Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Xukuummadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Cali Khayre iyo Wasiirka arimaha dibadda Norway, Ine Marie Eriksen Søreide ayaa kulan ku qaatay magaalada Oslo, waxa ayna ka wada hadleen arrimo badan oo ay kamid yihiin xoojinta xiriirka labada dal, ka wada shaqaynta arrimaha amniga, kobaca dhaqaalaha iyo horumarka guud. Wasiirka Maaliyadda Xukuummadda Federaalka Soomaaliya, Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Ducaale Bayle iyo xubno ka socda Xafiiska Ra’iisul wasaaraha ayaa Ra’iisul Wasaare Khayre ku wehliyay kulanka uu la qaatay wasiirka arimaha dibadda dalka Norway, Ine Marie Eriksen Søreide. Ra’iisul wasaare Khayre ayaa wasiirka warbixin dhinacyo badan taabanaysa ka siiyay xaaladda Dalka iyo qorshaha Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya ee ku aadan horumarinta dalka. Wasiirka arrimaha dibadda Norway ayaa bogaadisay horumarka ballaaran ee dalka Soomaaliya uu ku tilaabsanayo, waxa ayna ka dhawaajisay in ay xukuumadda Oslo ay sii joogteyn doonto taageerada iyo garab istaagga shacabka iyo Dawladda Soomaaliyeed. Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Xukuummadda Federaalka Soomaaliya, Mudane Xasan Cali Khayre iyo wafdi uu hogaaminayo oo maanta gaaray Norway ayaa maalinta berri ah ka qeyb gelaya shirka sannadlaha ah ee Madasha Oslo kaas oo socan doona mudda laba maalin ah ayna kasoo qeyb gelayaan madax ka socota caalamka. —— DHAMAAD——— PUNTLAND POST The post Ra’iisul Wasaare Khayre oo Kulan la Qaatay Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda Dalka Norway appeared first on Puntland Post.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has said foreign debt is becoming a burden to his country. Source: Hiiraan Online

Parents in Garissa have been warned against marrying off their under-age girls. Source: Hiiraan Online

Former Somalia minister and current lawmaker Abdullahi Mohamed Nur has called on the government to consider addressing security and political challenges before printing the new currency for the country. Source: Hiiraan Online

The entire process of controlling Somalia’s skies from Nairobi has officially come to an end on Monday after Somalia and the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) jointly agreed to close the office in Nairobi. Source: Hiiraan Online

Qaran News

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Wasiirka arrimaha dibada maamulka Somaliland Dr Sacad Cali Shire, ayaa ka hadlay Heshiiska dhexmaray Dowladaha Somalia iyo Ethiopia. Wasiir Sacad, ayaa marka hore sheegay in socdaalka Ra’isul wasaaraha Ethiopia Abiy ee Muqdisho uu lamid yahay socdaalka maalmahaani uu ku gaarayay Kenya, Jabuuti, Ugandha iyo wadamo kale oo dhowr ah. Wasiir Sacad, oo wax laga weydiiyay Heshiiska ayaa waxa uu sheegay in labada dal ay xaq u leeyihiin inay is booqdan isla markaana heshiis wada galaan. Sacad, waxa uu sheegay in Somaliland ay xaq u leedahay inay ka gaashamato wixii khuseeya oo faragalin lagu hayo, hase ahaatee uusan iminka u jeedin wax faragalin oo muuqda. Waxa uu tilmaamay inuu jiro xiriir xoogan oo Somaliland kala dhexeeya Ethiopia, hase ahaatee uusan fileynin in Ethiopia ay kusoo xadgudbeyso Somaliland. ‘’Anigu ma oranaayo maxay u heshiiyeen labada dal waayo xaq bey u leeyihiin inay hormariyaan heshiisyadooda’’ ‘’Somaliland iyo Ethiopia kama aysan wadahadal arrinta Heshiiska balse waxaa jira fursado wixii intaa ka danbeeya un’baa arrimahaani kala hadli karnaa saxaafada’’ Wasiir Sacad, oo wax laga weydiiyay sababta ay xiriir ula sameyn waayen Ethiopia tan iyo markii uu imaaday Ra’isul wasaaraha cusub Abiy Axmed, ayaa waxa uu sheegay inaysan weli isku helin fursad, isagoo tusaale usoo qaatay safarada joogtada ah ee maalmahaani uu Ra’isul wasaaraha ku maraayay qaar kamid ah wadamada Africa. Wasiir Sacad, waxa uu sheegay in Ethiopia ay kala hadli doonaan Heshiiska ay la galeen Dowlada Somalia, balse waxa uu meesha ka saaray inuu jiro degdeg. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Hargeysa Caasimada@live.com

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Iyadoo dowladaha Somalia iyo Ethiopia ay kala saxiixdeen Heshiisyo ka kooban 16 qodob oo dhigaaya maalgashiga Dekadaha ayaa waxaa arrintaasi ka hadlay Xisbiga Mucaaradka Waddani ee Somaliland. Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga Mucaaradka Waddani ee maamulka Somaliland Cdiraxmaan Cirro ayaa sheegay in Heshiiskaasi uu halis ku yahay Somaliland. Cirro, waxa uu sheegay in maamulka Kulmiye ee haya talada Somaliland laga doonaayo in Heshiiska Somalia iyo Ethiopia uu ka jaahil bixiyo Siyaasiyiinta iyo shacabka. Cirro waxa uu tilmaamay inay ka warheleen warar sheegaya in Dekaddaha ay labada dhinac ku heshiiyeen ay qeyb ka tahay Dekadda Berbera ee maamulka Somaliland. ‘’Muuse Biixi waa inuu ka jawaaba in Heshiiska Somalia iyo Ethiopia uu saameyn ku yeelanaayo Dekadda Berbera, waxaanu maqalnay inaanu ku jirno Heshiiska taasi jaahil bixinteeda waxaan uga fadhinaa Biixi’’ Cirro, waxa uu sheegay in nasiib darro ay tahay haddii ay dhacdo in Dekadda Berbera ay ku heshiiyaan Somalia iyo Ethiopia, waxa uuna Heshiiska noocaasi ku sheegay mid muujinaaya in Somaliland ay hoostagto Somalia. Cirro, waxa uu sheegay in Somaliland ay hoos uga dhacday maqaamkii ay ka taagneyd dhanka Beesha Caalamka, waxa uuna dusha ka saaray xisbiga Kulmiye oo haya talada Somaliland. ‘’Waa sax in Somaliland ay hoos uga dhacday halkii ay horay u taagneyd, waxaa talada haya shaqsiyaad aan u caabooneen isbedel waa inaanu helnaa talaabo aan ku xajisankarno maqaamkeena’’ ‘’Waxaan dareemayaa in Somaliland aysan ku baraarugin Heshiiska Somalia iyo Ethiopia, waa inaanu helnaa xaqiiqda Heshiiska suuragal maaha in Dekadda Berbera lala baalmaro Somaliland’’ Sidoo kale, Cabdiraxmaan Cirro, ayaa Hoggaamiye Muuse Biixi ugu baaqay inuu ka jawaabo Heshiiska, isagoo jawaab la’aanta ku micneeyay raali ka ahaanshiyaha Heshiiska. Dhinaca kale, Heshiiska labada dal ayaa waxaa kamid ahaa maalgashiga afar Dekadood oo ku jirta gacanta dowlada Somalia, kuwaa oo aan weli la micneen. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Hargeysa Caasimada@live.com

Bilowgii Sanadkii 1896-dii ayuu Mr. Theodor Herzl oo loo aqoonsanyahay in uu yahay Aabaha Siyaasadda Yuhuudda casrigaan wuxuu qoray buugga Der-Judenstaat(dowladda Yuhuudda), oo uu uga hadlay sidii ay Yuhuuddu oo ku kala firfirsaneed caalamka u noqan laheed dowlad iskeed u taagan oo leh dhul, xuquuq iyo aqoonsi caalami ah. Bartamihii Sanadkii 1896-dii ayuu Theodor Herzl u diray Suldaan Cabdixamiid oo ahaa Madaxweyinihii dowladdii Cusmaaniyiinta oo xiligaas ka ariminaysay caalamka Islaamka warqad uu ku leeyahay: “Madaxweyne, waxaan kaa codsaneynaa in aad noo ogolaato in aan soo degno Falasdiin, aadna naga qaadataan £20 Milyan oo Pound oo canshuur ah, waxaan rabnaa in aan dalka ka wada shaqeysanno, nabad-gelyo ku wada joogno, sida aan dalkaan uga wada shaqeysan karnana waxaan uga hadleynaa shir aan ku qabsan doonno magaalada Qusdandiiniyah(oo maanta loo yaqaan Istanbul, Turkiya)”. Madaxweynihii dowladdii Cuthmaaniyiinta Suldaan Cabdixamiid ayaa Mr. Theodor Herzlow ugu jawaab-celiyay: “waxaan kaaga digayaa in aad kusoo dhiirato in aad igala hadasho dhulka Falasdiin. Diyaar uma ihi in aan ka tanaasulo taako kamid ah, waayo anigu gaar uma lihi ee waxay ka dhexeysaa Umadda Islaamka oo wiilasheedii ku waysay halgankii aan usoo galnay dalkaan, mana rabo in uu dhiiggoodii noqdo tabac-qasaaray. Marnaba ma aqbalyo in aad nooga faa’iideysataan baahida dhaqaale ee na heysa, ee Yuhuuddu ha iska heysato Lacagteeda hana iska sugato inta ay ka dhimaneyso awooddeennu, markaas ayaad Falasdiin ku qaadan doontaan si free ah adinka oo aan Lacag bixin, balse maanta lagama yaabo in aan gorgortan ka galno taako kamid ah Falasdiin”. Sanado kadib, Yuhuudda oo ka faa’iideysanaya dacfi ku yimid dowladdii Cusmaaniyiinta ayaa bilaawday in iyada oo badda kusoo tahriibaysa ay si qarsoodi ah ugu qulqusho Fasaldiin, maanta waxay ka badantahay xoogna ku qabsatay dadkii reer Falasdiin, waxayna dhowaan iclaamisay in Qudus oo ah caasimadda Falasdiiniyiinta oo ay caasimad u tahay Yuhuudda. Soomaaliyey waxaan ka cabsanayaa in maanta adiga oo raali ka ah lagaa qaniino godkii shalay iyada oo aan raali ka aheyn laga qaniinay walaashaa Falasdiin. Waxaan ka cabsi qabaa in Itoobiya oo boqol iyo dhowr Milyan ah ay qarniyo kadib si fudud u yeelato Soomaaliya sida ay Yuhuudda oo dhowr iyo Toban Milyan ah ay Falasdiin ugu qabsatay boqol sano gudahood. Waxaan ka walwalsanahay saameynta uu jiilka soo socda ka dhaxli doono heshiiska aad maanta halka maalin ku saxiixday adiga oo fiirinaya dano dhow, oo aan ka fekerin mustaqbalka fog. Waxaan isweydiinayaa waxa ay dhihi doonaan Madaxdooda mustaqbalka haddiiba ay madaxdooda maanta sheegayaan in aan nahay hal dal oo dan-wadaag ah. Waa sax in aad dekadahaan fadhiidka ah u dhiibato qolo hormarisa, ka shaqeysiisa, waxna kasoo saarta balse yay tahay cidda aad Soomaaliyey wax u dhiibatay? Waa itoobiya oo ay kaala dhexeyso dhiillo iyo cadawtooyo gaamurtay. waa Itoobiya oo kaa agoomeysay carruur badan, kaa garoobbeysay dumar badan, kaa leysay kaana naafeysay rag badan, waligeedna caqabad ku ahed midnimada Soomaaliya. Waa Itoobiya oo Faqri ah, deris kula ah, kaa tiro badan, kaa xoog badan, kaa taageero badan, maantana xoog ku heysata qeyb kamid ah dhulkaaga, qaar kamid ah wiilashaaduna ay ku jiraan xabsiyadeeda, ayna adagtahay in aad berito nabad uga qaadato usha aad maanta sida fudud ugu dhiibatay, ee hadda ayay talo gudboontahaye si fiican uga fiirso cidda aad wax ku darsaneyso. Qalinkii: Eng. Hussain Sabrie Email: Husseinsabrie@gmail.com Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Waxaa jirtay qiso uu waa horey qoray nin dalka Danmark u dhashay oo loogu magac daray ”dharka cusub ee boqorka”. Qisada ayaa sida tan aheyd. Waa waxaa jiray nin boqor ah oo dadkiisa u darnaa oo ku cabiidin jiray in ay isaga jeclaadaan, wax kasta oo u sheegana ciddii ka hor imaata ay cinqaab adag la kulmi jirtay. Ugu dambayn boqorkii waxa uu ku guuleystay dadkiisa in uu ka dhigo dad ka dambeeya oo wax kasta uu sheego aan laga dabo hadlin. Balse maalin ayaa labo nin oo khaa’iniin ah oo dal kale ka yimid waxa ay go’aansadeen boqorka in ay dhaqaalo ka khiyaamaan. Nimankii waxay u yimaadeen ra’iidalwasaarahii boqorka oo ay ku yiraahdeen ”waxaa noo geysaa boqorka waxaan u wadnaaye wax uu aad iyo aad uga helayo oo uusan diidi karin marnee” ra’iisalwasaarahii waa uu ka yeelay oo waxa uuna u geeyey boqorkii. Markii ay u tagen boqorkii ayey ku yiraahdeen ”boqorow waxaan soo marnay dhulka aad ka talisid oo dhan waxaana na cajabisay sida ay dadkaagu kuu jecel-yahiin oo ay kaaga dambeeyaan balse waxaa maanta kuu wadnaa arrin ay dadkaagu inta ay hadda ku jecel-yaahiin labo jirbaarkeed kugu sii jeclaan karaan”. Boqorkii ereyadaas markuu maqlay xiiso ayaa gelay. Intuu horey kursigii uu ku fadhiyey uga soo kacay ayuu yeri ”haye, ii wada warka”. Nimankii waxay yiraahdeen ”waxaa soo dhow toban guuraadii markii laguu caleemo saaray boqornimada. Madaama aad u dabaal-degi doontid waxaan kuu sameyn karnaa maro aad ku labisatid maalintaas. Maradas hadaad gashatid dadkaaga inta ay hadda ku jecel-yahiin oo ay kaa dambeeyaan labo jirbaarkeed ayey ku jeclaanayaan oo kaa dambeyn doonaan. Boqorkii sheekadii ragga ayuu la dhacay ileen waa kaligii taliye cabiidiye ahe. ”Laakiin” ayey yiraahdeen labadii nin ”maradas waa maro qofka waxmataraha ah uusan arki karin oo uu u malaynayo in aad qaawan tahay oo aadan dharqabin, taas oo sahli doonta in dadka noocaas ah dadka laga dhex aqoonsado”. Intaas markii u maqlay boqorkii waa qancay oo waxa uu ka dalbaday in ay u soo sameeyaan marada ay sheegayaan. Labadii nin boqorkii waxay u sheegeen in marada dunta laga sameeyo ay aad qaali u tahay oo qarash faro badan ku baxahayo. Balse boqorkii ayaa horey ka furay qasnadii dowladda oo soo cantoobiyey dahab tiradii ka batay, amarna ku siiyey ra’iisalwasaarahiisa in uu labada nin ku wareejiyo goob warshad ah oo ay marada ku sameeyaan iyo wax alle waxii kale oo ay u baahan yahiin. Labadii nin markii ay boqorkii ka soo tageen waa malaysan wayeen gusha ay ka soo hooyeen shaxdii khiyaano ee ay degeen iyo dahabka tirada badan ee ay ku heeleen. Markii la geeyey halkii ay marada ku sameyn lahayeen waxay galeen tumasho iyo baalshaal inleen waa ragga maalin ku taajiraye. Waqti markii laga soo wareegay goortii lagu ballamay in ay soo dhameeyaan sameyska marada oo aan waxba laga haynin nimankii ayuu welwel ku abuurmay ra’iisalwasaarahii wayo waqti gaaban ayaa ka dhiman dabaal-degga toban guurada boqorka, marana gacan lagu mahayo. Ra’iisalwasaarahii ayaa go’aansaday bal in uu soo fiiriyo raggii lala ballamay halka ay wax marsiinayaan. Waxuu tagay warshadii ay ku farsameynayeen marada. Markii uu goobtii soo istaagay ayuu arki waayey wax shaqo ah oo goobta ka socoto iyo maro diyaar ah, balse badelkeeda waxuu arkay rag tumasho iyo damaashad iskaga jira. Ra’iisalwasaarahii ayaa labadii nin weydiiyey ”war aaway maradii boqorka u tolayseen”. Labadii nin mid ka mid ayaa hawo cidlo inta laacay yeri waa tan”, kii kalena inta dafta ku dhagay maradii malo awaalka aheyd buu yeri, ”bal fiiri quruxdeeda iyo sida ay u dhaalayso iyo weliba sida ay u jilicsan tahay”. Ra’iisalwasaarahii ayaa yaabay oo hoos isku weydiiyey ”raggu ma igu ciyaarayaan”? Wajagii ra’iisalwasaraha carro ayaa ku soo rugmatay oo waxa uu damcay nimankii in uu canaanto una hanjabo balse inta uusan afka furin ayuu is qabtay oo xasuustay warkii ahaa in waxmatarahu ah uusan arki karin marada. Waxuu yaqiinsaday in shax khiyaano ah ay meesha ka socoto. Laakiin ma uusan dooneyn in asaga farta lagu fiiqo oo lagu sheego waxmatare oo uu sidaas xilkiisa ku waayo. Halkii buu asna maradii malo awaalka aheyd dhinac ka qabsaday oo faaniyey. ”Haa, waa maro aad iyo aad u qurux badan, sida u dhal-dhalaayso oo u jilicsan tahay baan ka helay. Waan hubaa buqurkana in uu ka heli doono, shacabkana ay jeceyl xaf dhaaf u qaadi doonaan boqorkoodu marka ay arkaan maradaan. Goorma ayey diyaar noqonaysoo” ayuu weydii labadii khiyaanoole? ”Wax yar oo sharaxaad iyo qurxin ah unbaa u dhiman maalmo ka dib waa diyaar” ayey ugu jawaabeen raggii khiyaanada watay. Maalmo kadib markii la gaaray maalintii dabaal-degga toban guurada boqorka, waa tan labadii nin Oo dhinacyada ka sida boorso weyn ay yimaadeen qalcaddii boqortooyada. Boqorkii oo faraxsan bay u yimadeen. Waxay ku yiraahdeen ”maradii waa kuu wadnaa. Waa maro aad iyo aad u fudud oo marka aad gashatid aad dareemeyso sida in aadan wax dhar ah qabin fudeyd daraaded”. Waxay ka dalbadeen boqorkii in uu muraayad hor istaago dharkana laga siibo si loogu geliyo maradii uu dalbatay. Boqorkii waa ajiibay. Kadib waxay ka dalbadeen in uu kor fiiri si ay u sahlanaato marada in loo geliyo. Boqorkii ayaa yeelay warkooda. ”Qacanta inta geli, gacanta kalena inta geli, lugta kor u qaad oo halkaan geli, midda kalena halkan, dhexda u xir” waxay nimankii yiraahdaanba waa dhameeyey howlshii. Waxay ka dalbadeen muraayadda in uu isku fiiriyo ”haye, hadda fiiri, ka waran, soo maro wanaagsan ma ahan”? Boqorkii ayaa muraayadii isku fiiriyey, mise maxaa ii dhiibatay, waa nin qaawan. Boqorkii ayaa waxaa ku soo degtay yaxyax iyo xishood balse waxuu xasuustay warkii ahaa ”waxmataraha ma arki doono marada oo sidaas baa lagu aqoonsan”. Maadaame uusan boqorku dooneynin in waxmatare loo aqoonsado waxuu go’aansaday ciyaarta in uu halkeeda ka jilo. Markaas buu inta hadba dhinac iska fiiriyey yeri ”waa maro wanaagsan oo aad ii cajabisay, waan hubaa dadkeyga in aad maanta iila dhaci doonaan”. Sidii ayaa boqorkii lagu saaray qabtii dambe gaari-fariskii lagu soo wareejin lahaa barxadda dabaal-deegga ee ay shacabka badan ku sugayeen. Horay ayaa Shacabka lagu sii sheegay in boqorku soo xiranayo maro dhawaan loo soo tulay oo cajaa’ib ah, aysana horey caalamka uga dhacin boqor kale oo maradaan oo kale soo xirtay dabaal-deggisa, ayna shacab ahaan aad ula dhaci doonaan. Maradaan na dadka kuwooda waxmataraysha iyo doqonada ah aysan arki karin lana aqoonsan doono kuwa noocaas ah. Boqorkii oo gadaal ka taagan gaari fardo dhowr ah oo is ku xiran jiidayaan ayaa goobtii barxadda aheyd soo galay. Dadkii mashxarad iyo sacab bay hal mar ku wado dhufteen, boqorkiina halkii ayuu gacan haatin salaan ah ka bilaabay isaga oo dhextaagan gaarigii fardahu jiidayeen. Dadka boqorka way arkaan in uu qaawan yahay balse yaa doonayo in loo aqoonsado waxmatare doqon ah? Halkii ayuu qof weliba dhankiisa ka camiray beentii la wado aaminay. ”Allah boqorkeena maanta qurux badnaa, boqor la imad ah nama soo marin namana soo mari doono” ayuu mid weliba goonidiisa ugu dhawaaqay markuu halka uu faylka ka taagan yahay fardaha boqorka soo maraan. Illaa ay fardahii soo ag mareen ilmo yar oo hadalka markaa bartay. Cunugii yaraa intuu horey hal tillaabo u soo qaaday dhankii ay marayeen fardahii siday boqorka oo farta ku fiiqay dhankas isaga oo dadka dib u soo eegayo ayuu hal mar ku qaliyey ”wardayaay, boqorku waa qaawan yahay, war allah dayaay waa qaawan yahay boqorku. Halmar ayaa waxii qalqi goobta joogay qosal afka furteen oo lugta ku rafteen. Illeen cid welibaa waa ogtahaye in ilmaha yariye aysan beenta aqoonine. Boqorkiina waa tan ceebi ka raacday meeshii. Sheekadaan dheer waxay ay miitaal u tahay xaaladda ka taagan Soomaaliland. Muddo ku dhow 27 sanno ayey kooxda deegaanadas ka talisa isku qancinaysay been cid weliba ogtahay in ay tahay been cad balse run laga dhigtay. Intaas waxay dadka ku qufulayeen waxaan nahay jamhuuriyad madax banaan saas oo ay tahayna ma jirto jamhuuriyad aan Soomaaliya aheyn oo cid kale caalamka ah ay aqoonsan tahay. Wax badan waxa ay dadka u sheegayeen ictiraafkii waan kan, dhawaan buu cirka ka soo dhacahayaa balse wax soo socdaa ma jirto. Kaaga darane waxaa soo martay fursad ah Soomaaliya oo aysan jirin muddo toban sanno ku dhow wax dowlad ah oo calankeeda dhulka yaalay oo cid golayaasha caalamka ku matashaa aysan jirin. Ma dal aan dowlad laheyn intaad tiri ”iskey baan uga go’ay oo Jamhuuriyad baan noqday” hadana aadan aqoonsiga aad toosh ku raadinaysay ku helin baa filaysaa in aad heli kartad iyadoo ay jirto dowlad matasha dalkas haba iska tabar yaraatee. 27 sanno ayey ku faanayeen in soomaalida ka xigaan dalka Itoobiya, dalkasna uu yahay dal jecel oo aqoonsi siin doona goor ay ahaataba. Hadana kii wadankas xukumayey ayaa la soo taagan ”waxaan aqoonsanahay midnimada iyo wado jirta jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya oo aan xusmeyneynaa. Waxgaradkiii waxa laga dhigay mid xiran, mid iskiis iskaga aamusay iyo mid danahiisa gaarka raacday. Caamadiina waxaa lagu qufulay been run laga dhigay iyo xagjirnimo xargo goosatay. Balse laga yaabe in uu weli idiin ku harsan yahay mid run sheege ah saqiirna ha ahaadee oo farta inta idiin kugu fiiqa kooxda idiin marin habaabisay oo idiin yiraahda”war dayaay, war waa qaawan yahiineey”. Kadib qosol la rafatiin, ayaganu halkas ku ceeboobaan. W/Q: Warsame Elmi Elmiwar@gmail.com Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Haddii hannaan dowladnimo oo si wanaagsan loo dhagax dhigay la rabo in la dhaqaajiyo waxaa laga bilaaba heshiis iyo is afgarad ay u dhan yihiin dadka halkaas ku nool. Hannaanka loo dhisay Galmudug oo ahaa mid la doonayey in lagu horumariyo dadka iyo bulshada deegaanka rabi ku wada abuurey ayaan noqon mid lagu shaqeeyo, taaso keentay ismaandhaaf, muran iyo ismari waa joogta ah oo soo noqnoqday una dhaxeeyay madaxda sare ee maamulka Galmudug kaasoo meesha ka saaray guud ahaan filashadii waxqabadka laga sugayey maamulka. Maamulka waxaa laga sugayey ugu horreyn saddex arrimood: 1. In guud ahaan maamulku wada gaaro deegaanka. 2. In la dhiso hay’adaha dowliga ah oo dhan oo deegaanku helo ciidan ilaaliya amniga guud ahaan iyo gaar ahaanba, heer gobol ilaa degmo. 3. In dhismaha guud ee dalka laga qaybqaato iyo dhammaan mashaariicda horumarineed ee dalka ka socda lana wada gaarsiiyo deegaanka Galmudug. Muddo 3 sannadood ku dhaw ilaa hadda ma jirto hal tallaabo oo la qaaday aan ka ahayn, wasiiro la magacaabo, madaxweyne dhaca iyo xildhibaanno aan mushahar loo hayn oo 300 ku dhaw. Soomaaliya ayaa 30 sanno wax ku weysay ismaandhaaf iyo is mari waa, una malayn maayo inay reer Galmudug xal ku keeni doonaan. Muranka ku dhisan madaxweynaha Galmudug iyo Madaxa xukuumada oo dhinaca ah iyo Madaxweyne ku xigeenka iyo Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka oo dhinaca ah, ayaa qoloba qolada kale ku eedaysaa. In qolo gaar ah wixii lagu heshiiyey baal martey oo ay iska maamuushaan Galmudug waa garabka madaxweynaha e, ayay garab qabaan. Halka qolada kalena andacoodaan in labada nin ee madaxweynaha iyo guddoomiyuhu ka shiidaal qaataan Muqdisho oo labada nin ee la beesha ahi gacan weyn ku leeyihiin muranka iyo is mari waaga. Haddaba, dhanka kale ayaa waxaa jira beello dhawr ah oo aad u saluugsan hannaanka wax lagu wado lana baxay Group 4 oo ka soo horjeeda Madaxweynaha iyo Madaxa xukuumadda una arka in lagu xadgudbay heshiiskii wadareed. Beelaha qaarkood maba qarsan ee si toos ah ayay u sheegeen inay kalsoonidii kala noqdeen, guud ahaana ka baxeen is Af garadkii Galmudug. Ma jirto madaxda labada dhinac cid ka hadashay, taasoo muujineysa inaanba dan laga lahayn joogitaankooda iyo tegitaankooda! Galmudug waxaa laga sugayey dhisme maamul isku dheelitiran, waxbarasho, caafimaad, nabadgelyo, shaqo abuuris iyo isku furka gobollada deriska ah iyo maamulka deegaamadiisa, ilaa hadda waxay dhaafi la’ dahay in hal qol oo xafiis ah, marna cadaado laga raro marna dhuusamareeb laga furo, Madaxtooyada guurta ama wareegta ee Galmudug. Maamul dadkii dhistay aysan isku qanacsaneyn heerkee iyo halkee buu gaari karaa? Maxaa dadweynaha kale ee. waxgaradka, odayaasha dhaqanka, siyaasiyiinta dowladda dhexe, ganacsatada iyo dadweynaha u diiday inay farageliyaan oo ay iyagu dantooda ka tashadaan, oo aysan noqon; Taraq hadba nin sigaar ka shito. Galmudug iney kala guurto iyo iney isla guurto midkeebaa u dan ah? Dadka degan Galmudug badankoodu waxay aad uga soo horjeedaan heshiiska dhuusamareeb, degmooyinka kala ah, Ceelbuur, Galhareeri, Ceeldheer, Caabudwaaq, Cadaado Xarardheere, iyo degaano kaloo badan, markaa waxaan dhihi karnaa waxaa heshiiskaas wada galay, Gaalkacayo iyo dhuusamareeb keliya.Taasi maaha mid majooratigu raacsan yahay ama raaci karo. Ugu dambayn maamullada Galmudug iyo Hirshabeelle ee mataanahaa, ayaa ah kuwo ilaa haatan nugul oo aan curdan ka bixin, lahayna awood siyaasadeed, ma dadkooda ayaa kuwa kale ka liita mise waa dhib meel kale ka haysta? W/Q: Cismaan M. Qanyare Email: osman_kanyare@hotmail.com Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Madaxweynaha Puntland ahna Taliyaha ciidamada guud ee Puntland Cabdiweli Maxamed Cali Gaas ayaa booqday maanta jiidaha dagaalka ee ay isku horfadhiyaan labada ciidan ee SNM & Puntland, wuxuuna tagay furimaha dagaalka oo ay shirar ku yeesheen saraakiisha ciidamada. Gaas ayaa goob goob u booqday fariisimada ciidanka, goobihii ay ku jebiyeen jamhadda soo weerartay dhulka ee SNM, iyagoona kulamo la qaatay saraakiisha ciidanka Puntland oo ay u sheegeen in dowladdu ay marwalba diyaar u tahay nabadgelyo laakiin aysan waxba ku bedelan doonin difaaca dalkooda. Madaxweynaha Puntland ayaa waxa uu ciidanka difaaca dowladda Puntland u sheegay in xukuumadda iyo shacabkuba ay ku garabtaagan yihiin shaqada ay dalka u hayaan, isagoona horay u sheegay in Puntland aysan cidna duulaan ku ahayn haseyeeshee ay difaacayso dalkeeda. Lama oga sida ay xaaladdu noqon doonto saacadaha soo socda waxaana dadka deegaanku ay sheegeen inay ka cabsi qabaan dagaal dib uga qarxa deegaamada ay isku horfadhiyaan ciidamada Puntland iyo kuwa maamulka SNM. Madaxweynaha Puntland Cabdiweli Maxamed Cali Gaas iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Eng Cabdixakiin Cabdullaahi Cumar Camey ayaa waxa ay booqdeen maalinimadii shalay fariisimada dagaalka ee ciidanka dowladda Puntland kuleeyihiin Tukaraq. Booqashada madaxweyne Gaas ee jiida ayaa ku soo beegmasa xili maalin uun ay inaga xigto kalfadhigii barlamaanka puntland oo ku beegaan 20 bishan.

By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur Abdulrashid Ali Shermarke was elected as President of Somali Republic on 15 October 1967. Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal became the Prime Minister. Two years later, on 15 October 1969, the president was assassinated by one of his guarding soldiers, a member of the national armed forces. On the 6th day of the assassination of the president (on 21 October 1969), Egal’s civilian government was toppled in a bloodless military coup led by General Mohamed Siyad Barre. Egal was arrested and languished in jail for the next twenty years. The military junta took advantage of longstanding of general grievances and disappointments with the country’s slow pace of social and economic development, highly disproportionate rampant corruptions, mismanagement and bad leadership. It is alleged that the plan for the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet KGB, the main supporter of the Somali military. The proliferation of parties and unlimited freedom of the press were used as a pretext to overthrow the democratically elected civilian government. At its very early start, the military regime declared solemn promises and pledges for the people such as returning the power to the democratic civilian rule soon after they putt the “house in order”. That never took place. The record of the two decades of Barre’s rule speaks for itself but is beyond the scope of this brief. What acted as the main catalyst for speeding up the successful staging of the military revolution was the lack of public trust and withdrawal of confidence from the incumbent successive civilian governments and lack of clear efforts to realize the expectations of the public to nurture the infant democracy. Unfortunately, at the expense of public sympathy and support, the military regime undermined those facts and started building political trenches and forts of oppression and repression. The first years of the revolution were spent on how to acquire full control and power. That was Siyad Barre’s real agenda. To implement that policy, special institutions and instruments were created for the control and subjugation of the society. To consolidate power, the military regime took following measures: All existing institutions were dismantled and replaced with personalized and exclusively clan-based structures. Civilian rights and freedom were suspended. Institutions like civil service, the independent judiciary, the police and the national armed forces were made into instruments of terror and oppression. New security apparatuses were created for terrorizing the population and maintaining the grip on power through dictatorship. The various apparatuses created or strengthened were: a) National Security Courts (NSC): a chain of courts originally formed for trials of political dissidents and opponents of the regime manned by ill-trained personnel in law and legal procedures; b) A Secret Police: This was euphemistically named as national security service (NSS) who used to snoop on the public, acting on eavesdropping of the public and government officials, visiting suspected people at ungodly hours to imprison them in own special jails for torture such as the ‘Godka’ (the hole) in Central Mogadishu. The majority of the NSS members were trained by the KGB in the ex-Soviet Union and former East Germany STASI forces; c) The establishment of a single party ‘Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) as the only legal party in the country which later developed into an ultimate Stalinist weapon against the Somali people and demeaning of the societal values; d) Orientation Centers: These were public centers that were set up every neighborhood in every town and village of the country. The centers acted as part of social engineering measures by maneuvering peoples’ mindsets and brainwashing; e) Victory Pioneers (Guulwadayaal). They were used as paramilitary armies patterned after the Soviet and other Eastern bloc countries’ Red Guard’ brigades. They were often recruited from the notorious street thugs and gangs. In the Northern regions of the Republic, this group was commonly known as ‘The Green Flies’ referring to the color of their uniform and comparable to the notoriety and dirtiness of this insect. They were spread in every neighborhood of every single town and village of the country. They were created through to conduct mass mobilization and not to mention the eavesdropping of the family households in their neighborhoods. Their main task was to patrol residential quarters, keep tabs on residents, and herd them into the corals of the orientation centers for brainwashing every Friday of the week or so often as needed such as for special events and occasions, i.e., ceremonial singing and cheerleader events for the party officials and leaders, for organizing and conducting mass demonstrations for government support and its leaders or even for welcoming visiting foreign dignitaries to the country. The 1969 military rule was nothing more than a continuation of the northern suppression. The judicial system was rendered non-functional under Decree-Law No 54 abolishing the Habeas Corpus. Hence, annulling the judicial system and rendering it superfluous. In addition to the above-described structures, other special units which directly came under the presidency office were established: a) ‘Hangash’ (a military intelligence branch); b) ‘Dhabar-Jebinta’ (Military Counter-intelligence); c) ‘Koofiyad Cas’ (Red Berets); and d) ‘Hogaanka Baadhista Xisbiga’ (special unit of investigators of the Socialist Party); e) The Socialist party (the only party in the country). Some of them even came under the president’s wives especially Muraya Garad. Under the banner of ‘Scientific socialism’ brand some progress, though limited, was made in some areas in the first few years of the revolution or ‘Kacaanka’. The major success was in the mass education and literacy campaigns and the single most visible achievement of the military regime was the writing of the script for the Somali language. The Somali language was written for the first time, public education was extended and a high adult literacy particularly the mother language was made. In general, however, the military regime became famous for its repressive attitudes alienating the majority of the Somali population and more particularly the people of the North. On the other hand, however, the country was literally a police State and a big prison out of which people have no choice to leave for abroad without special permits. The small successes were overshadowed by grave mistakes committed by the top echelon of the leadership who heralded the revolution at the helm of them was Said Barre. In fact, the infant democratic system started faltering apart from the very beginning amidst pervasive corruption and divisive clan politics dominated by major southern clans (Darod and Mogadishu Clan) as discussed before in previous parts. During the military revolution, the late 1970s was characterized as the beginning of Barre’s open ascent to full dictatorship. In the mid-1970s, a large number of top government officers of northern origin were subjected to wholesale sacks from government posts. In one year alone 1975 a wholesale sacking of top civil servants of northern origin took place. 75 officers of northern origin consisting of the best and distinguishing ambassadors, director generals of various ministries and directorates, managers and technocrats etc. were summarily sacked and forced to resign. At the same time high ranking military officials, many of whom from the north were exiled from the country to Lavov and Siberia in the USSR. At the outset of the revolution, Barre played the ultimate political card of pursuing the pre-independence vision of ‘Greater Somalia’. Barre pursued to brush the dust from that card to the point that he even used the Somali army to disguise the Western Somali Liberation Front fighters (with no military uniform or signs) that culminated in the 1977-78 war against Ethiopia. Barre’s planned objective was to use the war as a smokescreen and as a proxy step towards the Greater Somalia notion and, hence, buy the emotional feeling of the public again to remain in the saddle of power. Nevertheless, that became the watershed for the fall of the dictator and the demise of his regime from the political spectrum of Somalia. It also signaled the end of that dream of ‘Greater Somalia’ consisting of the five parts unification – the collapse of the Pan Somalia motto. In reality, this move was a sign of the beginning of the collapse of the Somali state and, of course, the union of the two in particular. Somalia’s defeat in the 1977/78 war with Ethiopia war caused a crisis of confidence, low morale of the armed forces and rise of dissent by various clans. Barre’s attempt to ride the crest of nationalism started falling from the top. That was met with a disastrous downward slide. The socio-political record of Somalia deteriorated soon after the evaporation of the initial public euphoria and as the Socialist revolution’s rhetoric portrayed reality. The 1975 and 1981 period has been characterized as a period the military Government openly associated itself with the Eastern bloc socialist countries (USSR, German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Yugoslavia and other East European socialist countries). The National Security Service personnel were being trained by the Russian KGB and the STASI secret services of East Germany which trained them ruthless and fond of abusing the civil and human rights of the citizen. Some of the government’s bureaucratic officials and insiders in Barre’s ruling circle portrayed an erosion of the human rights and a tragic slide into dictatorship. By the mid-1980s, the power fell into internal militarism and external supplication. Owing to country’s drift towards socio-economic retrogression and political deterioration there was an increase of personalized rule of Siyad Barre. In June 982 that a group of seven members of the Somali Republic Socialist Party (SRSP) were arrested under the notorious Law No 54 that carried a mandatory death penalty. They were in ‘Labaatan Jirow’ high-security prison. The prison was under the direct control of the presidency office, i.e, directly under the president. The prisoners were there in prolonged solitary confinement in separate cells. Among the members of the group were: General Ismail Ali Abokor (original member of SRC, the third Vice President and the president of the National Assembly); Omer Arteh Ghalib (a former Foreign Minister); Colonel Osman Mohamed Jeelle (SRC member); General Omer Haji Mohamoud; Dr Mohamed Aden Sheikh (Minister of Information and National Guidance), Mohamed Yousuf Weyrah and Warsame Ali Farah. They received long-term prison sentences. Warsame Ali Farah died in prison on 20 July 1983. In the 1980s thousands of people were subjected to imprisonment, torture, and executions. Even the rural households suspected of this were decimated. The story of a man who belonged to an internal SNM cell in Hargeisa and who later successfully escaped Hargeisa prison is a case in point among thousands unpopularised cases. Sulub Jama Osman was a businessman, a restaurant and a shop owner in Hargeisa. In 1987 following a successful operation inside Hargeisa killing a high ranking NSS officer, Ahmed Aden, and a colleague of his, Sulub and a friend of his were arrested at the home where they began to hide after suspicion emerged following the killing of the officer. In an interview, Sulub recalled vividly the cruel tortures he underwent during a period of about 3 months he was in Hargeisa central prison. Sulub express boldly the traumas of their ordeal and gave details of how they eventually managed to escape the prison. Substantiated violations of judicial procedure and fundamental human rights were due mainly to the lack of an independent judiciary and compromise of internationally recognized standards for a fair trial and justice. Somalia violated international agreements to which it was a signatory. Under this rigid unfair judiciary system, the six former members of the Parliament, the National Assembly such as Ismail Ali Abokor, former Deputy Speaker of the Parliament; Omar Arteh Galeb, former Foreign Minister and sixteen others who were detained who were held in detention without trial or charge since 1982 for over six years were taken as prisoners of conscience by human rights organizations (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and others). In 1988 the U.S National Academy of Sciences Committee on Human Rights and the Institute of Medicine Committee on Health sent a delegation to Mogadishu and wrote a damaging report “Scientists and Human Rights”. The report condemned the living conditions of individual scientists and academicians. On 1 February 1988 the prisoners were charged in Mogadishu with two principal offenses: “organizing a subversive organization (SNM) and “organizing an armed band” (SNM). After numerous international appeals for clemency, Barre commuted the death sentences. Ismail Ali Abokor and Omar Arteh Galeb were given an unspecified prison term to be served under house arrests. Engineer, Suleiman Nuh Ali, Abdi Ismail Younis (Abdi Duse), and Abdillahi Jama Galaal were sentenced to 24 years. They were denied medical examination in jail. Most of the prosecution witnesses were from the armed forces, the police and the security forces who interrogated the defendants. On 2 February 1988, the trial of the remaining 6 parliamentarians was announced. Nevertheless, the trial did not happen until 23 September 1988. The prisoners were on trial also included other long-term prisoners of conscience – Abdi Ismail Yonis (Abdi Duse); Farah Hersi Ahmed and Suleiman Nuh. This was only as a result of international pressure from human rights organizations at the forefront of which was the Amnesty International. The Amnesty International raised the issue of the miscarriage of justice and a gross human rights violation in the four day trial of 22 political prisoners that it adopted as prisoners of conscience. Eight of those political prisoners were convicted of treason. In Somalia, the preventative detention law of 1970 legalized indefinite detention without charge or trial. But because of interests of other countries with whom Siad Barre had personal interests, it was rather common to pardon clemency or reduce or commute sentences. For example, in mid-1987 as a goodwill gesture for the Muslim festival of ‘Eid al-Adha’. But actually, that was also because of an interest showed by Saudi Araba. Siyad Barre commuted death sentences passed by the National Security Court (NSC) on nine religious learned men and scholars ‘Ulamaa’ (Islamic religious scholars) accused of practicing their Islamic faith interpreted as anti-government acts. That preceded the execution of religious scholars who stood against Barre’s intervention into the Islamic Sharia law especially the equality of men and women. The military and security forces conducted curfew patrols which had become a law unto them creating a climate of unrestrained violence. Moreover, the existence of the SNM in the North provided a pretext for Barre’s deputies in the North to act as they do so want, i.e., to wage a war against peaceful citizens and to enable consolidate power by terrorizing anyone suspected to be not pro-government. Therefore, years of sustained pressure and state violence created a serious level of political unrest in the region. The atmosphere of lawlessness and lack of discipline among the security personnel and soldiers enabled them to harass civilians for purposes of extortion and ransom. Throughout the 1980s, the country was virtually a grand prison. Only those counted as supporters of the regime can travel abroad. For example, civil servants like the academicians; the business people etc. were affected since due to the nature of their works and activities. Those groups were more likely to travel abroad than the rest of the society. A selective ban was always in operation. That implicitly led to a rampant brain drain of the resourceful citizens who used any method to leave the country. In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, Somalia was exposed politically. The country was entangled with open human rights abuses and tragedies. The Somali government was famous for its persistent abuse of human rights, the gross miscarriage of justice, civil liberties and tortures. The human and civil rights abuses of the civilians started as early as the mid-1970s. The oppression of the citizens had been well documented and the reports of the internationally known organizations became available. Activities of the systematic torture, gross human rights violation and infringement of the political and civil liberties were revealed by the international organizations such as the Amnesty International, the Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights, the Committee for Human Rights of the National Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Medicine – Committee on Health and Human Rights, the Canadian Centre for Investigation and Prevention of Torture, the Medical Foundation and many other independent organizations. The reports were based on countless individuals as direct eyewitnesses and reports confirmed the factual circumstances and the real situation. Unfortunately today, decades later, the post-traumatic scars are still unmistakably evident by the survivors of the obliteration and genocide. During the fighting in the North in later 1980s, the reports on genocides peaked in grand proportions and at a crisis point. Despite all those, the US aid to the ailing regime was still pouring without conditions rather than addressing these issues. For that matter, the U.S aid policy towards Somalia attracted heavy criticism from all corners of the world including the US Congress and the international community as it (US aid) was the only means of sustaining the perpetration of the repressive regime and, hence, in keeping and letting Barre to survive and, therefore, continue abusing human rights and civil liberties ad infinitum in Somalia. Before 1977 the US was an important ally with Ethiopia while USSR was allied with Somalia. A sudden shift in the balance of alliances took place when Barre all of a sudden went to war with Mengistu of Ethiopia in 1977. That caused a major switch in alliances. The US made a sudden shift to Somalia as a major ally after the USSR began supporting Mengistu, the Ethiopian side. The US then benefited gaining access to the strategic port of Berbera in the North in having free access to the naval facilities in return for a generous military and economic aid to Somalia. This shift of strategic positions between the two superpowers occurred as the Horn of Africa region was always a key cockpit and a major crossroad for the existing intense superpower rivalry. That show how explicitly power competition and post-war imperialism take form utilizing the only tactic – helping and manipulating weak governments in the region economically and militarily such as Somalia. The cruelty of the Somali army chiefs and commanders in the North was unimaginable. Civilians who were suspected as SNM sympathizers and supporters financially met cruelty from the army and officers themselves. For example, a case in point was a gruesome operation conducted by Colonel Yusuf Abdi Ali (Tuke) on a civilian man called Abdi Dheere in Gabiley. The man was tied and dozed with petrol. Colonel Tuke himself took a turn to doze the man with petrol and held a long object pushing the man into a blazing fire pit. And every time the man would try to come out of the fire, he would be pushing him back to it using the same object. On other occasions, individuals would be tied to the back of a military truck at high speed until the flesh shreds into pieces, a typical fascist mode of killing during the Italian dictatorship under Mussolini. Tuke is now on trial for crimes against humanity. On 14 July 1988, a testimony before the US African Sub-committee by Aryeh Neier, chairman of the Human Rights Watch organization, highlighted the dismal long-term human rights record of President Barre. During the eruption of the conflict in the North, the situation became even more serious. Despite the worsening human rights situation, since Somalia’s defeat at the ‘Ogaden’ war in 1977, the US was involved by contributing military and financial support to the government of Somalia. As stated before, the US policy only consolidated and privileged the position of Barre’s regime which was engaged in a systematic pattern of gross violations. Another troubling indictment of the human rights situation in Somalia came from the Lawyers Committee for Human rights testimony to the US Sub-Committee on African Affairs, Committee on Foreign Affairs and the House of Representatives. The State Department’s 1986 country report vehemently confirmed abuses of virtually every category examined by the report, arbitrary arrests, detention, and freedom of expression, freedom of the press, independence of the judiciary, freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of movement within the country presented by the Lawyers Committee.[1] The truth of the matter was that a major part of the epoch that the power was in the hands of the military, power has been concentrated in the hands of the president, family members and close military advisors and cohorts. The country was virtually a ‘police state’. Indeed it was a great prison. Freedom of expression was a luxury not known and rights of civilians were routinely deprived. To contain the people, a series of legislative acts were passed and denial of fundamental human rights was institutionalized. Earlier in 1979, the government introduced a new constitution which expressly provided that these laws override the political and civil rights guaranteed by the existing constitution. The most important of those was Law No. 54 of 10 of September 1970 that made the death penalty legal for a wide range of political offenses that relate to “national security.” Offenses against the national security were defined as behavior “which may be considered prejudicial to the maintenance of peace, order and good government.” This was interpreted broadly to mean whatever the authorities want it to mean, both for individuals and groups. The law did not distinguish between violent and non-violent criticism and opposition to the government and, therefore, did not adequately protect the right to hold, express and disseminate opinions, the right of the association or of political assembly. Even the possession of written material came under this let alone shows of dissent. On 8 April 1987, under Article 12 of law No 54, nine religious teachers were condemned to death in secret trials in Mogadishu. Their only crime was the criticism of the failure of the government to respect freedom of worship. Due to a national outcry and pressures from Islamic governments, the death sentences were later commuted to long-term imprisonment. Based on this law, other religious individuals were also executed. In the 1980s I, as a civil servant academician working at the university, had experienced the first-hand injustices based on the clan politics of the government within my institution, the university. I witnessed that the politics of the university as a government academic institution was itself reflecting the nature of the government’s political interests. The selection of the staff, academicians down to the appointment of janitors and cleaners, attendants and caretakers, was pretty much based on who you know and who is your big shot or whether you are a kith or kin or affiliated to the clan of the president. In other words, the university was heavily politicized creating favorites among the scholars (Omaar, 1991). The Socialist party (the only party in the country) representatives, as well as student political activist posts, were trusted to members of the clan in power and its cohorts. The president of the country himself was the Chancellor and the majority of the Deans of faculties, party representatives, student activists and representatives etc. were all nominated on the basis of clan affiliations. This was for purposes of consolidation of power and maintaining the country as a police state. The ears of the regime had to be wide open for the slightest eavesdropping among the students of universities, high schools and other institutions and the public at large. By the early 1980s and after the formation of the SNM opposition public distrust was clearly visible in the North (Somaliland). Students in the schools in Hargeisa started making demonstrations openly and boycotted classes. In early 1982 stone-throwing by the students was popular and especially after the arrest of a group of 28 young professionals consisting of doctors, businessmen, teachers, and other civil servants, were scooped to arrest in Hargeisa and eventually sentenced to long-term imprisonments. Two of them were immediately released and six other acquitted by the court most of them on tribal lines. They were all acquitted as they belonged to non-targeted clans. What caused their imprisonment was interestingly ironic. They volunteered to improve the deteriorating conditions of the dilapidated hospital, the only one in Hargeisa, the second city of the country. They set up a self-help scheme group. There was then a long-standing conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia. Ethiopia was hosting two Somali opposition groups (SSDF and SNM). Somalis from the North were seen as by the government as destabilizers of the regime and were often regarded as having possible links with the SNM. The group was seen as politically motivated. The irony was that Barre showed himself off as a strong promoter of individual participation in self-help schemes efforts as part of his scientific socialism programme. The imprisonment of active individuals was translated as subversion. To be continued ….. [1] For details of the human rights situation see also the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights and the US State Department country reports 1986.

A person was killed and several other were injured following a heavy downpour in Salahley district of Marodijeeh region. This is according to the district commissioner of Salahley speaking to Somaliland News Agency (Saolna). The district commissioner of Salahley Mr.Ismael Yusuf Hussein (Shine) confirmed that the rains that was accompanied by strong wind killed one person after the house he was sheltering caved in and killed him instantly, whereas ten others are fighting for their lives in hospital in critical condition. The mayor of Salahley municipality confirmed the destruction of a public school and many structured were destroyed by the rains. He added that assessment is ongoing to calculate the real damage caused the stormy rains.

A teenager known as Mohammed Mowlid lost his life during the Eid celebrations in Berbera town. The youngster was swimming at the famous Batalale beach when out of the blue his body was spewed by the unmerciful Red sea waters. This is according to news distributed by Somaliland News Agency (Solnanews.com) from the port city of Berbera. The provincial commissioner of Sahil region Mr.Ahmed Osman confirmed to SOLNA- the death of the youngster who is estimated to be in his early twenties. He went on reveal the teenager was amongst a multitude of holiday makers from Burao town that had toured Berbera for the festive season. Commissioner Osman also confirmed that one person was rescued from the furious Red Sea waters. Thos comes following the government of Somaliland protracted warning to parents to accompany their children during the festive celebration of Eid since many youngsters from Burao and Hargeisa every year drown in these Berbera waters.

HARGEISA– Somaliland authority has condemned with the strongest possible terms to the torture and beating against two women who hail from Lasanod and who have been badly beaten in Garowe. The torture and barbaric beatings subjected to the duo was confirmed by Lasanod’s regional governor, Hon. Abdi Khaire Dirir. The two who sustained serious injuries were transported from Garowe, Puntland’s provincial capital to Lasanod and the regional governor received them in the city outskirts. Ms. Anab Ali Haji and Ms. Sahra Ahmed Garad have been beaten with sticks and knives by civilians in Garowe. One of the woman fainted due to the beating and Somaliland authority has provided medical intensive care. The governor has asserted that the two women have been beaten due to their ideology of Somaliland and condemned the attack with the strongest possible terms. Mr. Abdi Khaire, Lasanod’s regional governor has said that such barbaric attack indicates the deep hatred and animosity that Puntland is instigating in the region. The governor has dismissed allegations made by Puntland authority which accused the duo of espionage. He said that they have targeted due to their Somaliland and Sool’s stance. He made clear that Somaliland is to keep the norm and will protect Puntland citizens living and studying in Somaliland at the moment.

LASANOD— Somaliland govt has dispatched officials to Lasanod, Sool’s provincial capital and hold meetings with regional administration officials in order to strengthen security and to work towards the preserving of national unity. The govt officials have met with Wadani opposition members in Lasanod and the essence of the gathering was to further consolidate peace and stability in the region. All sides have reached a common understanding that observing peace and stability is number one priority for all.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Warar soo baxaaya ayaa sheegaya in shaqo ka eryin lagu sameeyay inkabadan 50 ruux oo isugu jira rag iyo dumar kana mid ahaa shaqaalaha Madaxtooyada Somalia. Shaqaalahaani ayaa la sheegay in lagu eryay tuhuno ay ka qabto Madaxtooyada Somalia, waxaana meeleentooda lagu amray Wasaarada Shaqada iyo Shaqaalaha Xukuumada Soomaaliya. Wasaarada Shaqada iyo Shaqaalaha ayaa waxaa la faray in dhammaan dhalinyarada laga eryay Villa Somalia ay u wareejiso Wasaarado iyo Hay’adaha kale ee DFS. Shaqaalaha laga soo eryay Villa Somalia ayaa intooda badan kasoo shaqeeyay qeybaha Nadaafada, Raashiin kariska iyo Adeegyada hoose ee Madaxtooyada Somalia. Shaqaalaha laga eryay Villa Somalia ayaa waxaa ku jira kuwo kasoo shaqeeyay inkabadan 10 sano, hase yeeshee si rasmi ah looma shaacin sababta ka danbeysay eryintooda. Sidoo kale, warqad kasoo baxday xafiiska ku-xigeenka Agaasimaha Madaxtooyada Somalia ayaa waxaa shaqaalaha la eryay lagu amray in si deg deg ah ay ugu soo celshan aqoonsiga ay ka heysteen Villa Somalia. Eryinta shaqaalahaani kabadan 50 ruux, ayaa daba socta shaqeele kale oo horay looga eryay Villa Somalia, tan iyo markii la doortay dowlada hadda jirta.

A Somali man has been sentenced to 15 years in jail for his role in the kidnapping of a Canadian journalist in Somalia, according to Canadian media. Source: Hiiraan Online

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopia plans to sell a 30 to 40 percent stake in its state-run telecoms monopoly to big telecoms companies and will split the company in two to spur competition, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said on Monday. Source: Hiiraan Online

The Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources of the Federal Republic of Somalia has drafted regulations to manage the country’s petroleum and mineral resources sectors, especially in regard to ownership and revenue sharing. The agreement was made by the federal government and the federal member states of the National Security Council and facilitated and assisted by the World Bank and the Council for Inter-State Cooperation. The agreement, established in the interim capital of Baidoa on June 5, wraps up a three-year process led by the ministry to create a framework for the development of the oil industry, and it authorizes the ministry to issue permits and manage the petroleum and mining activities in Somalia. The Council for Inter-state Cooperation, a technical committee from the Federal Member States and the Federal Government led an intensive and inclusive consultation process with all industry stakeholders. The President of Somalia, H.E. Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, as well as Prime Minister H.E. Hassan Ali Khayre and the Heads of the Federal Member States and the Mayor of Mogadishu also secured high-level political agreement on the principles that will guide the management of the sectors. “The finalization of this agreement marks a new chapter in the progress and development of the Federal Republic of Somalia,” said H.E. Abdirashid Mohamed Ahmed, the Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources. “The Ministry will work in close collaboration with the federal member states in swiftly implementing all legislations and policies, monitoring and following up on all licenses issued prior to this agreement.” Source: – African Business

Unidentified airstrike targeted suspected Al-Shabab militants in their hideouts in two locations of southern Somalia on Sunday, residents and security officials confirmed on Monday. The security officials said the airstrikes bombarded the insurgents’ hideouts in El-Adde and Goof areas on Sunday, inflicting injuries on the militants. “Unknown airstrikes hit El-Adde and Goof locations in southern Somalia. The militants suffered heavy casualties during the strikes over El-Adde though exact battle damage assessments have been not established,” said a security official who declined to be named said. Local residents said they have not established whether Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) soldiers who are part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) were behind the latest airstrikes in southern part of the Horn of Africa nation. In January 15, 2016, al-Shabab fighters attacked a KDF camp in El-Adde in southern Somalia, killing some 100 soldiers in the worst attack since the troops crossed into the Horn of Africa nation in 2011. Since the deadly attack, the Kenyan soldiers have been targeting the El-Adde area which lies near Garbaharey town in Gedo region to flush out the militants. The United States military which last year carried out about 30 airstrikes against al-Shabab has also intensified assault against the al-Qaida allied terrorist group in the recent past. Source: Xinhua net

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Warar dheeraad ah ayaa waxa uu kasoo baxayaa qorshaha lagu doonaayo in maamulka Hawada loogu gacan galiyo dowlada Somalia. Qorshahan ayaa waxaa faahfaahino ka bixiyay Dowlada Somalia iyo maamulka Hey’adda ICAO ee Qaramada Midoobay u qaabilsan Hawada. Saraakiisha Hey’adda ICAO ee QM ayaa shaaciyay in hadawada Somalia oo sanadihii danbe laga maamulayay magaalada Nairobi ay maanta soo gabagabowday maamulida hawada Somalia. Hey’adda ICAO, ayaa xaqiijisay in la filayo in Somalia ay si rasmi ah ula wareegto maamulka Hawada, isla markaana ay dhankooda uga dhamaatay. Arrintan ayaa waxaa ay imaneysaa kadib heshiis ay horey u kala saxiixdeen DFS iyo QM, iyadoo ay tababar fiican heleen shaqaalaha Soomaalida ee maamulka hawada. Dowladda Somalia ayaa sidoo kale waxaa ay sheegtay in hay’addo kale ay ka caawin doonaan maamulka hawada illaa laga tababarayo shaqaale Soomaaliyeed oo awood u leh in ay maamulaan hawadda dalka. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, talaabadani ayaa imaaneysa iyadoo December 28, 2017 ay dowladda Somalia si rasmi ah ugu dhawaaqday inay la soo wareegeyso maamulka hawada. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com