me with huge smiles. “Welcome!” said Sharon. “Let’s take you to your new home.” We left through a huge revolving door to the curbside. I ducked down and kept my eyes fixed on Sharon, this small person who had changed my life forever. I was looking at her like she was superhuman — not superhuman like the comic-book heroes I saw in movies but in some other way that was maybe even stronger. In truth I was also a little scared. A Somali living with a white family could be known as a converted person, someone who left the culture and Islam. What would my family and friends think? What if Sharon had a dog? What if the dog licks and sniffs me? How would I behave? We got into the car. I sat in the back seat, still curious about the gleaming city of Boston, when Sharon said, “You need to put on your seat belt.” I couldn’t figure out how to do it. Sharon and Natalya laughed and showed me how to buckle up. “You need to do this every time you get in a car,” said Sharon. “It’s the law.” I couldn’t believe I was in a place where people actually obey laws. Also I had never seen a female driver in my life, except in movies. We left the airport on a busy divided road out of Boston and headed up to Maine. I kept thinking, “Here I am in a car in America with friends who helped me and my family even though we are not in their tribe or even the same religion.” This was an aspect of humanity very new to me. I sat quietly as we drove and tried to make sense of it. We kept driving through the twilight, zooming by more huge shops and parking lots, now blazing under blue lights. Soon there were fewer lights and buildings, more trees. I rolled down my window to get a better flavor of America, the cool late-summer wind slapping my face. Finally we pulled up in their driveway. Sure enough, at the door we were greeted by their dog, named Lacy. She jumped all over me, licking. Dog saliva is considered impure to Muslims, so now I was definitely getting butterflies in my stomach. I froze with fear. “She’s friendly,” said Natalya. “She’s just excited.” The two cats, Tigger and Jasmin, did not even bother waking up from their naps. But the dog followed me upstairs to my room and jumped on the bed. When Sharon and Natalya said goodnight, I wondered if the dog would leave me. She stayed there. I couldn’t sleep with a dog in my room, it was too scary, so finally I got her out and shut the door. I was too excited to sleep, but fortunately the morning came soon: Five o’clock and it was already light. America seemed quiet, not like the streets of Mogadishu or Little Mogadishu. I watched the morning light filter into my room from the large window overlooking the driveway and then got up to look outside. A herd of deer grazed like camels just beyond the cars. As they moved on across the lawn and vanished into the tall trees, the sun appeared between the branches where squirrels were playing. So the window faced east; now I knew which way to pray. The walls of my room were painted white and blue, strange colors for walls, which are always the color of mud in Africa. This room seemed way too big for just me, probably double the size of the room my brother and I shared in Nairobi. I got dressed and went down to see the family. “Let’s help you fix your first American breakfast,” said Sharon. The breakfast would be milk, eggs, and toast. They had lots of eggs from their chickens. “And also there’s lots of leftovers in the refrigerator,” she said. I did not know Americans ate leftovers. The refrigerator was packed with leftover soup, rice, eggs, pasta, juice, sauce, everything. Drawers were full of food. There were crackers, granola, dog food, and cat food. There was food everywhere in the kitchen. The living room was full of books and magazines. There was a big red couch to sit on and read. A nice porch and a big Apple computer. I went on and updated my Facebook posts. This time I didn’t need Photoshopped pictures of me in America; I used actual pictures we took at Logan the night before. My friends commented with questions like “Are u living with a Christian family?” “Are you going to convert?” My orientation started with using the oven and the toaster. I had seen kitchens in movies, but I never thought I would use such things. I learned how to warm things from the “fridge” using the microwave. Soon I learned about the dishwasher, the clothes washer, the dryer, which food goes where in the refrigerator. I learned how to measure things in inches and pounds, not meters and kilograms. I learned to leave tips at restaurants. And I was learning new English words every day, starting with “closet,” “vacuum,” “the vet,” “chicken coop,” “the barn,” “mowing,” and all different types of food. I met Gib Parrish, Sharon’s husband, the most easygoing person I have ever come across. He is short and thin, and his deep blue eyes miss nothing. He seems to think very carefully before he says anything, and he likes things to be in order. Gib teaches postgraduate epidemiology at the University of New Hampshire in Manchester. He spent his leisure time doing things around the house. He would disappear into the basement and work on electric wires, or out to the yard to put up a fence. In Africa it is unusual for a man to know how to cook, but Gib cooked great meals — fried rice, guacamole, and the most delicious cakes. When we went together to buy groceries, we stopped at a drive-up window for coffee. Gib explained how the speaker box worked. “There is a real person talking, even though we can’t see them,” he explained. I could not get a job in the United States until my Social Security card and green card arrived. While I waited, the McDonnell-Parrish family offered me a job in their house. I would cut and stack firewood for the winter. I fed the horse, cleaned the stall and the chicken coop, watered plants, cleared fallen branches from the driveway. I spent all day working outside and came in only for a quick break for lunch of a sandwich and some orange juice. They paid me $10 an hour. I worked every day of the week and earned over $600 dollars, but it went fast. After buying a bike, some new clothes, work gloves, and goggles for splitting firewood, I had enough left for my daily treat of doughnuts and coffee at Dunkin’ Donuts. At night I would relax by browsing on Netflix and watching movies. |Abdi in front of the barn at the McDonnell-Parrish home. GRETA RYBUS FOR THE BOSTON GLOBE I woke up every day enjoying work, and there was always something to do. Natalya was a senior at Yarmouth High School, but this was still summer break, so she and I walked miles every day through town. As we walked, I waved to drivers passing by, and they waved back or smiled. Natalya told me some people in America are racists. I was not sure what racism was; all I knew was hatred and bigotry from Kenya, and that was not about skin color. She took me around to meet the neighbors so everyone would know me and not dial 911 when I walked around. We played soccer and video games and went on shopping trips to L.L.Bean in Freeport. Natalya described me to everyone as her adopted brother. She had not had someone at home to hang out with since her older brother, Morgan, moved to California; now she again enjoyed doing things with a brother. One day she posted a photo of me on social media holding my favorite chocolate chip vanilla ice cream, describing me as her older brother. My Somali friends started calling me on the phone, in shock. One said, “Have you lost your mind? You can’t make her a sister unless she is Muslim.” Weeks passed. Fall came. The sun was setting and rising more like in Somalia around 6, but it was getting much colder than it ever does in Somalia. The leaves on the trees were turning golden and red; I had never seen such colors on trees. * * * I WATCHED FROM ACROSS THE STREET as the mailman dropped envelopes into the box every day. The idea of mail was so strange; even stranger was that it would be delivered to your house instead of your waiting in a line somewhere and paying a bribe, but I was getting used to it. I ran to grab the mail as soon as the mailman came. I was waiting for my green card. When it finally arrived, I wanted to just tear open the envelope, but I was careful not to rip the card inside. It turned out the card was hard plastic. The card had a computer image of me, the picture they took at Logan Airport, next to a picture of the Statue of Liberty. It said “UNITED STATES OF AMERICA” and “PERMANENT RESIDENT.” Me and the Statue of Liberty, permanent residents. My Social Security card came soon after, which meant I could work and buy a car. Most important, it was the first step to my goal of becoming a citizen of the United States of America. Meanwhile, back in Somalia, neighbors poured into my mom’s shack in the Eelasha camp to congratulate her on my arrival in the United States. They treated her like she’d hit the jackpot. Distant relatives who had always avoided Mom were practically moving in, waiting for her to promise them something. But she had not received a penny from me. She expected money the day after I arrived, but weeks passed and I had not sent a dollar, because I could not find a job, and I had already spent the money I earned from housework. Sharon and Gib were so generous in giving me a place to stay and free meals, but once I had cleaned everything around their property, there wasn’t much more work I could do for them. I had my green card, but I was short on “greenbacks,” another new word. No one in Africa believed me. When I spoke to my mom on the phone, she was deaf to my complaints about the lack of work in America, where money grows on trees. She thought I had become arrogant, that my newfound wealth had changed me. I had no way to convince her that life could also be hard in America. But her problems were bigger than mine; she and Nima needed money to survive and buy food. I stayed up all night browsing through JobsinMaine.com and other websites, applying for any work that I thought I could do. I tried warehouses, laundries, bakeries, bathroom cleaning, floor mopping, and many other jobs. Most of them ended up being too far away from Yarmouth, and I had no car or even a driver’s license. So I had to limit my search to jobs within walking or biking distance. I walked around town, visiting neighbors, asking if they needed someone to work in their yard or help with anything. I visited local farms to see if they wanted help. Some of the online applications for warehouse jobs got back to me for interviews. The bosses smiled, and I felt good talking to them. I said how hard I would work. I filled out so many forms, signed papers, and answered questions. They all turned me down. Was it my English? Maybe they turned me down because I was new to the country. I did not have previous work experience here in the United States, something they always asked about. I had no resume or references. My fears of unemployment grew stronger after every interview. Gib and I put up a sign in the front yard of the house. Sharon helped me write a few lines: “I am a young man from Africa. Healthy, no drugs. I need a job. Any job. If you know of any please call this number.” Abdi having dinner with his host family in Maine. FROM SHARON MCDONNELL Maine is home to about 50,000 Somali immigrants, most of them living in Lewiston, an old textile mill town in central Maine. Many others live in Portland, the state’s largest city. The Somali refugees get help from resettling agencies such as Catholic Charities that give them money for the first eight months and assign caseworkers who help them assimilate and find jobs. But I was not technically a refugee. And while Sharon and Gib were doctors who traveled the world helping to fight diseases, they were not social workers trained to help an African immigrant navigate America. Also there were no Somalis in Yarmouth, a bedroom community 10 miles north of Portland with fewer than 9,000 people. In Lewiston and Portland, Somalis can ride buses around town. In Yarmouth at the time there were no buses, so I rode a bike around, asking every business on Main Street if it had any jobs. People would stare at me like they had never seen a black neighbor. Children looked startled; they would hide behind their parents’ legs and point. It felt strange to be so different. Somalis don’t look like Kenyans, but it’s a matter of degrees. Here I was like a space alien. At dinnertime one evening in November the house phone rang. It was Christine, one of Sharon’s friends who lived in Yarmouth and had seen the sign in our yard. She told Sharon that a local home insulation company was seeking men who could do tough work. Winter was coming and the demand for insulation was growing. I e-mailed the manager, and we arranged an interview that week. The leaves of the trees were turning dull brown and falling as I walked to the interview. It was getting dark even earlier and getting even colder. The manager looked at my green card. “What is your name?” he asked. It was on the card, but I guess he couldn’t tell my first name from my last name. “Abdi,” I said. “Forgive me if I pronounce your name wrong,” he said. “You look good, strong and energetic; we need guys like you, Abbi. This job is dealing with heavy material and climbing roofs. Are you OK with heights?” I told him I didn’t have a problem with heights and that I really needed the job. “We pay $11 an hour,” he said. “We might increase the pay if your work is good.” He seemed like he was apologizing for the pay, but to me it was great, the most I had ever earned in my life. He asked if I could work on weekends. I said I could work anytime day or night. I walked out of that building on air. Monday morning, November 17, was my first day on the job. When my alarm went off at 4 o’clock, I dressed warm, in layers of silk and wool. I had my usual breakfast of eggs, milk, and toast. Everyone else in the house was asleep. It was a 45-minute walk to work and I headed out, with my new craft knife tucked in my belt, my staple gun in my back pocket, and my hard hat on. I walked through the woods; all was quiet and silent except the scared deer that dashed when they heard me coming. “Welcome on board,” said the manager when I arrived. He introduced me to the guys I would be working with. They were all big, muscular Maine guys in dirty clothes and big construction boots. Whenever they talked, they cursed. They wrestled and punched each other. Except for being white, they reminded me of Somali militiamen, but I was so happy to have the job that I ignored my fear. The crew boss, Joey, told the workers my name, but they all struggled with it. Eddy, Abey, Abbdey. I told them whatever was fine. I could barely understand their thick Maine accents anyway. Until now I was proud of my English, but they kept correcting my mistakes and laughing at my accent, so I felt humiliated and different. To them I was a strange African man, not the American I wanted to be. The sun was coming up as we gathered for the daily safety meeting. The workers talked about a couple of employees who had fallen off a roof and hurt themselves, someone else’s ladder broke, someone tripped and got hurt on his stilts. Every week there were stories of broken bones. I was told that I could go to a hospital for free if I got injured, which surprised me. I didn’t know it was the law, I just thought the company was being nice. Joey assigned me to work with Milton and Sean, experienced workers who had been with the company for more than 10 years. Milton read the instructions for the day’s job. It was a commercial building, six floors, we would “batt” the walls and the ceilings with fiberglass insulation. We were called the batting squad. Both Milton and Sean were big, strong guys with tattoos all over their bodies. Sean had piercings in his nose and lower lip; Milton was missing some front teeth. I loaded the heavy rolls of insulation into the big delivery truck from “the shop,” which is what we called the Yarmouth warehouse. Heavy bundles of fiberglass sat everywhere. Milton used one hand rolling the whole bundle to the truck. I struggled with two hands. While I loaded one, he loaded three. The tiny strands of fiberglass got all over my clothes; even with gloves, a face mask, and goggles, I was itching. The three of us climbed into the cab and drove off, Milton behind the wheel. As soon as the truck left the shop, both men reached into their duffel bags and took out marijuana. “Do you smoke?” Milton asked me. “No,” I said. I had never smoked marijuana or even seen it. I’d never even smoked a cigarette. As they puffed their weed, the smoke filled the cabin. “It smells bad,” I said. They just laughed, looked at me, and said something I couldn’t understand. They spoke so quickly and with sarcasm that was new to me. They talked about their wives, going to clubs, drinking beer, smoking weed, cars, winning the lottery, pizza, and professional wrestling. I sat next to them in silence, trying to absorb and learn their culture, looking out at the trees and buildings. We talked about Africa. To them, Africa was one big country of naked people who eat snakes. More monkeys and lions than people. I told them that we have highways, airplanes, and cars, which surprised them. My first paycheck was a happy day; I had earned $400. Because I was living with Sharon and Gib and still had no car, my personal expenses were small, and I was able to send $340 to my mom. I was so proud as I walked into Portland’s halal market, which was the unofficial hawala money-transfer station. I handed over my cash to the guy behind the counter. Then he communicated by computer with the hawala kiosk in Mogadishu, where my mom went in and claimed the money. She was so happy she bought a goat and slaughtered it, cooked a pot of rice, and threw a party for the neighbors. Abdi Nor Iftin is an interpreter for Somali immigrants in Portland, Maine. This story is excerpted from his new book, “Call Me American,” copyright © 2018 by Abdi Nor Iftin. Published by Alfred A. Knopf, an imprint of The Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC. The author changed the names of some people in this book to protect their privacy. Source: – Boston Globe

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Madaxweynaha dalka Ugandha Yoweeri Museveni ayaa shaaca ka qaaday inay rajo weyn ka qabaan in Somalia ay cagaheeda ku istaagto ‘’Tobanka sano’’ ee fooda nagu soo heysa gudaheeda. Yoweeri Museveni, waxa uu sheegay in Ugandha ay ahmiyad gaara u aragto Somalia oo ka hanaqaad halka ay iminka taagan tahay waxa uuna cod dheer ku sheegay inay uga dhigan tahay Ugandha oo hagaagda. ‘’Somalia wey hagaagi doontaa waxaan rajeyneynaa inay Xaalladu caadi ku soo noqon doonto 10-ka sanno ee soo socda’’ Museveni, ayaa hadalkaan sheegay mar uu Madaxtooyada Kambala kula hadlaayay arday loo tababaryo Hawlaha Ciiddanka, oo wax ku barta Kolejka Milliteriga ee ‘’The British Advanced Commanders’ Staff College’’ ee dalka Britain, kuwaasi oo booqsho 5 maalmood ku jooga Uganda. Waxa uu Yoweeri Museveni tilmaamay in dowladiisa ay dooneyso in si dhaba ay u waajahdo sida ay ardaydu kor ugu qaadi laheyd tayadooda waxbarasho, si ay uga dhex muuqdaan dhigooda. Madaxweyne Yoweeri Museveni waxa uu sheegay in Ciiddamadda dalalka Uganda iyo Britain uu ka dhexeeyo Iskaashi dhinacyo badan, isla markaana ay wadaagaan Ammaanka, Siyaasadda Horumarinta iyo Maalgashiga. Museveni mar uu ka hadlayey arrimaha Gobalka, waxa uu tusaale usoo qaatay sida ciidamada Ugandha ay uga qeybqaadanayaan dadaalka lagu doonaayo in lagu nabadeeyo Somalia, waxa uuna cadeeyay in dowladiisa ay bixisay dadaalka ugu badan, isla markaana ay diyaar u yihiin inay sii wadaan. Yoweeri Museveni, waxa uu cadeeyay in Ugandha aysan ka jiifan doonin baahiyaha amni ee Gobolka, sidaa aawgeed ciidamadiisa uu doonaayo inay ku daydaan Saraakiisha ciidan ee hogaamineysa ciidamada Ugandha ka jooga Somalia. Yoweeri Museveni, waxa uu ardayda uu la kulmay ugu baaqay in hankooda uu ahaado mid cad oo aan dib loogu laabaneyn, si buu yiri ay ugu biiraan Saraakiisha difaaca ugu jira karaamada dalkooda. ‘’Waxaa la doonayaa dhalinyaro tusaala u noqonkara adduunka, waa in la helaa Saraakiil ka dhameystiran dhan waliba sida akhlaaqda, tababarka iyo wax waliba oo xoojinkara sharafkooda’’ Sidoo kale, Museveni waxa uu tilmaamay inay dadka Uganda noqon dooaan Bulsho casri ah 25-ka sanno ee soo socda, sidaa aawgeed la doonaayo in laga dhabeeyo jiheynta mustaqbalka fog ee Ugandha. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Mosavani waxa uu hadalkiisa kusoo idleeyay mahadcelin uu u jeediyay Dowlada Britain oo uu sheegay inay kala dhexeeyso wada shaqeyn. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Waxaa sii kordhaaya digniinada laga soo saarayo duufaanno hor leh oo ku soo fool leh xeebaha waqooyi Bari ee Puntland. Duufaanada kusoo fool leh xeebaha waqooyi Bari ee Puntland, ayaa la xaqiijiyay inay ka soo kacayaan gudaha badweynta hindiya, kuwaasoo khatar ku haya qaar ka mid xeebaha Puntland. War saxaafadeed ka soo baxay Xarunta Saadaasha Cimilada ee urur-goboleedka IGAD ayaa waxaa Puntland looga digay Duufaanada kusoo fool leh xeebaheeda. IGAD, waxa ay digniinteeda ku aadan Dufaanta ku sheegtay xaalado isa sii taraysa oo loo baahan yahay in mar waliba ay ka feejignaato Puntland. Qubarada ku xeeldheer saadaasha cimilada ee xarunta saadaasha cimilada IGAD ayaa sheegaya in duufaanadu dhanka waqooyi u sii socdaan ilaa ay caga dhigtaan dalka Yeman abbaaraha 26-ka May 2018 oo berrito ah. Qaybo ka mid ah duufaannadan oo ay la socdaan daruuro iyo roob ayaa la saadaalinayaa inay ku dhufan doonaan xeebaha Soomaaliya sida ay sheegtay IGAD, iyadoo wadarta biyaha roobabkaasi lagu qiyaasay 30-MM. Duufaantan oo loogu magac daray Sagar ayaa qeyb ka ah dabeylaha loo yaqaan Maansoonka, gaar ahaan waxey ka soo farcantay sida ay baahiyeen qaar ka mid ah wargeysyada Carabta – duufaan weyn oo loo bixiyay One oo ka soo kacday waqooyiga Badweynta Hindiya. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Roobab watay Duufaano oo bilowga asbuucaan ku dhuftay deegaanada Puntland ayaa waxaa ku dhintay dad u badnaa xoolaaleey, halka duunyo badan ay ku burbureen dabeylaha. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Qoraal kasoo baxay Taliska Ciidanka Mareykanka Africa ee AFRICOM ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay inay duqeyn ka geysteen Saldhig ay maleeshiyaadka al-Shabaab ku leeyihiin meel 15 Mile ka xigta Koonfur Galbeed Magaalada Muqdisho. Qoraalka ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay in duqeyntaasi ay dhacday gelinkii dambe ee Arbacadii ina dhaaftay oo ku asteysaneed 23-ki bishan. Mareykanka wuxuu sheegay duqeyntaasi inuu ku dilay ilaa 11 nin oo ka mid ahaa ururka Al-shabaab, balse ma aanu kala saarin raggan in ay isugu jireen saraakiil iyo ciidan. Taliska Mareykanka ee AFRICOM ayaa sheegay in ay wadaan baaritaanada la xiriira macluumka ku saabsan Duqeyntan iyo magacyada ragga lagu dilay, islamarkaana ay baarayaan in duqeynta waxyeelo lagu gaarsiiyay dad rayid ah.

MY HEART WAS BEATING FAST as the plane banked over downtown Boston and descended to Logan Airport. My face was glued to the window as I looked at the skyscrapers of America, then the blue waters of the Atlantic. Even though we were going down, I felt like I was going up to heaven. When the wheels bumped on the runway, I couldn’t control myself. “I am in America!” I shouted. Source: Hiiraan Online