Ottawa (HOL) - The Somali community celebrated excellence in education on Saturday with a scholarship award ceremony for six deserving students. Source: Hiiraan Online

Mogadishu (HOL) - Businesses in Somalia's largest open-air market, Bakara have boycotted trade over the introduction of a 5% sales tax on all goods sold and services rendered. The traders have vowed to keep the market closed until the government eliminates the tax altogether. Source: Hiiraan Online

Dowladaha caalamka ee hanaqaaday maamulka, maareynta, iyo jaangoynta canshuuraha waxaa u xil-saaran hay’ ad ama wakaalad gooniya oo dejisa barnaamijka canshuuraha dal waliba leeyahay, tusaale ahaan Kenya waxaa jirta Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), Uganda waxa jirta Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), Ethiopia waxaa jirta Ethiopian Revenues and Customs Authority (ERCA) oo Federaali ah, halka Mareykanka ay jirto Internal Revenue Service (IRS). Wakaaladda Canshuuraha waxaa unka ama dhismaheeda abla-ableeya Baarlamaanka Dalka waxayna ka hoos shaqeysaa inta badan wasaaradda maaliyadda, qorsheynta & horumarinta dhaqaalaha ee dalku u leeyahay. Wakaaladda maareynta canshuuraha iyadoo raacaysa sharciyadda ay Baarlamaanka dejiyeen ayay fulisaa dhaqan-gelinta, qiimeynta, dejinta, iyo xisaabinta noocyada kala duwan ee canshuuraha dalkaas laga qaado. Inta badan canshuuraha dalalku ay qaadaan waa labo nooc. Canshuur toos ah “Direct Taxes” oo ay kamid yihiin; income tax, capital gains tax, Securities transaction tax & corporate tax I.W.M iyo sidoo kale canshuuraha aanan tooska ahayn “Indirect taxes” oo ay kamid yihiin sales tax, service tax, value added tax (VAT), exercise duty iyo wixii la halmaala. Dal walbana qaabkaas ayuu inta badan u wajahaa maamulka & maareynta canshuuraha laga dhaqan-geliyo gudihiisa. Soomaaliya waxaa ka jira dowlad dhismaheeda iyo gollayaasheeda dowladda la sheego in laga soo xulay oo ay matalayaan dhammaan 18ka gobol ee Soomaaliya, balse ka qaadda canshuurta ganacsatada Hal magaallo. Waxaa ka jirta dowlad Mushaar siisa Baarlamaan la sheego iney matalayaan min lawya-cadde ilaa Dhoobley balse haddana dakhligeedu ku xiran yahay hal dekad oo ah tan Muqdisho. Baarlamaanku haddaysan abuuri karin Wakaaladda Canshuuraha Qaranka “Somalia Revenue Authority” oo taaba-gelisa barnaamijka canshuuraha dalka ama aysan ugu yaraan mushaarkooda si siman uga raadsan karin dhammaan gobolada dalka, waxaa dowladda la gudboon saddex arimood oo aas-aasiya iney ku dhaqaaqdo: 1- In ganacsatada Muqdisho wax allaale waxay dowladda ka tabanayaan oo dhinaca canshuur qaadista ah loo xaliyo si shuruuud la’aan ah, maadaama ay iyagu kaliya bixiyaan canshuurta inta badan bixisa adeegyada dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya. 2- In xukuumadda iyo Baarlamaanka ay ka shaqeeyaan abuuritaanka Wakaaladda Canshuuraha Qaranka iyo in ugu dambeyn 3- Labada aqal ee Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya “Gollaha Shacabka” loo qabto aqoon-kororsi “Workshops” lagu kobcinayo aqoontooda dhinaca sharci-dejinta si looga raa-rido in hawsha baarlamaanku tahay sharci dejin iyo isla xisaabtan huffan oo ay ku sameeyaan hay’adaha dowladda Ayan ka dhummuc weyn tahay mooshin yaroo caata ah oo ay ku raadinayaan shaxaad. W/Q Abdiqafaar Shire The post Yaa leh awoodda maamulka canshuuraha dalka? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

HARGEISA– Somaliland authority has talked about Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desaleng who resigned from office on Thursday. The Ethiopian govt has announced a state of emergency following the surprise resignation of its prime minister amid political unrest that has impacted the nation. Somaliland’s Foreign Affairs minister, Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire said whatever state Ethiopia is in, that will not have an effect on Somaliland. The FM is hopeful that the transition in Ethiopia will be peaceful. “Ethiopia is our neighbor, it is our closest ally which has a huge impact on Somaliland but things will be resolved by peaceful manner” Said the FM. The FM reassured that the current leadership change will be made inline with their constitution but has added that Somaliland remains ready to standby with Ethiopia. Ethiopian PM has resigned and said that he did it in order a reform to happen in his country. SL FM has not ruled out that Somaliland will be affected whatever transpires there be it vice or virtue. He prayed that things will go smoothly and his authority is ready to extend a helping hand.

By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur Abdulrashid Ali Shermarke was elected as President of Somali Republic on 15 October 1967. Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal became the Prime Minister. Two years later, on 15 October 1969, the president was assassinated by one of his guarding soldiers, a member of the national armed forces. On the 6th day of the assassination of the president (on 21 October 1969), Egal’s civilian government was toppled in a bloodless military coup led by General Mohamed Siyad Barre. Egal was arrested and languished in jail for the next twenty years. The military junta took advantage of longstanding of general grievances and disappointments with the country’s slow pace of social and economic development, highly disproportionate rampant corruptions, mismanagement and bad leadership. It is alleged that the plan for the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet KGB, the main supporter of the Somali military. The proliferation of parties and unlimited freedom of the press were used as a pretext to overthrow the democratically elected civilian government. At its very early start, the military regime declared solemn promises and pledges for the people such as returning the power to the democratic civilian rule soon after they putt the “house in order”. That never took place. The record of the two decades of Barre’s rule speaks for itself but is beyond the scope of this brief. What acted as the main catalyst for speeding up the successful staging of the military revolution was the lack of public trust and withdrawal of confidence from the incumbent successive civilian governments and lack of clear efforts to realize the expectations of the public to nurture the infant democracy. Unfortunately, at the expense of public sympathy and support, the military regime undermined those facts and started building political trenches and forts of oppression and repression. The first years of the revolution were spent on how to acquire full control and power. That was Siyad Barre’s real agenda. To implement that policy, special institutions and instruments were created for the control and subjugation of the society. To consolidate power, the military regime took following measures: All existing institutions were dismantled and replaced with personalized and exclusively clan-based structures. Civilian rights and freedom were suspended. Institutions like civil service, the independent judiciary, the police and the national armed forces were made into instruments of terror and oppression. New security apparatuses were created for terrorizing the population and maintaining the grip on power through dictatorship. The various apparatuses created or strengthened were: a) National Security Courts (NSC): a chain of courts originally formed for trials of political dissidents and opponents of the regime manned by ill-trained personnel in law and legal procedures; b) A Secret Police: This was euphemistically named as national security service (NSS) who used to snoop on the public, acting on eavesdropping of the public and government officials, visiting suspected people at ungodly hours to imprison them in own special jails for torture such as the ‘Godka’ (the hole) in Central Mogadishu. The majority of the NSS members were trained by the KGB in the ex-Soviet Union and former East Germany STASI forces; c) The establishment of a single party ‘Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) as the only legal party in the country which later developed into an ultimate Stalinist weapon against the Somali people and demeaning of the societal values; d) Orientation Centers: These were public centers that were set up every neighborhood in every town and village of the country. The centers acted as part of social engineering measures by maneuvering peoples’ mindsets and brainwashing; e) Victory Pioneers (Guulwadayaal). They were used as paramilitary armies patterned after the Soviet and other Eastern bloc countries’ Red Guard’ brigades. They were often recruited from the notorious street thugs and gangs. In the Northern regions of the Republic, this group was commonly known as ‘The Green Flies’ referring to the color of their uniform and comparable to the notoriety and dirtiness of this insect. They were spread in every neighborhood of every single town and village of the country. They were created through to conduct mass mobilization and not to mention the eavesdropping of the family households in their neighborhoods. Their main task was to patrol residential quarters, keep tabs on residents, and herd them into the corals of the orientation centers for brainwashing every Friday of the week or so often as needed such as for special events and occasions, i.e., ceremonial singing and cheerleader events for the party officials and leaders, for organizing and conducting mass demonstrations for government support and its leaders or even for welcoming visiting foreign dignitaries to the country. The 1969 military rule was nothing more than a continuation of the northern suppression. The judicial system was rendered non-functional under Decree-Law No 54 abolishing the Habeas Corpus. Hence, annulling the judicial system and rendering it superfluous. In addition to the above-described structures, other special units which directly came under the presidency office were established: a) ‘Hangash’ (a military intelligence branch); b) ‘Dhabar-Jebinta’ (Military Counter-intelligence); c) ‘Koofiyad Cas’ (Red Berets); and d) ‘Hogaanka Baadhista Xisbiga’ (special unit of investigators of the Socialist Party); e) The Socialist party (the only party in the country). Some of them even came under the president’s wives especially Muraya Garad. Under the banner of ‘Scientific socialism’ brand some progress, though limited, was made in some areas in the first few years of the revolution or ‘Kacaanka’. The major success was in the mass education and literacy campaigns and the single most visible achievement of the military regime was the writing of the script for the Somali language. The Somali language was written for the first time, public education was extended and a high adult literacy particularly the mother language was made. In general, however, the military regime became famous for its repressive attitudes alienating the majority of the Somali population and more particularly the people of the North. On the other hand, however, the country was literally a police State and a big prison out of which people have no choice to leave for abroad without special permits. The small successes were overshadowed by grave mistakes committed by the top echelon of the leadership who heralded the revolution at the helm of them was Said Barre. In fact, the infant democratic system started faltering apart from the very beginning amidst pervasive corruption and divisive clan politics dominated by major southern clans (Darod and Mogadishu Clan) as discussed before in previous parts. During the military revolution, the late 1970s was characterized as the beginning of Barre’s open ascent to full dictatorship. In the mid-1970s, a large number of top government officers of northern origin were subjected to wholesale sacks from government posts. In one year alone 1975 a wholesale sacking of top civil servants of northern origin took place. 75 officers of northern origin consisting of the best and distinguishing ambassadors, director generals of various ministries and directorates, managers and technocrats etc. were summarily sacked and forced to resign. At the same time high ranking military officials, many of whom from the north were exiled from the country to Lavov and Siberia in the USSR. At the outset of the revolution, Barre played the ultimate political card of pursuing the pre-independence vision of ‘Greater Somalia’. Barre pursued to brush the dust from that card to the point that he even used the Somali army to disguise the Western Somali Liberation Front fighters (with no military uniform or signs) that culminated in the 1977-78 war against Ethiopia. Barre’s planned objective was to use the war as a smokescreen and as a proxy step towards the Greater Somalia notion and, hence, buy the emotional feeling of the public again to remain in the saddle of power. Nevertheless, that became the watershed for the fall of the dictator and the demise of his regime from the political spectrum of Somalia. It also signaled the end of that dream of ‘Greater Somalia’ consisting of the five parts unification – the collapse of the Pan Somalia motto. In reality, this move was a sign of the beginning of the collapse of the Somali state and, of course, the union of the two in particular. Somalia’s defeat in the 1977/78 war with Ethiopia war caused a crisis of confidence, low morale of the armed forces and rise of dissent by various clans. Barre’s attempt to ride the crest of nationalism started falling from the top. That was met with a disastrous downward slide. The socio-political record of Somalia deteriorated soon after the evaporation of the initial public euphoria and as the Socialist revolution’s rhetoric portrayed reality. The 1975 and 1981 period has been characterized as a period the military Government openly associated itself with the Eastern bloc socialist countries (USSR, German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Yugoslavia and other East European socialist countries). The National Security Service personnel were being trained by the Russian KGB and the STASI secret services of East Germany which trained them ruthless and fond of abusing the civil and human rights of the citizen. Some of the government’s bureaucratic officials and insiders in Barre’s ruling circle portrayed an erosion of the human rights and a tragic slide into dictatorship. By the mid-1980s, the power fell into internal militarism and external supplication. Owing to country’s drift towards socio-economic retrogression and political deterioration there was an increase of personalized rule of Siyad Barre. In June 982 that a group of seven members of the Somali Republic Socialist Party (SRSP) were arrested under the notorious Law No 54 that carried a mandatory death penalty. They were in ‘Labaatan Jirow’ high-security prison. The prison was under the direct control of the presidency office, i.e, directly under the president. The prisoners were there in prolonged solitary confinement in separate cells. Among the members of the group were: General Ismail Ali Abokor (original member of SRC, the third Vice President and the president of the National Assembly); Omer Arteh Ghalib (a former Foreign Minister); Colonel Osman Mohamed Jeelle (SRC member); General Omer Haji Mohamoud; Dr Mohamed Aden Sheikh (Minister of Information and National Guidance), Mohamed Yousuf Weyrah and Warsame Ali Farah. They received long-term prison sentences. Warsame Ali Farah died in prison on 20 July 1983. In the 1980s thousands of people were subjected to imprisonment, torture, and executions. Even the rural households suspected of this were decimated. The story of a man who belonged to an internal SNM cell in Hargeisa and who later successfully escaped Hargeisa prison is a case in point among thousands unpopularised cases. Sulub Jama Osman was a businessman, a restaurant and a shop owner in Hargeisa. In 1987 following a successful operation inside Hargeisa killing a high ranking NSS officer, Ahmed Aden, and a colleague of his, Sulub and a friend of his were arrested at the home where they began to hide after suspicion emerged following the killing of the officer. In an interview, Sulub recalled vividly the cruel tortures he underwent during a period of about 3 months he was in Hargeisa central prison. Sulub express boldly the traumas of their ordeal and gave details of how they eventually managed to escape the prison. Substantiated violations of judicial procedure and fundamental human rights were due mainly to the lack of an independent judiciary and compromise of internationally recognized standards for a fair trial and justice. Somalia violated international agreements to which it was a signatory. Under this rigid unfair judiciary system, the six former members of the Parliament, the National Assembly such as Ismail Ali Abokor, former Deputy Speaker of the Parliament; Omar Arteh Galeb, former Foreign Minister and sixteen others who were detained who were held in detention without trial or charge since 1982 for over six years were taken as prisoners of conscience by human rights organizations (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and others). In 1988 the U.S National Academy of Sciences Committee on Human Rights and the Institute of Medicine Committee on Health sent a delegation to Mogadishu and wrote a damaging report “Scientists and Human Rights”. The report condemned the living conditions of individual scientists and academicians. On 1 February 1988 the prisoners were charged in Mogadishu with two principal offenses: “organizing a subversive organization (SNM) and “organizing an armed band” (SNM). After numerous international appeals for clemency, Barre commuted the death sentences. Ismail Ali Abokor and Omar Arteh Galeb were given an unspecified prison term to be served under house arrests. Engineer, Suleiman Nuh Ali, Abdi Ismail Younis (Abdi Duse), and Abdillahi Jama Galaal were sentenced to 24 years. They were denied medical examination in jail. Most of the prosecution witnesses were from the armed forces, the police and the security forces who interrogated the defendants. On 2 February 1988, the trial of the remaining 6 parliamentarians was announced. Nevertheless, the trial did not happen until 23 September 1988. The prisoners were on trial also included other long-term prisoners of conscience – Abdi Ismail Yonis (Abdi Duse); Farah Hersi Ahmed and Suleiman Nuh. This was only as a result of international pressure from human rights organizations at the forefront of which was the Amnesty International. The Amnesty International raised the issue of the miscarriage of justice and a gross human rights violation in the four day trial of 22 political prisoners that it adopted as prisoners of conscience. Eight of those political prisoners were convicted of treason. In Somalia, the preventative detention law of 1970 legalized indefinite detention without charge or trial. But because of interests of other countries with whom Siad Barre had personal interests, it was rather common to pardon clemency or reduce or commute sentences. For example, in mid-1987 as a goodwill gesture for the Muslim festival of ‘Eid al-Adha’. But actually, that was also because of an interest showed by Saudi Araba. Siyad Barre commuted death sentences passed by the National Security Court (NSC) on nine religious learned men and scholars ‘Ulamaa’ (Islamic religious scholars) accused of practicing their Islamic faith interpreted as anti-government acts. That preceded the execution of religious scholars who stood against Barre’s intervention into the Islamic Sharia law especially the equality of men and women. The military and security forces conducted curfew patrols which had become a law unto them creating a climate of unrestrained violence. Moreover, the existence of the SNM in the North provided a pretext for Barre’s deputies in the North to act as they do so want, i.e., to wage a war against peaceful citizens and to enable consolidate power by terrorizing anyone suspected to be not pro-government. Therefore, years of sustained pressure and state violence created a serious level of political unrest in the region. The atmosphere of lawlessness and lack of discipline among the security personnel and soldiers enabled them to harass civilians for purposes of extortion and ransom. Throughout the 1980s, the country was virtually a grand prison. Only those counted as supporters of the regime can travel abroad. For example, civil servants like the academicians; the business people etc. were affected since due to the nature of their works and activities. Those groups were more likely to travel abroad than the rest of the society. A selective ban was always in operation. That implicitly led to a rampant brain drain of the resourceful citizens who used any method to leave the country. In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, Somalia was exposed politically. The country was entangled with open human rights abuses and tragedies. The Somali government was famous for its persistent abuse of human rights, the gross miscarriage of justice, civil liberties and tortures. The human and civil rights abuses of the civilians started as early as the mid-1970s. The oppression of the citizens had been well documented and the reports of the internationally known organizations became available. Activities of the systematic torture, gross human rights violation and infringement of the political and civil liberties were revealed by the international organizations such as the Amnesty International, the Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights, the Committee for Human Rights of the National Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Medicine – Committee on Health and Human Rights, the Canadian Centre for Investigation and Prevention of Torture, the Medical Foundation and many other independent organizations. The reports were based on countless individuals as direct eyewitnesses and reports confirmed the factual circumstances and the real situation. Unfortunately today, decades later, the post-traumatic scars are still unmistakably evident by the survivors of the obliteration and genocide. During the fighting in the North in later 1980s, the reports on genocides peaked in grand proportions and at a crisis point. Despite all those, the US aid to the ailing regime was still pouring without conditions rather than addressing these issues. For that matter, the U.S aid policy towards Somalia attracted heavy criticism from all corners of the world including the US Congress and the international community as it (US aid) was the only means of sustaining the perpetration of the repressive regime and, hence, in keeping and letting Barre to survive and, therefore, continue abusing human rights and civil liberties ad infinitum in Somalia. Before 1977 the US was an important ally with Ethiopia while USSR was allied with Somalia. A sudden shift in the balance of alliances took place when Barre all of a sudden went to war with Mengistu of Ethiopia in 1977. That caused a major switch in alliances. The US made a sudden shift to Somalia as a major ally after the USSR began supporting Mengistu, the Ethiopian side. The US then benefited gaining access to the strategic port of Berbera in the North in having free access to the naval facilities in return for a generous military and economic aid to Somalia. This shift of strategic positions between the two superpowers occurred as the Horn of Africa region was always a key cockpit and a major crossroad for the existing intense superpower rivalry. That show how explicitly power competition and post-war imperialism take form utilizing the only tactic – helping and manipulating weak governments in the region economically and militarily such as Somalia. The cruelty of the Somali army chiefs and commanders in the North was unimaginable. Civilians who were suspected as SNM sympathizers and supporters financially met cruelty from the army and officers themselves. For example, a case in point was a gruesome operation conducted by Colonel Yusuf Abdi Ali (Tuke) on a civilian man called Abdi Dheere in Gabiley. The man was tied and dozed with petrol. Colonel Tuke himself took a turn to doze the man with petrol and held a long object pushing the man into a blazing fire pit. And every time the man would try to come out of the fire, he would be pushing him back to it using the same object. On other occasions, individuals would be tied to the back of a military truck at high speed until the flesh shreds into pieces, a typical fascist mode of killing during the Italian dictatorship under Mussolini. Tuke is now on trial for crimes against humanity. On 14 July 1988, a testimony before the US African Sub-committee by Aryeh Neier, chairman of the Human Rights Watch organization, highlighted the dismal long-term human rights record of President Barre. During the eruption of the conflict in the North, the situation became even more serious. Despite the worsening human rights situation, since Somalia’s defeat at the ‘Ogaden’ war in 1977, the US was involved by contributing military and financial support to the government of Somalia. As stated before, the US policy only consolidated and privileged the position of Barre’s regime which was engaged in a systematic pattern of gross violations. Another troubling indictment of the human rights situation in Somalia came from the Lawyers Committee for Human rights testimony to the US Sub-Committee on African Affairs, Committee on Foreign Affairs and the House of Representatives. The State Department’s 1986 country report vehemently confirmed abuses of virtually every category examined by the report, arbitrary arrests, detention, and freedom of expression, freedom of the press, independence of the judiciary, freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of movement within the country presented by the Lawyers Committee.[1] The truth of the matter was that a major part of the epoch that the power was in the hands of the military, power has been concentrated in the hands of the president, family members and close military advisors and cohorts. The country was virtually a ‘police state’. Indeed it was a great prison. Freedom of expression was a luxury not known and rights of civilians were routinely deprived. To contain the people, a series of legislative acts were passed and denial of fundamental human rights was institutionalized. Earlier in 1979, the government introduced a new constitution which expressly provided that these laws override the political and civil rights guaranteed by the existing constitution. The most important of those was Law No. 54 of 10 of September 1970 that made the death penalty legal for a wide range of political offenses that relate to “national security.” Offenses against the national security were defined as behavior “which may be considered prejudicial to the maintenance of peace, order and good government.” This was interpreted broadly to mean whatever the authorities want it to mean, both for individuals and groups. The law did not distinguish between violent and non-violent criticism and opposition to the government and, therefore, did not adequately protect the right to hold, express and disseminate opinions, the right of the association or of political assembly. Even the possession of written material came under this let alone shows of dissent. On 8 April 1987, under Article 12 of law No 54, nine religious teachers were condemned to death in secret trials in Mogadishu. Their only crime was the criticism of the failure of the government to respect freedom of worship. Due to a national outcry and pressures from Islamic governments, the death sentences were later commuted to long-term imprisonment. Based on this law, other religious individuals were also executed. In the 1980s I, as a civil servant academician working at the university, had experienced the first-hand injustices based on the clan politics of the government within my institution, the university. I witnessed that the politics of the university as a government academic institution was itself reflecting the nature of the government’s political interests. The selection of the staff, academicians down to the appointment of janitors and cleaners, attendants and caretakers, was pretty much based on who you know and who is your big shot or whether you are a kith or kin or affiliated to the clan of the president. In other words, the university was heavily politicized creating favorites among the scholars (Omaar, 1991). The Socialist party (the only party in the country) representatives, as well as student political activist posts, were trusted to members of the clan in power and its cohorts. The president of the country himself was the Chancellor and the majority of the Deans of faculties, party representatives, student activists and representatives etc. were all nominated on the basis of clan affiliations. This was for purposes of consolidation of power and maintaining the country as a police state. The ears of the regime had to be wide open for the slightest eavesdropping among the students of universities, high schools and other institutions and the public at large. By the early 1980s and after the formation of the SNM opposition public distrust was clearly visible in the North (Somaliland). Students in the schools in Hargeisa started making demonstrations openly and boycotted classes. In early 1982 stone-throwing by the students was popular and especially after the arrest of a group of 28 young professionals consisting of doctors, businessmen, teachers, and other civil servants, were scooped to arrest in Hargeisa and eventually sentenced to long-term imprisonments. Two of them were immediately released and six other acquitted by the court most of them on tribal lines. They were all acquitted as they belonged to non-targeted clans. What caused their imprisonment was interestingly ironic. They volunteered to improve the deteriorating conditions of the dilapidated hospital, the only one in Hargeisa, the second city of the country. They set up a self-help scheme group. There was then a long-standing conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia. Ethiopia was hosting two Somali opposition groups (SSDF and SNM). Somalis from the North were seen as by the government as destabilizers of the regime and were often regarded as having possible links with the SNM. The group was seen as politically motivated. The irony was that Barre showed himself off as a strong promoter of individual participation in self-help schemes efforts as part of his scientific socialism programme. The imprisonment of active individuals was translated as subversion. To be continued …..

More than a thousand library users visit Siilaanyo National Library every month. The users find many great reading materials at the Library and indulge themselves with the numerous books donated by friends of the Library over the period the Library was under construction. The good news is, Siilaanyo National Library is open for use, now. But, unfortunately, our children’s section is not ready do to lack of funding. Please, join the Library Committee and friends and help raise the funds required to paint and furnish the children’s section. Please, donate to the accounts given in the flyer above or call the Chairman, Ahmed Dahir Elmi, on 0634416060.

A woman walks in drought-hit Salaxley village, 15 kilometers south of Garowe in Puntland, one of the regions hit by a severe drought. UN Photo/Ilyas Ahmed The top United Nations humanitarian official in Somalia has commended the drought relief and recovery efforts of the authorities in the northern state of Puntland, while cautioning that the current humanitarian crisis is far from over. “We took stock, together with [Puntland’s] leadership, of the drought response as it has been so far, looking back to what has been a good year in terms of close cooperation and a very successful drought relief effort,” the UN’s Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, Peter de Clercq, said in Puntland’s capital, Garowe, on Saturday, in the wake of a series of meeting with officials, including the Federal Member State’s President Abdiwali Mohamed Ali. “At the same time, we talked about the remaining challenges because we are not out of the woods yet by any stretch of the imagination,” he added. Mr. de Clercq – who also serves as the Secretary-General’s Deputy Special Representative for Somalia and the UN Resident Coordinator – was visiting Puntland to meet with security, planning and humanitarian officials from the local government, as well as representatives of civil society organizations, to discuss the current drought response and other challenges in the region. Speaking on the collective response so far to the drought that has affected Puntland and the rest of Somalia for over five failed rain cycles, Mr. de Clercq said that, while 2017 was a good year in terms of close cooperation to avoid the worst impact of the drought, further effort would be needed. He added that, in areas like Sool and Sanaag, there are still massive needs and a strong possibility that famine-type conditions would develop. The two areas, located on the north-eastern tip of the Horn of Africa, form part of a disputed region claimed by both Puntland and neighbouring ‘Somaliland.’ Mitigating the effects of the drought and helping the people who have been displaced by it was one of the main topics covered in the UN official’s meeting with President Mohamed Ali. “Our discussion was frank and candid, very fruitful,” the President noted afterwards. UN Photo/Ilyas Ahmed Peter de Clercq, the Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia and UN Resident Humanitarian Coordinator accompanied by officials from the UN and Puntland administration interacts with residents of drought-hit Salaxley village., by UN Photo/Ilyas Ahmed At the end of the visit, which included discussions at the ministries of security and planning, together with Puntland’s disaster management agency, Mr. de Clercq said that it was important to get the right resources to the right place and work with the right partners, such as the Puntland authorities, and to consider longer-term factors. “We try to address the underlying causes of the crisis, like food insecurity and livestock depletion, and to think of alternatives for people to make a living and to rebuild their lives,” he said. In 2017, drought-related famine was averted through the efforts of Somalis and their international partners. However, the risk is not yet overcome as there are 5.4 million people in Somalia needing life-saving humanitarian assistance. Work is being done in all regions, including Puntland, to build and sustain resilience in all communities, especially the populations affected the most by the recurring cycle of drought and famine risk, such as pastoralists, displaced persons and fishing communities. There is a resilience and recovery framework in Somalia, to help it transition from humanitarian intervention to sustainable recovery and disaster preparedness. Led by the authorities and supported by the United Nations and the World Bank, it is tightly linked to its development plan. It enables the national and regional governments to take the lead in medium- and long-term developments solutions, going to the root of communities’ vulnerability to droughts, and helping them withstand recurrent shocks. UN

By Ahmed Abdi A Somaliland court in Hargeisa on Sunday gave prison sentences to 3 members of disabled people for holding an unauthorized protest. The three were sentenced to two-years and a half in prison and fined 3000,000 Somaliland Shilling for damaging the prestige of the country in front of International observers, according to Judge Suleiman Jama Handule of Hargeisa District Court. Judge Handule said, “The three, non-members of the SNDF, Somaliland National Disability Forum, were arrested as they were spreading misinformation during International Day of Persons with Disabilities celebration for an illegal protest to defame the nation.” They were convicted of defamation and spreading false news in relation to their billboards. Director of Human Rights Center Guleid Ahmed Jama said the three defendants were exercising constitutional rights and criticized the court’s conviction. The conviction of the three protesters has caused public outrage locally and many people took to social media to express shock and anger and called for their immediate release. They were convicted of defamation and spreading false news in relation to carrying signs reading “equal rights of the disabled people,” tweeted one of them. The defendants could not get a lawyer who would defend them against the case.

Sida qorshuhu yahay Ra’iisul Wasaare ku xigeenka Turkiga,Hakan Çavuşoğlu ayaa booqasho rasmi ah oo laba maalmood qaadanaysa todobaadkaan ku tegi doona dalalka Suudaan iyo Soomaaliya. Qoraal lagu daabacay bogga Wasaaradda Arrimaha debadda dalka Turkiga ayaa lagu sheegay in maalinta talaadada ah uu Mr.Çavuşoğlu magaalada Khartoum kula kulmi doono dhigiisa waddanka Suudaan,Bakri Hassan Saleh,iyagoo ka wada hadli doona xoojinta xiriirka labada dal iyo iskaashigooda. Ra’iisul Wasaare ku xigeenka Turkiga ayaa sidoo kale booqan doona Jasiiradda Suakin ee dalka Suudaan,halkaasoo uu ka socdo mashruuc muran xooggan dhaliyay oo dowladda Turkigu maal-gelinayso. Mashruucan ayaa lagu doonaya in Jasiiradda Suakin looga sameeyo xarun dalxiis oo ay maamusho xukuumadda Turkiga,balse dalalka Masar iyo Sacuudiga ayaa arrintaasi ka carooday iyagoo Turkiga ku eedeeyay in uu halkaasi ka dhisayo saldhig militari oo halis ku ah amnigooda. Jasiiradda Suakin oo ku taalla xeebta galbeed ee Badda Cas,ayaa 261nautical miles u jirta Jeddah oo ah magaalada labaad ee ugu weyn dalka Sacuudiga. Dhinaca kale Ra’iisul Wasaare ku xigeenka Turkiga,Hakan Çavuşoğlu ayaa Arbacada booqasho ku imaanaya magaalada Muqdisho ee caasumadda dalka Soomaaliya,isagoo la kumi doona madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Kheyrre,sida lagu xusay qoraalka lagu daabacay Wasaaradda Arrimaha debadda Turkiga. Kulanka ayaa diiradda lagu saari doona xoojinta xiriirka walaalnimo ee u dhexeeya labada dal ee Soomaaliya iyo Turkiga,arrimaha Amniga iyo deeqaha turkigu siiyo Soomaaliya,sida ay sheegtay Wasaaradda Arrimaha debadda Turkiga PUNTLAND POST Cabdiraxmaan Ciise Cumar The post Ra’iisul Wasaare ku xigeenka Turkiga oo Arbacada booqasho ku imaanaya Soomaaliya. appeared first on Puntland Post.

President Donald Trump railed against the investigations into Russian interference in the 2016 election Saturday night into Sunday, sending off a stream of tweets attacking the FBI, CNN, Source: Hiiraan Online

Kala aragti duwanaanta soo kala dhex gashay ganacsatada Muqdisho iyo Dowladda Federaalka oo sababtay xiridda suuqa Bakaaraha maanta, waxay caddayn u tahay in Ganacsatadu ay dantooda keliya fiirsanayaan, ee aanay dan ka lahayn hooyada iyo aabaha u ordaya inuu helo quuta yoomka carruurtiisa maalintaas. Waxaa hore u jiray in Dowladihii hore ay canshuurta Dekedda iyo Garoonka Muqdisho, tusaale ahaan, ay madaxdii wakhtigaas joogtay kulahayd saami goonni ah oo ay iyaga keliya qaataan, canshuurtana laga qaadi jiray ganacsatada iyada oo kuwa kalena laga dhaafo. Musuqmaasuqa baaxadda intaas le’eg leh wuxuu god ku riday adeeggii ay heli lahaayeen bulshadu, waxaana lagu naas nuujin jiray dad gaar ah oo xukuumadihii hore saamayn kulahaa. Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya waxa ay bilowday in ay dardar geliso hawlaha canshuur qaadista, si loo hagaajiyo adeegga Bulshada sida caafimaadka, waxbarashada, biyaha, korontoda iyo jidadka. Balse taas beddelkeeda Ganacsatada ayaa bilaabay inay ka hor yimaaddaan in si dhab ah loo qaado canshuurta, oo markii hore lagu bixin jiray qaab aan daah furneen ama musuqmaasuq ku jiro. Laakiin markii uu xilka qabtay Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa bilaabay in si caddaalad ah loo qaado canshuurta kadib dib loogu celiyo dadweynaha si loo gaarsiiyo adeeg. Waxaa la wada ogyahay in Ganacsatada Muqdisho ay siiyaan Alshabaab canshuur qasab ah ama baad ah oo loo yaqaan (Zakawaat), taas oo ay ku bixiyaan qaab qarsoodi ah, waxa ayna ka qeyb qaadataa lacagtaasi koboca awoodda argagaxisada Alshabaab. Haddaba haddii Ganacsatadu ogolyihiin in ay Alshabaab siiyaan canshuur aad u farabadan misana ay diidayaan canshuurta yare e Dowladda, yey u shaqeeyaan ganacsatadu mase la oran karaa waxay kasoo horjeedaan Dowladnimada iyo in waddanka la horumariyo. Dad badan ayaa qaba in ganacsatada diiddan canshuurta ay yihiin kuwa dano gaar ah ku waayaya haddii ay bixiyaan canshuurta balse aan fiirinayn danta guud ee bulshada. Canshuurta oo si sax ah loo bixiyo waxay dan ugu jirtaa Shacabka oo ah ka faa’iidaystayaasha koowaad, maadaama ay helayaan taas beddelkeeda adeegyada asaasiga ah. Dowlad ka shaqeysa ma jirto adduunka oo aan canshuur qaadin, dadweynaha dalalka horumaray waxay bixiyaan canshuur si ay Dowladdooda ula xisaabtamaan waxa ay u qabatay iyo waxa ay ka gaabisay. W/D: Xuseen Faarax Muuse muuse123@gmail.com The post Canshuurta oo la bixiyo yaa dan ugu jirtaa, Dowladda mise Shacabka? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Xaaladda abaareed ee ka jirta deegaanada Puntland ayaa soo xoogaysanaysa kadib markii abaartii Sima ay saamayn xooga dalka ku yeelatay iyadoo deegaanada qaarkood aysan si wanagsan uga curan roobabkii Guga. Agaasimaha Hay,ada Maarinta Masiibooyinka Puntland HADMA Cabdulaahi Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Cayrow ayaa ka warbixiyey heerka abaareed ee ka jirta Puntland waxaa uu tilmaamay in xaaladda abaartu ay tahay mid adag. Gudoomiyaha ayaa sheegay in kormeer ay kusoo sameeyeen ilaa 210 deegaan oo ka tirsan Puntland ay kusoo ogaadeen inay ka jirto xaalad abaareed saamayn ku yeelatay dadka reer guuraaga ah. Gobalada,Bari,karkaar sanaag hay,laan Nugaal Qaybo kamid ah iyo deegaanada ku teedsan xeebaha ayuu sheegay in ay yihiin meelaha ugu daran waxaana uu intaa raaciyey in dadku ay u baahan yihiin cunto iyo Biyo. Halkaan Ka Dhegeyso Codka. CayrowMP3 Puntlandi.com

TEHRAN, Iran — A commercial plane crashed on Sunday in a foggy, mountainous region of Iran, killing all 66 people on board, the state news media reported. The Iran Aseman Airlines plane went down near its destination, the city of Yasuj, about 485 miles south of the capital, Tehran. Mohammad Taghi Tabatabai, a spokesman for Aseman Airlines, told state television that everyone aboard the ATR-72, a twin-engine turboprop used for short-distance regional flights, had been killed. It was carrying 60 passengers, including one child, and six crew members, according to The Associated Press. The cause of the crash was not immediately clear. The Iranian Red Crescent said it had deployed people to the area, and the authorities said they would be investigating. The fog prevented rescue helicopters from reaching the site in the Zagros Mountains, state TV reported. Mr. Tabatabai said the plane had crashed into Mount Dena, which has an elevation of about 14,500 feet. News reports said the plane disappeared from radar screens 50 minutes after taking off from Mehrabad International Airport in western Tehran, which mainly serves domestic flights although it also has some international routes. Under decades of international sanctions, Iran’s commercial passenger aircraft fleet has aged, with accidents occurring regularly in recent years. The sanctions have prevented the oil-rich country from updating its fleet, forcing it to use substandard Russian planes and to patch up older jets far past their normal years of service, drawing on spare parts bought with increasing difficulty on the black market. Most Iranian planes, including the 727, are forbidden to operate within the European Union. In 2014, a locally built Iranian passenger plane crashed shortly after takeoff from Mehrabad airport, killing 39 people and reviving questions about the safety of an aviation sector left hobbled by international sanctions. The plane was based on a relatively obscure Ukrainian design that had been involved in previous Iranian air disasters. The Sepahan Air regional airliner, bound for Tabas in eastern Iran, went down in a residential area shortly after takeoff at 9:20 a.m. In November 2006, an Iranian military plane crashed at Mehrabad airport, killing all 38 people on board, including 35 members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, state television reported. The Antonov 74 aircraft crashed shortly after takeoff, the director of the airport said. The plane had been headed to Shiraz in the south of Iran. Earlier that year, a plane carrying 147 passengers caught fire while landing in northeastern Iran, killing 29 of the 148 people on board and injuring 47, state-run television reported. The plane, a Russian-made Tupolev-154, apparently blew a tire while landing in Mashhad, slipped off the runway and burst into flames, the governor of Khorasan Province said. After the landmark nuclear deal with world powers in 2015, Iran signed deals with Airbus and Boeing to buy scores of passenger planes. The ATR 72 involved in the crash on Sunday, a French-Italian short-haul aircraft, was introduced in the late 1980s. The Aseman Airlines fleet’s aircraft were delivered from 1993 to 2009. Aseman Airlines is a semiprivate carrier based in Tehran that specializes in flights to remote airfields across the country. It also flies internationally. Source: – NYT The post Iran plane crashes into mountain, killing all 66 aboard appeared first on Caasimada Online.

After meeting with security, humanitarian and government officials – including Puntland President Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas- in Puntland, the top United Nations humanitarian official in Somalia has warned Somalia to remain vigilant against the threat of drought while commending the relief effort in 2017. “We took stock, together with [Puntland’s] leadership, of the drought response as it has been so far, looking back to what has been a good year in terms of close cooperation and a very successful drought relief effort,” the UN’s Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, Peter de Clercq, said in Puntland’s capital, Garowe, on Saturday. “At the same time, we talked about the remaining challenges because we are not out of the woods yet by any stretch of the imagination,” he added. In 2017, drought-related famine was averted through the efforts of Somalis and their international partners. However, the risk is not yet overcome as there are 5.4 million people in Somalia needing life-saving humanitarian assistance Mr. de Clercq – who also serves as the Secretary-General’s Deputy Special Representative for Somalia and the UN Resident Coordinator – was in the Garowe on Saturday meeting with humanitarian and security officials to discuss cooperation on drought response in the region, especially in the difficult to reach area’s. “The situation is very serious, particularly in Sool and Sanaag. And we have talked about how we can best reach the people in Sool and Sanaag in terms of providing them with the assistance that they deserve that will keep them from being affected by this drought and possibly falling into famine. And we are hopeful that there will be a way forward on this,” Mr. de Clercq said. Source: Hol The post Top UN humanitarian official in Somalia warns ‘we are not out of the woods yet’ on drought appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Wasaaradda Caafimaadka Somalia, ayaa war qoraal ah oo ay maanta soo saartay ku caddeysay inay soo xaqiijisay in suuqyada Muqdisho lagu iibiyo cunnooyinka loogu talo-galay carruurta nafaqa-darradu hayso ee aan loogu talo-gelin in la iibiyo. Qoraalka wasaaradda ayaa lagu xusay in cuntooyinka Gar-gaarka ah ee lagu soo arkay suuqyada Muqdisho ay ka mid yihiin Buskut, Saliid, Digir, Hadhuudh iyo mal-maatooyinka nafaqada leh ee RUSF iyo RUTF. Iyadoo ay wasaaraddu amar ku bixisay inay ciidamada amniga Somalia ay soo qabtaan shaqsiyaadka caadeystay inay iibiyaan cuntooyinka samafalka loo keenay dalka. Dhanka kale, Iyadoo iibinta cunnooyinka gar-gaarka ay caadi ka tahay guud ahaan Muqdisho ayaa qoraalkan loo arkaa in Wasaaradda Caafimaadka ay u qaaday culeys ka yimid hay’adaha samafalka, kaddib warbixinno ay qaar ka mid ah warbaahinta caalamku baahisay. Haddaba, AKHRISO Qoraalka kasoo baxay Wasaaradda Caafimaadka; PUNTLAND POST The post Ganacsatada iibiya raashinka loo siiyo shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo la amray in lasoo xiro appeared first on Puntland Post.

Police have foiled a major terrorist attack after fighting off gunmen, killing one and arresting two others after which they found a cache of arms including 36 grenades and five automatic rifles. The officers also detained the terrorists’ car which was rigged up with explosives. Initial investigations showed the car was headed to Nairobi where the terrorists planned to use it as a vehicle borne improvised explosive device (VBIED), simply a bomb on wheels. Further investigations showed the car was assembled by Al-Shabaab experts in El-Adde, Somalia. Following the Thursday evening gunfight in Merti, Isiolo County, a major police operation is underway in the city with the aim of arresting the terrorists’ accomplices. BOOKED HOTEL An initial report shared among security agencies and seen by Nation says the terrorists had probably booked a hotel room because they were carrying a key, which indicated the name of the hotel a room number. The Nation cannot name the hotel because of the ongoing security operation. According to the report, there were five terrorists in the car when police officers spotted it. “Our officers spotted a Mitsubishi sport car registration number KBM 200D hidden in a thicket. The team alighted from their vehicles and approached. One of the occupants came out while shooting at the officers. The officers returned fire killing the unidentified gunman instantly. Four of the occupants tried to escape,” it said. ARMED TERRORIST ESCAPES The report added: “Two (terrorists) were apprehended while two are at large among them one armed with Ak47 rifle.” Police also identified those in custody as Kenyans, going by the national identity cards they were carrying. They are Abdimajit Hassan Adan, 24, and Mohammed Nane Kenyan, 23. Another ID card belonging to Jirma Huka Galgalo was also found. Photographs of the terrorists’ vehicle after it was dismantled showed it was rigged up with 18 IEDs. If detonated, the impact would be devastating because explosion would be powerful enough to bring down a storey building, according to a security official who spoke to Nation on condition of anonymity because he is not authorised to divulge details of an ongoing investigation. Also found in the car were the five AK 47 rifles with 36 fully loaded magazines – each magazine carries 30 bullets. Also, there were “36 unprimed hand grenades, 18 IEDs and three millitary knives.” AL-SHABAAB FLAG A black flag similar to that used by extremist jihadists and other paraphernalia associated with Al-Shabaab were also found. Police also took a motor cycle registration number plate KMEE 180R and ignition keys. The operation was led by Merti Deputy County Commissioner Maiyo Julius, Police Commander Gifinalis Barasa and his Administration Police counterpart Hussein Ibrahim. The senior officers were from a security patrol in Yamicha when they spotted the terrorists and pursued them. With intensified war against Al-Shabaab in Somalia where Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) are operating under the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom, militants have been sneaking into Kenya to carry out attacks on soft targets. On Friday, three teachers were killed after gunmen attacked Qarsa Primary School in Wajir County. ROAD EXPLOSIVE On Wednesday, an Al-Shabaab terrorist was blown up after an explosive went off while he planted it on a road in Lamu County. The 3.25am incident happened between Sarira and Kolbio, a stretch regularly used by security units patrolling the Boni enclave. Six hours later, three other terrorists were killed by military personnel who were patrolling the route. KDF Spokesman David Obonyo said the patrol unit “found the body of the militant approximately three kilometres from Sarira following suspected premature explosion of an improvised explosive device he was trying to place on the road”. Three AK 47 rifles, 236 bullets and bomb-making materials were recovered thereafter, he added. Colonel Obonyo also said other terrorists escaped with injuries. “KDF appeals for any information on any individuals seeking medical assistance in the area and also thanks the locals for their continued cooperation with the security forces,” he said in a statement. Source: – Daily Nation The post KENYA: How police foiled a major terror plot appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Guddoomiyaha Gobolka Benaadir ahna Duqa Muqdisho Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Cumar Cusmaan (Eng. Yarisow) ayaa kulan la yeeshay Guddiga Ganacsatada Gobolka, waxana ay ka wada hadleen sidii xal maan-gal ah loogu heli lahaa khilaafka ka dhashay canshuuraha. Guddiga Ganacsatada iyo Guddoomiyaha ayaa isla falan-qeeyey cabashada ka dhalatay canshuuraha laga hir geliyey Gobolka Benaadir, iyagoo isla qaatay in guddi qiimeyn ah loo saaro sidii xog ururin dhammeystiran loogu sameyn lahaa cabashooyinka ku aaddan canshuurta. Sidoo kale, kulankan ganacsatada iyo Maamulka Gobolku waxa uu hoosta ka xariiqay in canshuurtu ay tahay waajibaad saaran cid kasta oo dalka ganacsi ku leh ama wax la soo dagta, muhiimna ay u tahay dawladnimada. “Masuuliyad gaar ah ayaa naga saaran ilaalinta duruufaha shacabka Gobolka Benaadir. Si taas la mid ah waxaa dhammaan ganacsatada saaran waajib qaran oo ah bixinta canshuuraha, haddiise cabasho ay timi waa in laga shaqeeyaa sidii aan xal munaasab ah ku gaari lahayn oo dan u ah dadka iyo dalkaba,” ayuu yiri gudodomiyaha gobolka Banadir. Ugu dambeyn, Guddoomiye Yarisow waxa uu sheegay in ay joogteynayaan kulamada ay la qaadanaya ganacsatada, tallaabadaas oo asaas u ah wada shaqeynta xoogan ee ka dhaxeysa ganacsatada iyo Maamulka Gobolka Benaadir. PUNTLAND POST The post Maamulka G/Banaadir iyo Ganacsatada oo ka Wada-hadlay Cabashooyin la xiriira Canshuuraha appeared first on Puntland Post.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Waxaa sii kordhaaya nadaafad daro ka taagan Qaar ka mid ah Wadooyinka ku yaalla Magaalada Muqdisho, kuwaa oo eersanaaya dadaal la’aan ka jirta dhanka maamulka Gobolka Banaadir. Waddooyinka ugu badan ee magaalada Muqdisho iyo goobaha lagu ganacsado sida Suuqa Bakaaraha ayaa Saldhig u noqday biyo cagaartay oo ka dhashay qashinka iyo biyaha ay Maqaayadaha soo qubaan. Biyaha iyo Qashinka ugu dan ayaa iminka buux dhaafiyay Suuqa Bakaaraha oo hoostagta Degmada Howlwadaag gaar ahaan Wadada Masjidka Xareed ee Aada isgoyska Baar Ubax ayey jarta wasaqda ka dhalatay Nadaafad Darada. Waddooyinka aan kor kusoo xusnay ayaa fadhiisi u noqday biyo cagaartay oo midabkooda isbedelay, islamarkaana waxa ay waddaasi noqotay mid lagu soo guro qashin badan. Wadda Xareed ayaa muhiim ah u ah Isku socodka dadka iyo Gaadiidka, waxa ayna isku xirtaa waddooyin badan oo halboole ah. Qashinka iyo Biyaha fadhiya waddooyinka Gobolka Banaadir ayaa qeyb ka ah mas’uuliyad darada heysata maamulka Gobolka Banaadir oo iyagu qaada dhaqaalaha ugu badan ee ku jira gacanta shacabka. Maamulka Gobolka Banaadir ayaa saldhig u noqonaaya xil kasnimo la’aan waxaana xusid mudan in waddooyin kabadan 13 ay yihiin kuwo ay jareen wasaq iyo biyo sababay cuduro kala duwan. Sidoo kale, waxaa jajaban waddooyin aad u farabadan oo ay shacabku ku bixiyaan lacago canshuur ah, hase ahaatee waxa ay dadku is weydiinayaan halka lagu bixiyo lacagaha canshuurta marba haddii uu arinku sidaa yahay. Qaar ka mid ah shacabka ayaa sheegay in waddaasi horay lagu sameeyay dayactir, islamarkaana la saaray waddo laami Balse nasiib daro ay weyday maamul daryeela, halka maamulka hadda jira uusan iska xil saarin mas’uuliyada ka saran nadaafada. Maamulka Gobolka Banaadir ee uu Hoggaamiyo Eng. Yariisow ayaa ka badan’la xaflado iyo xarig ka jarista xarumo Degmooyin oo la dayactiray Inta badan maamulada degmooyinka Magaalada Muqdisho ayaan iska xilsaarin ilaalinta Nadaafadda Wadooyinka dib u dayactirka lagu sameeyay. The post Daawo Sawirro muujinaaya mas’uuliyad darada Maamulka Gobolka Banaadir & Wasaqda tuban wadooyinka! appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Sarkaal u dhashay dalka China oo hogaaminayey howlgal sannadkii hore lagu soo badbaadiyay markab ganacsi oo burad-badeed ku af-duubtay Gacanka Cadmeed, ayaa la guddoonsiiyay shahaado sharaf halyeeynimo,sida ay sheegtay Warbahinta Gudaha. Hawlgalkaasi lagu soo badbaadiyay markabka ganacsi ayaa sidoo kale lagu soo qabtay saddex kamid ah burcad-badeedda Soomaalida. Ku xigeenka duqa magaalada Fuzhou oo ka tirsan gobolka Jiangxi ee bariga dalka China,ayaa Arbacadii gurigiisa ku booqday sarkaalka oo lagu magacaabo Gong Kaifeng,wuxuuna ku ammaanay guulaha uu ka gaaray hawlgalkaasi,sida lagu qoray bogga Thecover.cn 15 April ee sannadkii hore,Mr.Gong iyo 15 kamid ah saaxiibadiisa oo ka socday unugga gaarka ah ee ciidamada baddda China ee loo yaqaanno “Dragon Commando”ayaa soo badbaadiyay markab xamuul ah,kadib markii burcad-badeed ku weerartay Gacanka Cadmeed. Markabka lagu magacaabo OS35 ayaa ku gooshayey calanka Jasiiradda Tuvalu,xilliga ay weerartay burcad-badeedda,isagoo markiiba caawinaad weydiistay ciidanka badda China. sarkaalka Gong Kaifeng ayaa lagu bogaadiyay sidii geesinimada lahayd ee uu burcadda uga soo furtay 16 shaqaale u dhashay dalka Philippines oo saarnaa markabkaasi. Hawlgal lagu badbaadiyay markabka ayaa lagu tilmaamay kii ugu horreeyay ee noociisa ah ee ay burcad-badeedda Soomaalida qaadeen ciidanka badda waddanka China. Xishasho: South China Morning Post PUNTLAND POST The post Sarkaal Chinese ah oo shahaado sharaf lagu siiyay Soomaali uu soo qabtay. appeared first on Puntland Post.

It is nearly more than two decades since Somaliland got its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. Somaliland followed path to political, social and economic recovery and further enhanced institutional re-arrangement which marks the start of its democratization process until today. With abundance of minerals and other forms of natural resources, Somaliland has been poorly performing institution building for natural resource management despite absence of strategic priorities to harness their natural wealth for the achievement of national development goals and sustained prosperity. However, in regard to Somaliland national vision 2030, natural resources of oil, gas and coal have not been critically highlighted as means Somalilanders can achieve this vision and other national development plans. Indeed, answering the above question needs deep and real concern through the lens of natural resource governance. According to NRGI (Natural Resource Governance Institute, 2015), the following set of challenges may hinder Somaliland to potentially benefit from its process of natural resource discovery carried out by some foreign companies. 1. Geological Information Lack of public geological information in Somaliland in times of natural resource discovery and extraction of mineral rocks results the government and Ministry of Energy and Minerals to have shallow knowledge on areas disseminating geological information to the public. This happens because the country does not have all required research tools and technicalities to deliver such grand information. Lack of such information gives chance to other foreign companies to hide the results of the discovery and spread of false information which can mislead the both people and the government. 2. The resource curse The resource curse (also known as the paradox of plenty) which is always regarded as failure to use the resources extracted for development aspects may also take place because Somaliland has no comprehensive plan on how to use all the revenues from the extracted resources and minerals to drive development goals of the country. Present political coalitions between the different clans can also fuel existence of resource curse since economic stability and overall governance processes are at profound threat to few elite groups. 3. Social and environmental challenges Balancing the country needs for development and environment surrounding the discovery and mining area becomes absolutely impossible in Somaliland due to limited collaboration of extractive companies with Ministry of Environment and Rural Development for biodiversity, water and land protection. It is known that extractive industries including Genel Energy, Rakgas and others companies are threatening the environment in many different ways such as degradation, seismic disturbances, water contamination, air pollution and biodiversity loss. On the other hand, discovery process may cause destruction of cultural heritage sites which are fundamental for the local communities and can lead to conflict between the local people, and extractive companies. These social and environmental impacts are not addressed by the government. 4. Weak Institutional Capacity Ministry of Energy and Minerals, Ministry of Environment and Rural Development and the Ministry of Finance have no capacity to operationalize rules designed for the natural resource management. These institutions are weaker for the fact that they are unfamiliar with resource governance, environmental protection, and revenue management and it is easy for the ministers to take large sums of cash from the extractive industries. This explains that resource revenues can be managed outside the normal revenue collection process that Ministry of Finance employs at the same time Somaliland Central Bank has no remit to deliver its desired goals as the country is in serious economic crisis of inflation and unemployment. In some cases, government officials and politicians from these institutions purposefully create regulations that can facilitate their clans and/or families exploit resource wealth as this became popular during Silanyo Regime. 5. Dutch Disease Large natural resource revenues may sometimes weaken other sectors of economy, especially export-based livestock and hides among the export commodities resulting inflation and exchange rate appreciation of dollar over Somaliland shilling. Indeed, the country is threatened by serious inflation which the current administration lacks the capacity to stabilize this economic illness. Natural resources are the opportunity to reach country’s development goals together with other exporting commodities that can be used to build the future of present and future generations in a sustainable way. Somaliland cannot guarantee well-management of resource revenues as both current and previous governments have weak financial institutions that can control financial crisis. These economic pathologies can be minimized by firstly strengthening public financial institutions and establishing public investment institution (not like Somaliland Investment Company in Dubai) which is transparent and publicly owned. 7. Conflict Somaliland has background of clan resistance and inter-clan conflict which mainly based on resource distribution and geographical dominance including the most recent clan clash of Ceel-Afwayn fight which claimed the lives of more than 10 people. While the country has this clan conflict, extractives have their own instability if the country has no absolute unity which is absent from Somaliland as the country is seeking international recognition. Since 1990, oil-producing countries have been twice as likely to have civil wars compared with non-oil-producing countries. The country lacks political stability in terms of geopolitical, social and economic situations which can lead to devastating conflict that is fuelled by unfair extractive revenue allocation. 8. Democracy Somaliland is among African countries with fragile democratic institutions and it is even worse than these countries due to its political coalitions of clans which encourages corruption, fraud, resource exploitation, and favoritism. These impacts are even harmful to Somaliland’s democracy profile that started in 1991. As a result, politicians and government officials are not responsive to citizens’ demands but become more interested in clan investment, illegal investment companies and other laws which are not in line with the constitution. In specific, when the revenues from natural resources are not engaged with citizens through transparent media platform, it is easier for the government officials including the line ministries to misinform the citizens with contradicting and unclear information which is danger to transparency, accountability, inclusiveness and rule of law. In short, Somaliland will not fully utilize extractive industries as resource-rich countries like Chile, Botswana and Malaysia do, partially because the country has no experience in natural resource management for sustainable development despite presence of poor political and contextual vulnerabilities. The author Mohamed Rashid Hussein is a leading Columnist, Humanitarian and Social Worker, Sustainable Development Practitioner Email: mohamedrashid402@gmail.com + 252 63 4002027 + 252 63 316 6739

Xildhibaan Maxamuud Abuukaate oo ka tirsan golaha shacabka ayaa ka hadley is mariwaaga u dhaxeeya ganacsatada Gobolka Banaadir iyo wasaaradda maaliyadda, kaasoo ku saabsan canshuurta dheeriga ah ee lagu soo rogay ganacsatada. Xildhibaan Abuukaate ayaa sheegay in wasaaradda maaliyadda aanay xaq u laheyn inay canshuur dheeri ah ka qaado gobolka Banaadir oo kale, isagoo xusay in looga baahan yahay in magaalooyinka kale ee dalka ka qaado. “Maalmahan waxaa socotay in ganacsatada lagu soo rogay canshuurta la yiraahdo Iibka oo ka baxsan canshuurta caadiga ah ee kastamka dekeda, sida aan wada ognahay wasaaradda waxaa ay wasaarad u tahay dalka oo dhan,waxeyna ku qurux badan tahay in canshuurta laga wada qaado si siman dalka oo dhan”ayuu yiri Xildhibaan Abuukaate. Sidoo kale Xildhibaanka Maxamud ayaa soo jeediyay in canshuurta Iibka ee lagu soo rogay ganacsatada loo wareejiyo Maamulka Gobolka Banaadir, si adeegyada bulshada ugu fuliyo, isaga oo arrintaasi ka hadlaya waxaa uu yiri “Waxaaan soo jeedina Canshuurta Iibka ee lagu soo rogay Ganacsatada in loo wareejiyo Gobalka Banaaadir, si adeegyada lagama maarmaanka ah uu bulshada ugu qabto, maadaama Gobolka Banaadir ay wali matalaadiisa maqan tahay” Ganacsatada Gobolka Banaadir ayaa maanta sameeyay shaqo joojin, iyadoo la xiray Ganacsiga Suuqa weyn ee Bakaaraha, waxaana Ganacsatada ka cabanayaan canshuurta Iibka ee lagu soo rogay alaabta laga soo dejiyo Dekeda oo ay sheegeen in laga qaado ka hor inta aanay goobaha ganacsiga geyn, taasna ay khasaare ku tahay. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post “Ma ahan in canshuurta ay gaar u ahaato gobolka Banaadir” Waxaa sidaas yiri… appeared first on Caasimada Online.

On 16 October 2011, Kenyan troops crossed the border into Somalia. The official reason was that Kenya’s national security was threatened by the Somalia-based Islamist militant group, Al-Shabaab. The terrorist group had in fact carried out a number of cross-border raids during the months preceding the operation. There’s still considerable disagreement about the reasons for Kenya’s military action in October 2011. More than six years after Nairobi made the drastic move, Kenyan troops are still in Somalia and Al-Shabaab is still considered a threat to Kenya. Numerous terrorist attacks have been carried out by the Somali group, including the deadly siege on the Westgate shopping mall in 2013. There are a number of possible explanations as to why the Kenyan authorities made the decision to engage Al-Shabaab in Somalia. These range from trying to prop up the Kenyan army’s image, to currying favour with the West, to making the north east of the country safer. Some strategies have proved more successful than others. Proving a point One possible explanation for the action is that the Kenyan Defence Force was eager to show that it could actually fight a war. In the run up to the action, the Kenyan military had been stung by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s mocking remark that it was a “career army” ill-equipped to face a guerrilla insurgency. Added to this were Kenyan concerns about Uganda’s growing military footprint in Somalia which could threaten the self-perception of the KDF as a superior military power in East Africa. So crossing the border deploying troops in Somalia was part of an exercise to enhance the image of the KDF in the eyes of the population in the midst of allegations of corruption. Some reports have also suggested that some senior officers expected that the Kenyan troops committed to Somalia could eventually join the African Union Mission in Somalia. The countries contributing to the mission at the time were Uganda, Burundi and Djibouti. The integration of Kenya into the mission would have meant that some, if not all, of the costs of the military action would be funded by international donors. In these Kenyan officers’ calculation, joining the mission would mean the government would have to find less from the national budget. Combined, these factors gave the Kenyan army a strong institutional interest in crossing over into Somalia. The Somali connection Nevertheless, the then Kenyan president Mwai Kibaki appeared initially to have been hesitant to approve the invasion. He seems to have been persuaded to go ahead by the Minister for Internal Security George Saitoti, the Defence Minister Yusuf Haji, the Chief of the Defence Forces Julius Karangi and the head of the intelligence Services Michael Gichangi. An important decision maker in this group was Yusuf Haji, an ethnic Somali. Haji was known to be behind the idea of establishing a state, Jubaland, inside the borders of Somalia close to Kenya. Jubaland is a potentially rich region with lush rangelands and farmlands as well as offshore oil and gas deposits. Haji was also known to back the push to unite his Ogadeni clan scattered across northern Kenya, Ethiopia and Somalia. Leading academic and expert on Kenyan politics David Throup has argued that “personal economic and political interests of senior Kenyan politicians and soldiers from Northeastern Province’s Ogadeni Somali community” were decisive factors in the decision. Economic and military aid from the West There is a third factor. Since the 1998 bombing of the US embassy in Nairobi, Kenya has been perceived as a strategic ally of the US in its counter terrorism efforts on the continent. As a result, the country has become one of the largest recipients of Western foreign aid and security assistance on the continent. Despite the close relationship between the West and Kenya, in the years leading up to 2011 Washington had become increasingly critical about Kenya’s inability to implement political and economic reforms. Towards the end of 2011 Nairobi was facing the possibility of Washington reducing its assistance. Kenya’s incursion could therefore be seen in the context of a country propping up its image as a reliable ally in the global war on terrorism. Nairobi was keen to present the intervention as part of the ongoing Western-led war on terror. A crucial official argument was that the invasion was an anti-terrorist operation. Making the northeast safe A fourth explanation is Kenya’s desire to make the vast semi-arid north-east safe for tourism and foreign direct investment. Further south lies Lamu, the focal point of the country’s most ambitious infrastructure project. Violent attacks by al-Shabaab in the north-east would not only keep the tourists away from the region but also deter potential foreign investors. There are also great expectations related to oil exploration and to the establishment of huge transportation systems linking Lamu port with the Kenyan and South Sudan oil fields and the 80 million people in the Ethiopian market. Outcomes Only a few months after the Kenyan army started the incursions into the southern part of Somalia, a billion dollar deal with South-Sudan was signed. And less than half a year after October 2011, Kenya announced the discovery oil for the first time. If the main reason for the incursion was to make Kenya safe from al-Shabaab and attract foreign direct investments, the impact is less obvious. There has been some foreign investment, but far from enough. If the main driver was to improve the Kenyan army’s image, it can be described a success. The defence force has enhanced it’s standing in the Kenyan population. The Conversation

Eleven migrants who had been subjected to slavery and auctioned in Libya arrived home on Saturday after being repatriated by the Somali government and the UN refugee agency.

The Cleveland Cavaliers superstar reiterated his determination to speak out on social issues and the nation's political climate Saturday during his media availability for the NBA all-star game. Source: Hiiraan Online