Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Siyaasi Salaad Cali Jeele oo kamid ah Siyaasiyiinta ugu caansan ee ku nool magaalada Muqdisho ayaa ka hadlay isbedelada ay ku talaabeyso dowlada Somalia tan iyo markii la dhisay dowlada hadda jirta. Salaad Cali waxa uu sheegay in dowlada hadda jirta ay waxbadan ka wanaagsan tahay dowladihii hore waxa uuna cadeeyay inay ka fursado badan tahay kuwii hore. Dhinacyada Amniga, Dhaqaalaha iyo Horumarka ayuu sheegay in dowlada uu hoggaamiyo Madaxweyne Farmaajo ay xooga saartay, isagoo intaa raaciyay in si dhow ay uga warqabto ciidamada qeybahooda kala duwan oo xiligaan qaata xuquuq rasmi ah. Salaad Cali, waxa uu cadeeyay in dowlada Somalia ee hadda jirta ay aad u adkeysay amniga waxa uuna yiri “Dowladani waxa ay waxbadan ka qabatay amni daradii ka jirtay dalka xiligii hore waxaa maalin dhaaf u dhici jiray Qaraxa iyo dagaal hadase waxaa dhalatay nabad buuxda” “Waxaan aheyn dad ku tashan jiray Qarax joogta ah hadda Qaraxa waxa uu noqday dhowrkii bilba hal mar, waxaan dareemeynaa inuu soo hagaagayo dalka dowladuna ay lasoo baxday awood muujineysa in dalka uu ka jiro dowlad” Salaad Cali, waxa uu sheegay in dhibaatada ugu badan ee ka jirta dalka ay tahay qeybaha mucaaradka oo mar waliba dalka u horseeda dhibaatooyin aan dhamaan, waxa uuna nasiib daro ku tilmaamay in wadan sanado badan burbursanaa hadana la hor istaago nabadiisa. Waxa uu sheegay Salaad Cali inaan awood lagu dhameyn dowlad laga aqoonsan yahay adduunka “Dowlad laguma dhamo awood mucaradna waxaa lagu yaqaana inuu dhiso dalkiisa, maaha in mucaaradnimadu tahay inaad burburiso dalka oo aad dib ugu celiso halkii laga soo bilaabay taasna yeeli meyno” Sidoo kale, Salaad Cali ayaa ku baaqay in dowlada Somalia laga dhaafo dhibaatooyinka iyo hadalada xun, waxa uuna sidoo kale carab ***** in dowladu aysan diidaneyn mucaarad balse shuruuda la doonaayo ay tahay in mucaaradka uu noqdo mid dalka dhisa. Haddalka Salaad Cali ayaa u muuqanaaya mid lagu difaacayo dowlada Somalia, isla markaana lagu muujinaayo dhibaatooyinka ay mucaaradka u horseedayaan dalka. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Addis ababa (Caasimada Online)-Madaxweynaha dalka Eritrea Isias Afewerki ayaa goordhow gaaray magaalada Addis Ababa ee xarunta dalka Ethiopia. Booqashada Isias Afewerki ee maanta ayaa jawaab u ah tii uu todobaadkii hore Eritrea ku tegey Ra’isul wasaaraha isbedel doonka Ethiopia Abiy Axmed. Isias Afewerki socdaalkiisa ayaa la filayaa inuu qayb ka qaato isku soo dhoweynta xiriirka labada dal oo 20-kii sano ee la soo dhaafay aad u liitay. Xiriirka diblomaasiyadeed iyo kan ganacsi ee labada dal ayaa go’naa tan iyo wakhtigaas, waxaana sidoo kale kala irdhoobay qoysas wada dhashay ama xidid ahaa. Xurguftii labada dal dhex martay ayaa noqotay mid gobolka ku fidday. Tan iyo markii uu dhowr bilood xukunka qabtay ra’iisul wasaare Abiy Axmed, Itoobiya waxaa ka socday isbeddello siyaasadeed iyo kuwo milateri, wuxuuna sidoo kale isku dayayey inuu dib u hagaajiyo xiriirka uu dalkiisu la leeyahay waddamada gobolka.

Sida aan wararkeena hore ku sheegnay dowlada Kenya ayaa Qunsuliyado ka furaneysa magaalooyinka Kismaayo iyo Hargeysa oo nidaam ahaan hoostaga dowlada Somalia. Dowlada Kenya ayaa furashada Qunsuliyadahani ula gol leh isu socodka shacabka Kenya iyo dadka ku dhaqan deegaanadaasi waxaana lasoo sheegayaa inaanu jirin ogolaanshiyo ay Kenya ka heshay dowlada Somalia. Qorshaha lagu furaayo Qunsuliyadaha ayaa waxaa gadaal ka riixaya Madxaweynaha Kenya Uhurro Kenyatta oo dhawaan loo gudbiyay in gudaha Somalia ay ku noolyihiin Kenyan kor u dhaafaya 3,000 oo intooda badan Somalia ku jooga sifo sharci la’aan ah. Kmowi Matiangi oo ah Sarkaal ka tirsan Hay’adda Socdaalka Iyo Jinsiyadda Kenya ayaa sheegay in talaabada lagu furaayo Qunsuliyadaha uu yahay mid ka imaaday Madaxtooyada Kenya oo dhawaan la gaarsiiyay baahiyo ku aadan furista Qunsuliyadaha. Waxa uu Sarkaalkan qiray inaanu jirin wadahadal ay Somalia iyo Kenya ka galeen furashada Qunsuliyadaha, hase yeeshee ay suuragal tahay inuu bilowdo wadahadal labada dhinac oo ku aadan furashada xafiisyada. Qorshaha ay Kenya ku irdo fureyso xafiisyada Qunsuliyadaha Kismaayo iyo Hargeysa ayaa cagsi ku ah Heshiis ay sanadkii hore kala saxiixdeen Madaxweynayaasha Somalia Maxamed C/llahi Farmaajo iyo Uhurro Kenyatta. Qodobada ka hor imaanaya furashada Xafiisyada wargalin la’aanta ah ayaawaxa kamid ah: 1-In labada wadan ay si wada jira u tixgaliyaan madaxbanaanida. Waxaa tani caddeyn u ah in Kenya weli sheeganeyso badda Soomaaliya, dhinaca xuduuddana uga soo gardarootay Soomaaliya Beledxaawo. 2-In Kenya aysan xiriir toosa la sameyn maamul Goboleedyada, iyadoo wixii howl ah la marin doono dowlada Somalia. Weli way socotaa arrintaas, oo maamul goboleedyada waxaaba xarun u ah Nairobi, Addis-Ababa iyo Dubai oo casharada ooga meeriyaa. 3-Iska warqab iyo wada shaqeyn aasaas u noqota labada dal, si loo dhowro nidaamka iyo madaxbanaanida. Qodobada koowaad iyo labaad ayaa meesha ka saaraya Heshiiska wada jirka ahaa oo ay kala saxiixdeen Somalia iyo Kenya, waxa ayna jabinta Heshiisyada ka imaaneysa dhanka Kenya. Sidoo kale, Dowlada Kenya oo dhulal badan ka heysata Somalia ayaan furashada xafiisyada kuwar galin Wasaarada Arrimaha Gudaha Somalia oo nidaam ahaan ku shaqo leh. Geesta kale, dowlada Kenya oo waayadii danbe u muuqatay mid wanaagsan ayaa iminka dib u dhaqan galineysa faragalin Siyaasadeed oo ay ku sameyso Somalia. W/Q: Safiya Cabdullaahi Garaad Muqdisho, Soomaaliya Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Addis-Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Waxaa soo baxaaya warar sheegaya in dowlada isbedel doonta Ethiopia ay wado qorsho xilka looga qaadayo Madaxweynaha Deegaanka Soomaalida Ethiopia Cabdi Maxamuud Cumar (Cabdi Iley). Qorshaha ay Ethiopia ku laaleyso Cabdi Iley ayaa looga gol leeyahay in dowlada Isbedel doonka Ethiopia ay ku kasbato Soomaalida kasoo jeeda Kililka Shanaad oo caburin lagu hayay dhowrkii sano ee ina dhaaftay. Isbedelka lagu saarayo Cabdi Iley ayaa waxaa hormuud ka ah Ra’sul wasaare Abiy Axmed oo aan isagu la dhacsaneyn maamulada kasoo hara xukuumadii uu talada dalka kala wareegay sida maamulka Soomaalida iyo Oromada. Sii joogitaanka Cabdi Iley ayaa caqabad hor leh u horseedi kara Maamulka Abiy Axmed oo u muuqda mid dib u saxaaya khaladaadkii horay u dhacay. Marka la eego Siyaasad uu hiigsanaayo Ra’isul wasaaraha isbedel doonka Ethiopia Abiy Axmed waxa uu Cabdi Iley xilkiisa ku weyn doona arrimaha kala ah:- 1 – Xadgudubyadii ka dhacay xabsiga Jeel Ogaadeen ee dhowaan la xiray, oo uu Cabdi Iley ku eedeeyey madaxii hore ee sirdoonka Ethiopia, taasi oo xisbiga talada haya ee Tigreega si carro leh uga jawaabeen. 2-Sii shaqeynta Cabdi Iley waxa ay sii xoojineysaa colaada dhiiga badan ku daatay ee Soomaalida kala dhexeysa Oromada, iyadoo taasi ay soo dadajineyso fashilka Xukuumada Abiy. 3-ONLF oo shirkii ay Ra’isul wasaare Abiy Axmed kula galeen magaalada Asmara ee dalka Eriterea kusoo bandhigay qodobo dhowr ah oo ay kamid tahay in meesha laga saaro maamulka hadda ka arimiya DDSI ee uu hogaamiyo Cabdi Iley. Ra’isul wasaare Abiy Axmed qudhiisa kuma qanacsana howlaha uu hayo Madaxweynaha DDSI Cabdi Maxamuud Cumar (Cabdi Iley), waxa uuna khudbadihiisa hore ku sheegay inuusan la shaqeyn doonin maamul caqabad u horseedi kara midowga Ethiopia. Isbedelada Abiy Axmed ee lagu saadaalinkaro kan kusoo fool leh DDSI waxaa kamid ah in tabashooyinka xisbiyada mucaaradaka Oromada ay xilka ku wayeen ku dhawaan 7 Taliyayaal iyo Saraakiil ciidan oo si fool-xun kula dhaqmi jiray Hogaamiyayaasha iyo Xubnaha Mucaaradka. Sidoo kale, isbedelka kusoo fool leh maamulka DDSI waxaa ifafaalo u ah Madaxweynaha maamulka Cabdi Maxamuud Cumar (Cabdi Iley) oo shacabkiisa ka dalbaday cafis, isagoo sidoo kale albaabada u xiray Xabsiga weyn Jeel Ogaadeni oo lagu ciqaabi jiray ONLF. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, siyaasadaha iminka ka socda Ethiopia ayaa muujineysa in Cabdi Maxamuud Cumar (Cabdi Iley) uu weyn doono xilkiisa, si ay Ethiopia cabsi la’aan kula soo baxdo shidaalka ku jira dhulka Soomaalida oo hadda la rumeysan yahay inay caqabad ku yihiin ONLF. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Addis-Ababa Caasimada@live.com

Waxaa laga yaabaa qormadeydaan inaysan ku raaxeysan aqrinteeda dad badan oo dowlada taageero weyn u ah durbana igu dari doonna liiska mucaaradka, iyagoon wax su’aal ama sabab ah is weydiin, hase ahaatee waxaan rajeynayaa qaar badan oo caqli saliim Ilaahey siiyay in ay warbixinteyda wax ka fahmi doonaan. Markasta waxaa la is weydiiyaa sababta ay weli dowlada ugu suura gali la’adahay in magaalada Muqdisho ay ku soo dabaasho amaan la isku haleyn karo iyadoo dowlada ay bixineyso dadaal aad u balaaran si loo sugo amniga tiiyoo ay jirto in ciidanka dowlada tiradooda buux dhaafiyeen magaalada Muqdisho. Anigoo kaashanaya macluumaad iyo dhacdooyin badan aan hubo xaqiiqdooda inta badan ciidamada ka howl gala magaalada Muqdisho ma ahan ciidanki saxda ahaa ee magaalada Muqdisho nabada u keeni kara sababahan soo socda awgood: Marka lasoo xulanayo ciidan waxaa laga fiiriyaa dhowr tayo oo ay ka mid tahay heerka waxbarsho, danbi-gelis hore iyo shaqsi muuqaal iyo maskax ahaan aqbali kara shaqada ciidanka. Hase ahaatee inta badan ciidanka ka howla gala Muqdisho waa kuwa aan buuxin shuuradahaas, waxaas ka daran taas in lagu soo xulay qaab beeleed mudnaanta koobaadna la siiyay beelo gaar ah, ku darsoo qaarkood waaba ciidamadii hogaamiye kooxeeedyadii magaalada muqdisho ka talin jiray, mid laabadna aan kugu sii daree uma lahan aqoon shuruucda kala gedisan ee ciidmada wallow tababaro kooban la siiyay hadana taas waxba kama bedelin mar hadii heerka waxbarasho aad u liito amaba aysan soo marin, waxaase intaaso dhan ka daran inay yihiin kuwa balwad leh oo isticmaalla waxyaabaha mukhaadaraadka, taaso gebi ahaanba mamnuuc ka ah qof ciidan loogu tala galay in shacab amaankiisa sugaan, intaas kaliya kuma eka’e waxaa taliye loogu sii dhigaa shaqsi aan weligiis howl ciidan soo qaban laguna keenay nin jecleysi amaba dantiisa gaarka ah ay kala weynta tahay howsha loo xilsaaray, taasoo sababtay inaysan jirin dhibaatooyinka ciidanka geystaan meel loo raacdo. Arimahaas oo dhan waxay keeneen in ciidanka shaqad loo igmaday ay garan waayeen mar hadii ay buuxin waayeen shuruudihi ciidanka loogu tala galay una dhaqmaan sida maleeshiyaadki hogaamiye kooxeedyadi wadanka soo maray kuwaasoo aan u jixinjixin shacabka, iyagoo kala kulma dil, dhac, madax-furasho, jid-xirid tiiyoo ay jirto in qaarkood ay fududeeyaan qaraxyada ka dhaca magaalada IWM. Inkastoo ay jiraan qaar yar oo ka mid ciidamada oo ay ka go’antahay inay si daacad u ah u gutaan howshooda amni, hadana waxaa barbar socda kuwa badan aan daacad ka heyn howsha amaba aan aqoon u laheyn shaqada kuwaasoo wiiqay dadaalkooda amni. Iyadoo ay xusid mudantahay dowlada federaalak horumarka ay dalka gaarsiisay xaga horumarinta dhaqaalaha, dhisida hey’adaha dowliga, horumarinta xiriirka diblomaasiyada iyo sida weli ugu go’antahay inay horumar gaarsiiyaan dalka, ayaa waxaa muhiim ah in ay xil weyn iska saarto dhisida ciidan tayo iyo aqoon u leh howsha loo igamanayo. Isku soo wada duub si loo helo amaan iyo nabad waxaa lama huraan ah in la helo ciidan aan lagu soo xulin qaab beeleed, ka maran danbiyo hore, ugu yaraan soo dhaameystay waxbarasho dugsi-dhexe, lana marsiiyay imtixaan shaqsiyadeed si loo ogaado dareenkiisa iyo heerkiisa howlqabad. Hadii arimahaas la dhaqan geliyo waxaan aaminsanahay in guud ahaan wadanka soomaaliya amaankiisa dib usoo laabanayo inta ka horeysase, Baadidaada nin baa kula daydayi daalna kaa badane oo inaad heshana aan dooneyn. W/Q: Abdinasir Ahmed Email:Safaanahaji@gmail.com Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Riyadh (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Sacuudiga ayaa xabsiga dhigtay Sheikh Safar Al-Hawali oo ka mid ah culimada ugu caansan dalkaas iyo wiilal uu dhalay kadib markii uu jeediyey hadallo ka dhan ah boqortooyada. Sheikh Safar Al-Hawali ayaa ka tirsan dhaqdhaqaaqa Islaamiga ah ee Sahwa ama Baraaruga, oo u ololeeya in bulshada Islaamka ku baraarugaan dhibaatada iyo naceybka gaalada. Xarigiisa ayaa yimid maalmo un kadib markii uu daabacay buug cusub oo uu ugu magac daray Muslims and the Western Civilisation oo macnaheedu yahay Muslimiinta iyo Ilbaxnimada Reer Galbeedka, kaasi oo uu ku weeraray qoyska boqortooyada Sacuudiga iyo Dhaxal-sugaha Abu Dhabi Mohammed bin Zayed. Sheekha ayaa buugiisa shaaca uga qaaday in dhaxal-sugaha Sacuudiga Maxamed Bin Salmaan uu xiriir la leeyahya Yahuuda, oo gumaad ku haysa shacabka Falastiin, xoogna ku haysata masjidka barakeysan ee Al-Aqsa. Waxa uu sheegay in Maxamed Bin Salman uu dhabar-jebiyey Islaamka. Sheikh Safar Al-Hawali ayaa kadib waxaa gurigiisa tagey ciidamo jirdilay, kadibna kaxeystay isaga iyo wiilashiisa, lamana oga illaa hadda halka lagu hayo iyo sida xalakoodu yahay midna. Maxamed Bin Salman iyo Imaaraatka ayaa dhowaanahan saaxiibo dhow la ahaa Yahuuda iyo maamulka madaxweyne Donald Trump. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Qaahira caasimada@live.com

Rep. Keith Ellison (D-MN), Rep. Yvette D. Clarke (D-NY), and Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA) led 83 members of Congress in sending a letter to Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen and Secretary Mike Pompeo urging them to redesignate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Somalia and extend the program for eighteen months Source: Hiiraan Online

Peace building in a post-conflict state goes far deeper than repairing damaged buildings and refurbishing public institutions, but also involves building relations among all levels of people. It is about the ownership of the political direction of the country by the indigenous population. Since the end of the cold war, the peacekeeping missions were directed by the United Nations mandate for state building in a post conflict state. One of the positive indications for successful operations was the desire of the five permanent members of the Security Council for peace settlement and post settlement development (Roberts, 2008). Their objective was to achieve a friendly environment for successful state building. This cooperative environment in the Security Council changed the attitude of the superpowers when debating international conflict resolutions. A form of western state building – liberal democracy and market economy or neo liberal economy – have been forced on post-conflict countries to conform with the international governance norms (Roberts, 2008). Liberal democracy or liberal peace combined with economic market is negative peace because it favors the elites during the ‘transitional phase’ which might never end while the majority of the indigenous population remains poor (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Miall 2011). This can incite conflict again. To avoid this conflict, locally legitimate indigenous institutions must be strengthened. This can be done by going back to the systems present before the colonial era. The late president of Somaliland Mohamed Egal who did great work in stabilizing my country by disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating militia factions without foreign help, coined a saying in naming his first administration ‘’I know this administration was not selected on merit but as a solution to the tribal balance of the country’’. Given deep and lengthy traditions of mistrust of the state and the elites per se in most state building environs, President Egal wanted legitimacy from the indigenous people. This yielded greater dividends in the long term by laying the ground for positive peace – a foundational element of state and peace building, but that is often low on the intervention agenda (Roberts, 2008). In other African countries, the African leaders who replaced colonial rulers had to work in foreign conceived pluralistic institutions which were not practiced before. This allowed the elites to capture the mantle of political legitimacy and was left the general population disillusioned. A pertinent example of this de-alignment is given by Clapham (2002 in Roberts, 2008) who claimed that the elites ‘were the extension of the rich and corrupt metropolis, to which few from the far rural areas related’. Therefore, a gap exists between the state, its elites and the international polity who only care for negative peace on one hand and the civil society and the rest of the population that require positive peace to buy into the legitimacy of the state and its institutions. Milliken and Straus suggest that this gap can be resolved if the state supplies welfare to its citizens it can gain their trust and legitimacy, but at the same time, the authors acknowledge that those countries being poor can’t provide their citizens with the basic needs (Roberts, 2008). Roberts provides an interesting case to solve this by arguing that the international polity should put as much focus on building positive peace as it does to establish negative peace (through the strengthening of political institutions to stave off conflict in the short term). This effort would require international bodies to co-operate and focus on developing a state’s national and local level health institutions, thus allowing the state, NGOs and other local actors could create a viable national public health system that can transfer legitimacy to the state and buy-in co-operation from the local populace REFERENCES Ramsbotham, O., Miall, H. and Woodhouse, T. 2011. Cotemporary Conflict Resolution. 3rd. Wiley: New York. Roberts, D. 2008. Post-conflict Statebuilding and State Legitimacy: From Negative to Positive Peace? Development and Change. 39: 4. pp. 537-555 Ismail Abdi Abdillahi ( Bashe Abdi Gaboobe), holds Marine Engineer Certificate from Arab Maritime Transport Academy in Alexandria-Egypt, Marine Engineer Certificate from Sharjah- UAE, Post Graduate Diploma in Peace Building from Hargeysa University and Master degree in Peace Building from Coventry University, UK.

Ethiopians and Eritreans alike are celebrating the breakneck speed of a rapprochement between Addis Ababa and Asmara, two longtime enemies. Closer ties between the two, while not necessarily a done deal, could usher in a new era of peace and prosperity for the Horn of Africa, resuming a thriving trade relationship and granting landlocked Ethiopia access to a new port. Unfortunately, nearby Djibouti—which has successfully exploited its prime territory on the Red Sea to offer both port access and military bases to foreign countries—stands to lose. At the least, this tectonic shift will reduce the revenues available to President Ismail Omar Guelleh, in power since 1999, and undermine his ironclad grip on the country. At worst, Djibouti could prove a spoiler, which would threaten prospects for regional peace as well as longstanding US strategic interests in the Horn of Africa. For decades, Djibouti was the undisputed winner of Ethiopian-Eritrean hostility and the latter’s international isolation. The New Jersey-sized country of just under one million people has unique geostrategic advantages—its coastline spans the meeting of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, a chokepoint through which significant amounts of the world’s energy supply and commerce pass every year. While ports exist in Sudan, Somaliland, and Eritrea, Djibouti’s developed facilities, political stability, and investment-friendly atmosphere have proven more attractive than anywhere else in the region. As a result, Djibouti has enjoyed a near-monopoly on moving goods to and from landlocked Ethiopia. The United States also has longstanding security interests in Djibouti, including the only permanent US military base on the continent—a vital component of US counterterrorism operations in East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. Some 4,000 US military personnel are stationed at the American base, which extends to the nearby airport used to launch both armed and reconnaissance drones that operate in Somalia and Yemen. Underscoring the country’s strategic importance to the Pentagon, US Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis visited Djibouti in April 2017, just months ahead of the opening of China’s first overseas military base there. Additionally, France, Japan, Italy, and Saudi Arabia have bases of various sizes and capabilities in Djibouti. Ethiopia and Djibouti have traditionally maintained a close political and economic relationship out of mutual necessity. When the Ethiopia-Eritrea border war broke out in 1998, Ethiopia lost access to Eritrea’s port, an existential crisis for a landlocked country. Since then, Ethiopia has overwhelmingly relied on Djiboutian ports to process its imports and exports: some 95 percent of Ethiopian imports transit through Djibouti. Djibouti, too, relies on its larger neighbor, from which it imports freshwater and electricity. Profits from Ethiopia’s use of Djiboutian ports—estimates top $1 billion annually—are a key source of Guelleh’s government revenue. But Ethiopia finds this arrangement deeply flawed, and is interested in more diverse, and better, deals for port access. The United States, as well, is deeply dissatisfied with Guelleh’s partnership. Specifically, his penchant for extracting costly rents from as many foreign militaries as possible, including allowing a Chinese military base just kilometers from the US one, has left the United States discontented. Eritrea and Djibouti have a more restive history, and unresolved tensions could flare up again. Djibouti’s western border with Eritrea has been militarized since the end of border clashes in 2008. Qatar attempted to mediate the dispute, and it even managed to facilitate a 2016 prisoner swap before withdrawing its peacekeepers from the Eritrean-Djiboutian border in protest of both countries’ decision to side with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the Gulf crisis. Djibouti’s shipping and land lease profits directly supplement Guelleh’s tight political control over the country. The Chinese will reportedly pay $20 million a year until 2025 for their base, though that figure does not include more than $1 billion in Chinese loans. The Americans pay some $70 million annually for at least another six years, and the French pay another $30-plus million yearly for their military facility. These profits contribute to what appears to be a booming economy: Djibouti’s annual GDP growth is expected to remain around 7 percentinto the near future. But despite Djibouti’s ostensible riches, most of the country remains desperately poor, underdeveloped, and subject to Guelleh’s authoritarianism. Nearly a quarter of the population lives in extreme poverty, and Djibouti ranks abysmally on political rights and civil liberties. Ethiopia-Eritrea peace talks are bad news for Guelleh, who has staked his country’s growth on its role as the port of choice for economic giants like Ethiopia. Assuming normalization efforts continue, Ethiopia could soon have the option to use Eritrea’s ports, which are closer and more convenient than Djibouti. While it is unlikely that Ethiopia will cease using Djiboutian ports altogether, it will have options—and thus will be less inclined to settle for usurious port usage rates. Eritrea may even prove a welcoming partner to foreign militaries, as the country previously allowed Emirati use of its port at Assab to prosecute the war in Yemen. One constraint on Ethiopia’s turn away from Djibouti, however, is its imperative to pay back nearly $3 billion in Chinese loans for the newly opened Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway. Lastly, if foreign militaries follow Ethiopia’s lead and diversify their security partners, Guelleh will rapidly lose a key source of income, making the four-term president vulnerable to longstanding grievances about his government’s corruption and repression. Once his resources dry up, the little political support he has been able to cajole or co-opt will likely follow. In recent years, the UAE’s increasing interest in the Horn of Africa adds a new complication to Djibouti’s predicament. The UAE has acquired rights to a naval base in Eritrea, a military base and commercial port in Somaliland, and a multi-purpose port in Puntland. But relations between Djibouti and the UAE have been fraught since February 2018 when the Djiboutian government cancelledthe contract of Emirati firm Dubai Ports World (DP World) to operate Djibouti’s main container shipping terminal. Early reports suggest that the UAE might have even played a role in the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The UAE’s growing partnership with Ethiopia—which recently acquired a 19 percent stake in the Berbera port alongside DP World and Somaliland—is also noteworthy evidence of regional diversification. While it is unfortunate that Guelleh perceives normalization with Eritrea as a zero-sum game, he has some reason to be nervous that Addis Ababa and Asmara are warming up to one another. The faster they normalize relations, the faster Djibouti’s strategic advantages disappear—and with them, Guelleh’s cash flow. Resolving a decades-long conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea would strengthen overall regional stability and open new doors for economic trade and prosperity. But there are very real losers in that scenario, and the opportunity to spoil the well-deserved peace should be carefully scrutinized. Kelsey Lilley is associate director of the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center. Follow her on Twitter at @KelseyDegen.

Ethiopian-Somali region president, Abdi Mohamoud, has been criticized for egregious human rights abuses in the region and also implicated in the displacement of more than half a million Ethiopians from the region following what seemed to be an orchestrated ethnic-based conflict involving Somalis and Oromo. A report published today by a government-affiliated media outlet in Ethiopia says that the regional president admitted that “mistake” has been done and his administration will take responsibility for it. He confessed about the “mistake” at the regular congress of the Ethiopian Somali region council which is underway since yesterday. “Mistakes are inevitable while working. The culture to keep up the good work and openly apologize for the mistake is a good one and we all need to strengthen such a culture,” The president is quoted as saying by Fana Broadcasting Corporate. The president added that his party and the regional government has immense respect to what Abiy Ahmed achieved since he took office as prime minister about hundred days ago. Abdy Mohammed also pledged that his party, Ethiopia Somali Peoples Democratic Party (ESPDP), will work toward achieving Ethiopian new prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s motto of forgiveness and unity and he called on Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a movement which the Ethiopian parliament removed from the list of the terrorist group about a week ago, to take advantage of the amnesty and be part of prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s initiative for forgiveness and unity. The Human Rights Watch report released on July 4 indicates egregious human right violations at “Jail Ogaden” and requested the Ethiopian government to hold those responsible accountable for it. Unverified information circulating among Ethiopians in social media has it that Abdy Mohammed implicated former intelligence chief, Getachew Assefa who is from Tigray People’s Liberation Front, for human rights abuse in the region. Source: borkena

Hargeisa, June 27, 2018 – The Global Partnership for Education’s Board of Directors approved a grant of US$7.68 million to support Somaliland’s efforts to extend quality education to more of its children. The three-year grant will support Somaliland’s Education Sector Strategic Plan 2018-2021 which aims to increase the enrollment of girls and boys from diverse and under-educated communities in primary and secondary schools, improve the quality of schooling through teacher skill training and better learning materials, and establish an effective system to gather and analyze education data to measure progress. The grant will also support the building and rehabilitating of learning spaces across the country to make them more conducive to learning, especially for girls and develop early childhood education initiatives that boost long-term learning performance. “Somaliland’s future depends upon high-quality education for all our children,” said Yasin Haji Mohamoud Hir ( Faratoon), Somliland’s Minister of Education and Science. “GPE and Save the Children are enabling us to build a strong and sustainable education system that will prepare our citizens for lifetimes of productivity and prosperity. This is what we aspired to achieve through our Education Sector Strategic Plan.” Somaliland is affected by fragility, drought and economic crisis. Nearly half the population of Somaliland lives in poverty with many not being able to send their children to school. Between 2012 and 2015, Somaliland’s primary school enrolment rate has been low at around 34%, and primary school completion rates were also low. Secondary school enrollment has been even lower, though it more than doubled from nearly 11% in 2012 to 21% in 2015. Gender parity has improved with 83 girls for every 100 boys in primary school and 88 girls for every 100 boys in secondary school. Children from rural areas and internally displaced families are far less likely to be in school than their urban counterparts. “Over the last several years, Somaliland has engaged in a rigorous process of creating a promising, long-term plan to build an education system that will be a foundation of its nation-building program,” said Alice Albright, Chief Executive Officer, Global Partnership for Education. “GPE will now support the implementation of that plan to help Somaliland move along a path of greater prosperity and stability.” Save the Children has been the GPE grant agent in Somaliland since 2017 and will continue to serve in this role for the new grant as well. The new program is expected to begin in July 2018.

Harvests from 550 farms in Salahley, 80 km south of Somaliland’s capital Hargeisa, have been destroyed by pests. The crops were planted in April and May when the Gu seasonal rains resumed in Salahley, after the long period of drought. Mustafe Abdiqadir, an expert working with GIZ, said the pests included in particular the Tomato Leafminer which originated in Peru, and might have been imported with produce coming from Europe. He said this insect is resistant to chemicals available but farmers should plant coriander and fenugreek in the fields to fend them off. Omar Warsame Nur, whose farm has been affected by the pests, has a large family of 17 children and two wives. They depend on the farm for a living. He planted tomatoes, muskmelons, maize and beans using $1,500 he borrowed from the money transfer company Dahabshil when it began raining. Omar said he used the money to cultivate the field and pay the labourers. He expected to reap the harvest between the end of June and early July, but it was all destroyed. He is worried about how to find the $220 to pay his six workers. Omar very high hopes from the farm this year, expecting to make $5,000 from the sale of the produce. This is equivalent to what he made all of last year. He told Radio Ergo this is the worst turndown he has suffered since he started farming 30 years ago. The head of the farmers association in Salahley, Hamud Abdilahi Ismail, estimated that the pests have destroyed $150,000 worth of food. He said farmers have really lost hope now. “The people have been recovering from prolonged drought. We have tried different ways to enhance the productivity of the farms, but nothing worked. We have sprayed different chemicals on the crops but nothing has changed,” he said. Dahir Osman Guled has abandoned his four hectare farm where he planted tomatoes and maize. Over the last four months he used to wake up early to attend to the crops. He had invested $400, which he borrowed from his brothers working in Hargeisa. Dahir and his six children have always depended on the farm produce. He now needs to find $300 that went into preparing his field. He described it as the worst loss since he started working on this farm seven years ago. Last year, he earned $2,300 in profit from his farm. Abdirisaq Muhumed Gabobe, the coordinator of the agriculture ministry in Maroodi-Jeh, told Radio Ergo that they are aware of the Tomato Leafminer and its destruction. They have sent experts to survey the farms after receiving numerous complaints from the local farmers. Radio Ergo

HARGEISA– A member of Somaliland’s House of Elders said that foreign international organizations led by a director from Somali state of Jubaland conducted a survey in Somaliland in last May. Hon. Ahmed Dirir Ali, an MP in the house of elders while participating a debate on Somaliland’s internal and foreign policy has said that the three int’l organizations that conducted the health survey in Somaliland were inspecting how states in Somalia deal with health projects implemented in their regions. The MP has asserted that the int’l organizations headed by the director from Jubaland came to Somaliland believing that Somaliland is part and parcel of regional states in Somalia. The delegation from the int’l agencies was headed by the director general from Jubaland state and toured Sahil region.nThe MP by the name of Ahmed has announced that the irony is that the DG from Jubaland came to Somaliland with the invitation of government minister in Musa Bihi’s cabinet. He stated clearly that Somaliland must either stop claiming being an independent country while we are treated as part of the regional states in Somalia. The three int’l agencies include PSI, HPA and Tour Care.

Partition of Africa (1884-1885) The Partition of Africa began with the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, and was the cause of most of Africa’s borders today. All the major European States were invited to the conference. Germany, France, Great Britain, Netherlands, Belgium, Portugal, and Spain were considered to have a future role in the imperial partition of Africa. The Partition of Africa, also known as the Scramble for Africa , was a process of invasion,, colonization and annexation of African territory by European powers. The political map of Africa (below) that shows its independent countries had not been drawn by United Nations, African Union or by African nations. It is the result of the European Colonial Occupation that invaded African Continent at the end of the 19th century and divided it up into territories with colonial borders for their own political sphere of influence. When leaving Africa, mainly in the 1960s, the Europeans based the independence and diplomatic recognition of all African emerging countries including Somaliland on their colonial borders inherited from colonial powers. Proof for Legitimacy of Somaliland Independence and Recognition Somaliland is located in the Horn of Africa. It lies between the 08°00′ – 11°30′ parallel North of the Equator and between 42°30′ – 49°00′ Meridian East of Greenwich. It is bordered by the Red Sea to the North, Djibouti to the West, Ethiopia to the South, and Somalia to the East. Somaliland has a coastline with the majority lying along the Gulf of Aden (Red Sea). The country is slightly larger than England, with an area of 137, 600 km² (53,100 sq. miles) and with population around 4 millions. According to the unique history of the continent of Africa, an African country or any other country is recognized as an independent nation when it meets or fulfills the following four (4) requirements: That it has been colonized separately That it has its own colonial borders That it has official proclamation of independence granted by occupying power on specific date And that it fulfills the Montevideo Convention Requirements on the Rights and Duties of States held on December 26, 1933 which stated that the state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: a permanent population a defined country a government a capacity to enter into relations with the other states. Somaliland has perfectly fulfilled the four required conditions to be recognized as independent country and that is why it was recognized on June 26, 1960 by the United Nations and many countries of the international community. The borders of Somalia, Somaliland, Djibouti or any other Africa country have the same international status and legitimacy because they all had been drawn by European Colonial powers. Anyone who opposes the legitimacy of Somaliland borders, its statehood, its independence and its diplomatic recognition is challenging the borders and sovereignty of all African independent states (54 states) whose borders also rose from or originated in their colonial borders. Federal Somalia recognizes the border between Somaliland and Djibouti drawn by France and Great Britain but does not recognize the border between Somaliland and Somalia drawn by Great Britain and Italy. What a laughable historical ignorance! Similarly, borders of the Arab World, Asia and South America had also been drawn by Colonial Powers, mainly by Great Britain, France and Spain. Distribution of African Clans over Africa African borders are based on land only. They are not based on clan lineage or on particular ethnic group. There are no clan borders or clan states in Africa or anywhere else in this world. There are only national land-based borders in Africa whose nations consist of many tribes or clans that share common borders, flag, government and sovereignty. The same African ethnic group is widely distributed over different countries in Africa and each part of it shares flag, nationhood, sovereignty and government with its own country. There is rarely an African country that has one or single ethnic group. The inhabitance or residence of some African ethnic groups is as follows: Fulani Clan: This clan inhabits in Mali, Nigeria, Niger, Chad, Cameroon etc. Tuareg Clan: This clan has inhabitance in Senegal, Nigeria, Mali, Niger etc. Lunda Clan: This clan inhabits in Congo, Zambia and Angola. Yoruba Clan: This clan has inhabitance in Nigeria, Benin and Togo. Maasai Clan: This clan inhabits in Kenya and Tanzania. Oromo Clan: This clan inhabits in Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan. Somali Clan: This clan inhabits in Somaliland, Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya  Swazi: This clan inhabits in Swaziland, South Africa and Mozambique. Lemba Clan: This clan has inhabitance in Zimbabwe, South Africa, Malawi and Mozambique. Hutu Clan: This clan inhabits in Rwanda, Burundi and Congo. Tutsi Clan: This clan inhabits in Rwanda, Burundi, Congo and Uganda. Afar Clan: This clan inhabits in Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti. Berber Clan: This clan has inhabitance in Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Algeria. Sara Clan: This clan inhabits in Chad, Cameroon and Central African Republic The land and the people of Harti subdivision (Sool clan and East Sanaag Clan) are integral and inseparable part of independent Somaliland for historically inhabiting within the borders of Somaliland British Protectorate. Thus, there is no “disputed land or territories” in Somaliland as some may claim irrationally. Somaliland does not accept the idea of “disputed land in Somaliland” as any other African country would not accept to call part of its territory “disputed land”. Puntland’s Blind Claim of Sool and Eastern Sanaag in Somaliland Puntland Administration of Federal Somalia dreams to reunite Harti people (Darod) of Somaliland, Somalia and Ethiopia to create Harti country in the Horn of Africa. Would the United Nations or Africa accept to create Fulani country by reuniting the Fulanis of Mali, Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon or Tuareg country by reuniting the Tuaregs of Senegal, Nigeria, Mali, and Niger? The answer is: No. likewise, Africa would never accept that Puntland Administration of Federal Somalia reunite Hartis of Somaliland, Somalia and Ethiopia to create tribal crisis in the Horn of Africa. There is no country in Africa or in any other continent whose population is based on single sub-clan of particular ethnic group or lineage as Puntland Administration of Somalia claims blindly. The war between Somaliland Republic and Puntland Administration of Somalia is not tribal war but it is border war (colonial border war) between Somaliland Republic and Federal Somalia. If the United Nations or Organization of African Union do not respect and recognize Somaliland borders, emerging from colonial borders as any other African country, then the territorial integrity of each African country would be questionable and would be at risk of dispute and continental disintegration through endless devastating clan wars. The internal security, stability, and peace of Africa rest on respecting, recognizing and implementing its current borders that rose from colonial borders. If an African country would claim the tribe or clan and its land located in another African country, the continent would fall to endless devastating, bloody clan wars, violence and anarchy. The African continent would not exist as we know it today. The peace and stability of African states depend on respecting and recognizing colonial borders. United Nations and African Union should not allow any country like Somalia or any other country to redraw African colonial borders to avoid the danger of plunging the continent into endless clan wars and anarchy. Africa’s Irrational Opposition to Somaliland Recognition African Union and African leaders claim that if Somaliland is recognized, it would shift or change the borders of current African independent states inherited from colonial powers leading to instability and political unrest in Africa. If that claim were true, why did not the recognition of South Sudan and Eritrea change the borders of Africa and cause instability and political unrest in African continent? Senegal and Gambia founded federation or union in February 1982 calling it Senegambia. That union was dissolved in September 1989 after disagreement and each country regained its original independence and diplomatic recognition without changing the borders of Africa. So, why not Somaliland retaining its independence and diplomatic recognition achieved separately on June 26, 1960 after withdrawing from the union with Somalia? It is deafening that UK, which colonized Somaliland British Protectorate, is still reluctant to recognize Somaliland knowing that Somaliland achieved independence from Great Britain on June 26, 1960. United Kingdom recognizes its former colonies in Africa such as Egypt, Sudan, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Kenya etc. but does not recognize Somaliland for unknown reasons. Is not that double standard for United Kingdom? Somaliland diplomatic recognition does not need any approval from Somalia as any other African country did not need approval of its independence and diplomatic recognition from any other African country. When UK granted independence to Zimbabwe in 1980, Zimbabwe did not need approval from Zambia for its independence and diplomatic recognition. Somaliland is not a secessionist or breakaway region from Somalia but Somaliland just withdrew from the union with Somalia after Somalia grossly violated the union and committed injustices and atrocities in Somaliland between the years 1960-1991. If Nyanza Province of Kenya or Arusha Region of Tanzania or Puntland province of Somalia secede or break away from their own respective countries, they would definitely qualify to be secessionists, separatists or breakaways and that would change or shift the colonial borders of Africa inherited from colonial powers and that would create instability and political unrest in the continent of Africa because these provinces share history, colonial borders and independence with their own respective countries. The Arab World, which has nearly 17 independent countries such as Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, and Sudan share same language, religion, culture, and color but have separate independent states. They have different independent states, flags, governments and borders. These countries do not share federal systems or unions for fear of injustices and disagreements. Only justice and fair power-sharing are the most important factors for a union to survive and that is what Somalia failed to understand in the years of the union. OAU 1964 Declaration on African Colonial Borders The declaration of Organization of African Unity (O.A.U) in 1964 on African Borders was the formal acceptance of the existing colonial borders inherited from colonial powers on which independence and recognition of each African country were based including Somaliland. That declaration had nothing to do with unifications, federations, and unions between two or more African countries like the failed union between Somaliland and Somalia formed unthoughtfully and hastily in 1960. A union or federation could be dissolved anytime if the sides disagree each restoring and retaining its original independence, diplomatic recognition and borders. That declaration reinforces the rightful claim of Somaliland to be recognized as independent nation based on its colonial borders. That declaration does not prevent Somaliland from withdrawing from the union with Somalia and restoring its independence and diplomatic recognition achieved on June 26, 1960. If Uganda and Kenya share union today and after some time they disagree and dissolve that union, each would still retain its independence and diplomatic recognition as a nation on its own colonial borders. United Arab Republic (U.A.R.), a political union of Egypt and Syria proclaimed on Feb. 1, 1958, and ratified in nationwide referendum ended on Sept. 28, 1961. Syria seceded from the union after the 1961 Syrian coup d’état. After dissolving the union, each country retained its original independence and recognition status. Somaliland Declaration on the Origin of African Borders declares that Somaliland borders have the same international legitimacy and legality with the borders of all independent African Countries that originated in the colonial borders drawn by European Colonial Powers and, for that reason, Somaliland deserves diplomatic recognition of the international community based on its former British Protectorate colonial borders. Current Situation of Tukaraq as of July 12, 2018 Puntland’s tribal armed militias along with reinforcements from Federal Somalia are entrenched now within 50 miles inside Somaliland territory. Ceasefire may not hold at all as long as these hostile forces are stationed inside Somaliland. Peace will come only when Puntland Administration withdraws its armed militia from Somaliland territory. The UN, EU and OAU know well where the border (the Colonial border) between Somalia and Somaliland runs (5 miles West of Growe). They must pressure Federal Somalia and its Puntland Administration to withdraw from Somaliland territory before another unnecessary bloodshed in order to have peace in the region as no country accepts to have enemy forces on its soil. If the United Nations fails to convince Puntland Administration of Federal Somalia to withdraw its armed militias from Somaliland territory, then Somaliland has the right to liberate its territory from Somalia to defend its territorial integrity and sovereignty. Author: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale Ibrahimgagale@gmail.com

The UN counter-piracy fund that has been in existence since 2011 has boosted maritime security in Somalia and Western Indian Ocean coastline through enhanced prosecution of culprits, an official said on Friday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Asmara (PP) ─ Madaxweynaha dalka Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki, ayaa lagu wadaa inuu berri booqasho taariikhi ah ku tago Caasimadda Itoobiya ee Addis Ababa, kaddib casuumaad rasmi ah oo uu ka helay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha dalkaas, Abiy Ahmed oo toddobaadkii hore booqday Asmara. Wasiirka Warfaafinta Eritrea, Yemane Meskel oo la hadlay warbaahinta ayaa sheegay in madaxweynaha uu hgogaamin doono wafdi ballaaran oo ay ka mid yihiin; wasiirro iyo xildhibaanno. Booqashadan ayaa imaanaysa kaddib markii ra’iisul wasaaraha Itoobiya Abiy Ahmed uu booqasho taariikhi ah ku tagay Magaalada Asmara, xilligaasoo ay labada mas’uul kala saxiixdeen heshiisyo dhawr ah oo ay ka mid ahaayeen in labada waddan ay booqan doonaan wufuud kala duwan. Itoobiya iyo Eritrea ayaa waxaa dhexmaray dagaal ay kumannaan askar ah ku dhinteen, kaasoo socday intii u dhexeysay 1998-kii illaa 2000, waxaana labada waddan ay isku maan-dhaafeen lahaanshaha magaalo soohdinta ku dhaw oo RW Abiy Ahmed uu sheegay in Eritrea ay siinayaan. Heshiiska ay gaareen labada waddan ayaa waxaa ka mid ah in la isku furo xuduudaha dalkaas, sidoo kalena ay Itoobiya isticmaali doono dekedaha dalka ay dariska yihiin ee Eritrea. Tan iyo markii uu xafiiska la wareegay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Eritrea Abiy Ahmed bishii Abriil ee sannadkan ayuu billaabay inuu furfuro siyaasadda dalka Itoobiya oo lagu tiring jiray tan ugu adag Afrika. Dhanka kale, Intii uu ku jiray booqashadii uu dhawaan ku tagay Asmara ayuu Abiy Ahmed muujiyay furfurnaan dheeraad ah, taasoo farxad weyn gelisay hoggaamiyaha Asmara, waxaana tani ay soo af-jartay colaaddii u dhexeysay labada waddan. Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Ahmed ayaa bartiisa Twitter-ka ku qoray in wufuudda uu hoggaaminayo Madaxweynaha Eritrea ay joogi doonaan Addis Ababa muddo saddex maalmood ah, ayna kawada hadli doonaan qodobbo dhawr ah. “Waxaan madaxweyne Isaias uga mahad-celiyaa sida uu nooga aqbalay casuumaddii aan u fudinnay, waxaana u soo dhaweyn doonaa si diirran,” ayuu hadalkiisa ku daray ra’iisul wasaaraha Itoobiya Abiy Ahmed. Ugu dambeyn, Labada waddan ayaa la filayaa in maalmaha soo socda ay dib u furaan isku socodka gaadiidka labada dhinac, Toddobaadyada soo socdana waxay billaabi doonaan duulimaadyadii caadiga ahaa oo joogsaday 1998-kii oo uu billowday dagaalka labada waddan. PUNTLAND POST The post Madaxweynaha Eritrea oo ku Wajahan Addis Ababa appeared first on Puntland Post.

Garbahaarey (Caasimada Online) – Jeneral Cali Maxmed Maxamuud ( Bogmadow) oo saakay diyaaradii siday laga celiyay garoonka Kismaayo ayaa sida la xaqiijiyay ka dagay degmadda Garbahaarey ee gobalka Gedo, oo si diirran loogu soo dhaweyay. “Jubbland ma ahan Axmed Madoobe iyo Kismaayo kaliya ee Gobolka Gedo ayaan shaqadeyda ka billaabayaa” ayuu yiri Jeneral Bogmadow. Gudoomiyaha gobolka Gedo, saraakiisha ciidamada xoogga dalka Soomaaliya ee gobolkaas iyo masuuliyiin kale ayaa soo dhaweysay. Waxaa la filayaa in maalmaha soo socda uu kulamo la qaato qeybaha kala duwan ee Bulshada deegaanada gobolka Gedo. Maanta barqadii ayaa waxaa garoonka diyaaradaha magaalada Kismaayo loo diiday in uu ka dego taliyaha qeybta 43-aad ee ciidamada xoogga dalka Soomaaliya, waxana Jubbaland ay sheegtay in aan lagala tashan magacaabista taliyahaas. Dhowaan ayaa waxaa sii kordhayey xiisadda dowladda iyo Jubaland, ayada oo Axmed Madoobe uu ka cabsi qabo in ciidamada ku sugan Gedo ee beesha Mareexaan ay doonayaan inay qabsadaan Kismaayo. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Kismaayo Caasimada@live.com

Nairobi (PP) ─ Dowladda Norway ayaa maanta ku dhawaaqday inay si rasmi ah u aqoonsatay baasaboorka Soomaaliga, ayna ku bixin doonto dal-ku-galka, iyadoo ka mid noqonaysa dhawr dal oo Yurub ah oo horay u aqoonsaday baasaboorka Soomaaliga. Hadalkan ayaa waxaa ku dhawaaqay safiirka Norway u fadhiya dalka Kenya, Victor C. Rønneberg kaddib kulan ka dhacay magaalada Nairobi, kaasoo ay goobjoog ka ahaayeen wasiirka arrimaha dibadda Somalia iyo xubno uu ka mid yahay taliyaha hoggaanka socdaalka iyo jinsiyadaha Soomaaliya. “Waxaan horay u aqoonsanayn baasaboorka dubmalaasmiga ah ee Somalia. Hadda Norway waxay aqoonsanaysaa Baasaboorka caadiga ah iyo kan kale ee shaqaalaha dowladda la siiyo, wuxuuna go’aankan dhaqan-galayaa 1-da bisha Ogoosto ee soo socota,” ayuu yiri danjire Rønneberg oo kulanka hadal ka jeediyay. Sidoo kale, Danjiraha oo sii hadlayay ayaa wuxuu intaas ku daray. “Maanta waxaan ku biiraynaa dalalka Yurub ee aqoonsan baasaboorka Somalia. Inta la ogyahay waxaa ka mid ah; Talyaaniga iyo Faransiiska. Ugu dambayn aan caddeeyo in go’aanka ay Norway ku aqoonsatay Baasaboorka Somalia uusan wax ka bedeli doonin shuruudaha iyo hannaankii aan ku bixin jirnay Dal-ku-galka [Visa-ha] Norway lagu tago.” Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda Somalia, Axmed Ciise Cawad oo isna hadal ka jeediyay kulanka ayaa sheegay in dadaal-dheer oo ay sameysay Dowladda Soomaaliya ay keentay in Xukuumadda Norway ay aqoonsato baasaboorka Soomaaliga. “Maanta wa maalin taariikhi ah, Norway Sannadkii 2012-kii ayay aqoonsatay baasaboorka dubamaasiga ah ee Soomaaliya, Maantana waxay aqoonsatay dhammaan noocyada kale ee baasaboorka, sida midka shacabka iyo midka shaqaalaha, dadaal ay bixisay dowladda gaar ahaan hay’adda socdaalka iyo jinsiyadda oo uu hoggaaminayo Aaaasime Koofi ayaa lagu gaaray,” ayuu yiri Wasiir Cawad. Dhanka kale, Wasiirka Amniga Qaranka Soalia, Maxamed Abuukar Isloow oo isna goobta ka hadlay ayaa u mahad-celiyay Dowladda Norway, isagoo ku tilmaamay in aqoonsiga ka sokoow ay Dowladda Norway Dowlado kale la wadaagayso xogta ku saabsan baasaboorka Somalia si ay u aqoonsadaan. Ugu dambeyn, Dowladda Somalia ayaa sannadkii 2007-dii waxay billowday bixinta baasaboor electaroonik ah, kaasoo lagu beddelay baasaboorkii hore oo lagu sameyn jiray suuqyada Muqdisho. Wixii ka dambeeyay Waqtigaas waxaa la sii adkeynayay baasaboorka Soomaaliga. PUNTLAND POST The post Dowladda Norway oo Maanta ku Dhawaqday inay Aqoonsatay Baasaboorka Soomaaliga appeared first on Puntland Post.

Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki is visiting Ethiopia on Saturday, the latest step in an unprecedented diplomatic thaw between the former archrivals that is ending one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts. Eritrea’s information minister, Yemane Gebremeskel, confirmed the visit on Twitter, saying it will “add momentum to the joint march for peace and cooperation.” The 72-year-old Isaias last visited Ethiopia in 1996. The visit by the leader of one of the world’s most reclusive countries comes after Ethiopia’s new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed made a historic trip to Eritrea last weekend for hugs, laughter and talks with Isaias, setting off the restoration of diplomatic ties after two decades. Now phone lines are restored and scheduled Ethiopian Airlines flights to Eritrea begin next week. The thaw began when the 42-year-old Abiy, who took office in April, announced Ethiopia would fully accept a peace deal that ended a two-year border war that killed tens of thousands and separated families. The decision, which hands disputed border areas to Eritrea, was the boldest move yet in a wave of reforms in Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country, after years of anti-government protests. Tiny Eritrea is one of the world’s most closed-off nations, ruled by Afwerki since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after years of rebel warfare. Eritrea has become a major source of migrants fleeing toward Europe, Israel and African nations in recent years as human rights groups criticize its harsh military conscription laws. Observers now wonder whether the end of fighting with Ethiopia will lead Eritrea to open up and embrace new freedoms. Source: AP

Ethiopian-Somali region president, Abdi Mohamoud, has been criticized for egregious human rights abuses in the region and also implicated in the displacement of more than half a million Ethiopians from the region following what seemed to be an orchestrated ethnic-based conflict involving Somalis and Oromo. A report published today by a government-affiliated media outlet in Ethiopia says that the regional president admitted that “mistake” has been done and his administration will take responsibility for it. He confessed about the “mistake” at the regular congress of the Ethiopian Somali region council which is underway since yesterday. “Mistakes are inevitable while working. The culture to keep up the good work and openly apologize for the mistake is a good one and we all need to strengthen such a culture,” The president is quoted as saying by Fana Broadcasting Corporate. The president added that his party and the regional government has immense respect to what Abiy Ahmed achieved since he took office as prime minister about hundred days ago. Abdi Mohammed also pledged that his party, Ethiopia Somali Peoples Democratic Party (ESPDP), will work toward achieving Ethiopian new prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s motto of forgiveness and unity and he called on Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a movement which the Ethiopian parliament removed from the list of the terrorist group about a week ago, to take advantage of the amnesty and be part of prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s initiative for forgiveness and unity. The Human Rights Watch report released on July 4 indicates egregious human right violations at “Jail Ogaden” and requested the Ethiopian government to hold those responsible accountable for it. Unverified information circulating among Ethiopians in social media has it that Abdy Mohammed implicated former intelligence chief, Getachew Assefa who is from Tigray People’s Liberation Front, for human rights abuse in the region. Source: – borkena

The UN Security Council has been cautioned against linking peacekeeping troops in Somalia to illegal charcoal and sugar trade without evidence. Defence Cabinet Secretary Raychelle Omamo yesterday told the teams monitoring the peace process against accusing African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom) soldier. She said they should stop finger-pointing, sensational and unsubstantiated allegations. Omamo spoke during the UN Security Council’s Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia 21st Plenary Session at the UN headquarters in Nairobi. The Contact Group is probing terrorism financing in Somalia. “I note that the group has taken the initiative to grapple with questions relating to the financing of terrorism and is examining the charcoal trade and sugar smuggling as a source,” she said. More than 200 delegates from 68 states and international organisations attended the three-day meeting. Foreign Affairs CS Monica Juma, her counterparts Ahmed Awad (Somalia) and Vishnu Lutchmeenaraidoo (Mauritius), the UN assistant secretary for political affairs Tayé-Brooke Zerihoun and secretary general of the Indian Ocean Commission Hamada Madi were present. The Group’s Plenary Session theme was “Leaving a long-lasting legacy for the region.” In November last year, the council’s Somalia and Ethiopia monitoring group report linked the Kenya Defence Forces, which is part of Amisom, to export and import of charcoal. However, the KDF spokesman Col David Obonyo dismissed the report as untrue. He said the soldiers were not in Somalia to trade, but to enforce Amisom’s mandate. Omamo warned that linking the troops to smuggling undermines the soldiers’ significant contribution in the fight against al Shabaab to restore stability in Somalia. “We expect a responsible approach. The contact group should instead lead the way in delving in demand and supply side factors including absence of an Amisom maritime mandate to properly police territorial waters,” she said. The CS asked the group to look into lack of alternative livelihoods for coastal communities and the possible role multi-national navies located off coast of Somalia can play in intercepting illegal cargo. Omamo challenged the group to ensure its work is people-centred by building a framework of peace and security to allow investment in the region for to create employment for millions of jobless youths. She noted that piracy, terrorism and other transnational crimes in our region are connected to underdevelopment, lack of opportunity and limited access to resources. “Security serves no purpose if it does not operate as an instrument for the transformation and improvement of lives. Maritime security is essential for sustainable exploitation of the blue economy,” Omamo said. The CS reiterated that threats such as illegal and unregulated fishing, trafficking in small and light weapons, the poaching of marine resources and dumping of toxic waste in waters off the Horn of Africa should also be eradicated. “These malpractices exacerbate poverty and increase the vulnerability of our people to radicalisation, extremism and crime,” Omamo said. She called for adequate funding for the AMISOM troops and member states to increase soldiers to win war against Al Shabaab for Somalia to build a strong national security force and strengthen its structure of government. Omamo added that a stable Somalia will eliminate piracy off the shores of the Horn of Africa. Source: – The Star

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Dowladda Norway ayaa si rasmi ah u xaqiijisay inay aqoonsatay Baasaboorka Soomaaliya isla markaasna ay hadda kadib Visaha ku bixin doonto Baasaboorka Soomaaliga halkii ay markii hore ku dhufan jirtay waraaqo. Agaaismaha laanta socdaalka iyo jinsiyadaha Soomaaliya Maxamed Aadan Koofi oo wareysi siiyey Laanta Afka Soomaaliga ee VOA ayaa arrintaan xaqiijiyey. Koofi ayaa sheegay wada hadal dheer kadib inay dowladda Norwar aqoonsatay Baasaboorka Soomaaliya isla markaasna aysan arrintaan saameyn ku yeelan doonin Soomaalida dalkaas ku nool. Taliyaha oo mar la waydiiyey tirade dowladaha aqoonsan Baasaboorka Soomaaliga ayaa sheegay inay arrintaas ku wadaan baaritaan balse wuxuu sheegay in Qaaradaha Africa iyo Aasiya guud ahaan laga aqoonsaday. Sidoo kale wuxu sheegay marka la fiiriyo qaaradda Yurub inay Baasaboorka Soomaaliya aqoonsan yihiin dowladaha Faransiiska, Talyaaniga iyo Norway oo hadda kusoo biirtay, wuxuuna xusay in hadda wada hadal lagu jiro dowladda Ingiriiska. Taliyaha ayaa dhanka kale sheegay inay ku dadaalayaan inay baasaboorka Soomaaliya ku qanciyaan dowlado ay ka mid yihiin Mareykanka iyo Canada. Koofi ayaa Sanadkii 2017 sidaan camal horey u sheegay inay dowladda Norway aqoonsatay Baasaboorka Somalia, arrintaasna waxay noqotay wax kama jiraan, lamana ogo sida uu u dhaqan geli karo hadalkaan cusub ee sanad kadib kasoo yeeray Koofi sida aad ka aragtaan sawirka hoose oo ah wareysi uu Sanadkii 2017 siiyey Radio Muqdisho Haddaba halkaan hoose ka dhageysi Wareysiga uu Koofi siiyey Idaacadda VOA https://www.caasimada.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/fbcfad1d-4dde-483e-a8f0-fb40d711cbbc_48k.mp3 Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Ethiopians and Eritreans alike are celebrating the breakneck speed of a rapprochement between Addis Ababa and Asmara, two longtime enemies. Closer ties between the two, while not necessarily a done deal, could usher in a new era of peace and prosperity for the Horn of Africa, resuming a thriving trade relationship and granting landlocked Ethiopia access to a new port. Unfortunately, nearby Djibouti—which has successfully exploited its prime territory on the Red Sea to offer both port access and military bases to foreign countries—stands to lose. At the least, this tectonic shift will reduce the revenues available to President Ismail Omar Guelleh, in power since 1999, and undermine his ironclad grip on the country. At worst, Djibouti could prove a spoiler, which would threaten prospects for regional peace as well as longstanding US strategic interests in the Horn of Africa. For decades, Djibouti was the undisputed winner of Ethiopian-Eritrean hostility and the latter’s international isolation. The New Jersey-sized country of just under one million people has unique geostrategic advantages—its coastline spans the meeting of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, a chokepoint through which significant amounts of the world’s energy supply and commerce pass every year. While ports exist in Sudan, Somaliland, and Eritrea, Djibouti’s developed facilities, political stability, and investment-friendly atmosphere have proven more attractive than anywhere else in the region. As a result, Djibouti has enjoyed a near-monopoly on moving goods to and from landlocked Ethiopia. The United States also has longstanding security interests in Djibouti, including the only permanent US military base on the continent—a vital component of US counterterrorism operations in East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. Some 4,000 US military personnel are stationed at the American base, which extends to the nearby airport used to launch both armed and reconnaissance drones that operate in Somalia and Yemen. Underscoring the country’s strategic importance to the Pentagon, US Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis visited Djibouti in April 2017, just months ahead of the opening of China’s first overseas military base there. Additionally, France, Japan, Italy, and Saudi Arabia have bases of various sizes and capabilities in Djibouti. Ethiopia and Djibouti have traditionally maintained a close political and economic relationship out of mutual necessity. When the Ethiopia-Eritrea border war broke out in 1998, Ethiopia lost access to Eritrea’s port, an existential crisis for a landlocked country. Since then, Ethiopia has overwhelmingly relied on Djiboutian ports to process its imports and exports: some 95 percent of Ethiopian imports transit through Djibouti. Djibouti, too, relies on its larger neighbor, from which it imports freshwater and electricity. Profits from Ethiopia’s use of Djiboutian ports—estimates top $1 billion annually—are a key source of Guelleh’s government revenue. But Ethiopia finds this arrangement deeply flawed, and is interested in more diverse, and better, deals for port access. The United States, as well, is deeply dissatisfied with Guelleh’s partnership. Specifically, his penchant for extracting costly rents from as many foreign militaries as possible, including allowing a Chinese military base just kilometers from the US one, has left the United States discontented. Eritrea and Djibouti have a more restive history, and unresolved tensions could flare up again. Djibouti’s western border with Eritrea has been militarized since the end of border clashes in 2008. Qatar attempted to mediate the dispute, and it even managed to facilitate a 2016 prisoner swap before withdrawing its peacekeepers from the Eritrean-Djiboutian border in protest of both countries’ decision to side with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the Gulf crisis. Djibouti’s shipping and land lease profits directly supplement Guelleh’s tight political control over the country. The Chinese will reportedly pay $20 million a year until 2025 for their base, though that figure does not include more than $1 billion in Chinese loans. The Americans pay some $70 million annually for at least another six years, and the French pay another $30-plus million yearly for their military facility. These profits contribute to what appears to be a booming economy: Djibouti’s annual GDP growth is expected to remain around 7 percent into the near future. But despite Djibouti’s ostensible riches, most of the country remains desperately poor, underdeveloped, and subject to Guelleh’s authoritarianism. Nearly a quarter of the population lives in extreme poverty, and Djibouti ranks abysmally on political rights and civil liberties. Ethiopia-Eritrea peace talks are bad news for Guelleh, who has staked his country’s growth on its role as the port of choice for economic giants like Ethiopia. Assuming normalization efforts continue, Ethiopia could soon have the option to use Eritrea’s ports, which are closer and more convenient than Djibouti. While it is unlikely that Ethiopia will cease using Djiboutian ports altogether, it will have options—and thus will be less inclined to settle for usurious port usage rates. Eritrea may even prove a welcoming partner to foreign militaries, as the country previously allowed Emirati use of its port at Assab to prosecute the war in Yemen. One constraint on Ethiopia’s turn away from Djibouti, however, is its imperative to pay back nearly $3 billion in Chinese loans for the newly opened Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway. Lastly, if foreign militaries follow Ethiopia’s lead and diversify their security partners, Guelleh will rapidly lose a key source of income, making the four-term president vulnerable to longstanding grievances about his government’s corruption and repression. Once his resources dry up, the little political support he has been able to cajole or co-opt will likely follow. In recent years, the UAE’s increasing interest in the Horn of Africa adds a new complication to Djibouti’s predicament. The UAE has acquired rights to a naval base in Eritrea, a military base and commercial port in Somaliland, and a multi-purpose port in Puntland. But relations between Djibouti and the UAE have been fraught since February 2018 when the Djiboutian government cancelled the contract of Emirati firm Dubai Ports World (DP World) to operate Djibouti’s main container shipping terminal. Early reports suggest that the UAE might have even played a role in the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The UAE’s growing partnership with Ethiopia—which recently acquired a 19 percent stake in the Berbera port alongside DP World and Somaliland—is also noteworthy evidence of regional diversification. While it is unfortunate that Guelleh perceives normalization with Eritrea as a zero-sum game, he has some reason to be nervous that Addis Ababa and Asmara are warming up to one another. The faster they normalize relations, the faster Djibouti’s strategic advantages disappear—and with them, Guelleh’s cash flow. Resolving a decades-long conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea would strengthen overall regional stability and open new doors for economic trade and prosperity. But there are very real losers in that scenario, and the opportunity to spoil the well-deserved peace should be carefully scrutinized. Source: Atlantic Council

Kismaayo (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweyne ku xigeenka Koowaad ee Jubbaland Maxamuud Sayid Aadan oo maanta shir jaraa’id ku qabtay garoonka magaalada Kismaayo ayaa sheegay sababta ay garoonka uga celiyeen wafti uu hoggaaminayo taliye cusub oo loo soo magacaabay ciidamada xerada 43-aad ee federaalka ee qaabilsan gobolada Jubbooyinka, taasi oo uu ku sheegay in aanan lagala tashanin soo magacaabista. Taliyahan cusub ayaa lagu magacaabaa General Cali Maxamed Maxamuud (Bogmadow) sida lagu daabacay bogga rasmiga ah ee dowlad goboleedka Jubbaland, Ciidamada guutada 43-aad ee fadhigeedu yahay magaalada Kismaayo waxaa hadda taliye ka ah General Ismaaciil Saxardiid. Gen. Bagmadoow oo horey uga tirsanaan jirey ciidamada xoogga dalka Soomaaliya, balse sanadihii dambe qurbaha ku maqnaa ayaa darajada jananimada loo dalacsiiyay bishii hore. Sida ku cad qoraalka ku soo baxay bogga Jubbaland, soo magacaabista taliyaha ayaanan waafaqsanayn sida uu nidaamka ahaa, waxaana la yiri “Dowladda federaalka oo iska indha tireysa heshiiska hab dhismeedka Amniga ee lagu galey 11-May-2017 magaalada London ee dalka Ingriiska , heshiiskaas qodobkiisa 20-aad ayaa qeexaya habka loo marayo soo magacaabidda taliyaha qeybta ee ciidamada ku sugan deegaanada Dowlad goboleedyada, qodobka ayaa sheegaya in Dowladda federaalku kaliya ku soo magacaabi karto taliyaha qeybta kadib markii ay latashi kala sameyso madaxweyna Dowlad goboleedka deegaankaas iskuna waafaqaan qofka lasoo magacaabayo”. Qoraalka ayaa waxaa intaas lagu sii daray “Dowladda federaalku maysan wax talo ah ka weydiinin Madaxweynaha Dowlad Goboleedka Jubbaland mudane Axmed Maxamed Islaam magacaabida taliyaha cusub ee qeybta 43aad ee XDS ee ku sugan Kismaayo , taas oo ugu danbeyn buuq keentey sababteyna in saaka diyaaraduu xamar kaga yimid lagu celiyo taliyihii loo soo magacaabey qeybga 43-aad ee XDS Gen. Cali Bogamdow”. Ma jirto wax war ah oo kasoo baxay dhanka dowladda federaalka, balse arrintan ayaa imanaysa xilli la isu diyaarinayo shirka arrimaha amniga looga hadlayo ee dhawaanta ka furmayo magaalada Brussels. Waxaa shirkaas ku wada casuuman madaxda federaalka iyo kuwa dowlad goboleedyada oo uu ka mid yahay madaxweynaha Jubbaland Axmed Maxamed Islaam (Madoobe). Caasimada Online Xafiiska Kismaayo Caasimada@live.com

Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Hoggaamiyihii hore ee maamulka Khaatuma Cali Khaliif Galeyr, ayaa markii ugu horeysay ka hadlay dagaalka dhiiga badan ku daatay ee ka dhacay deegaanka Tukaraq ee Gobolka Sool. Cali Khaliif oo ka hadlayay xiisadaha colaadeed iyo dagaallada ku soo noq noqday deegaano ka tirsan gobolka Sool ayaa sheegay in dagaalka uu sababay hoos u dhac ku imaada tirada shacabka ku nool Tukaraq. Cali Khaliif, ayaa sheegay in dagaalka Tukaraq ay ku dhinteen tirro aad u farabadan waxa uuna cadeeyay in hoos u dhaca tirada shacabka ay noqoneyso musiibo kusii kordheysa Gobolka. Waxa uu xusay in wax laga xumaado ay tahay in gobolka Sool, gaar ahaan deegaanka Tukaraq ay weli isku hor fadhiyaan ciidamo kala taabacsan maamullada Soomaaliland iyo Puntland. “Way ii dhimantahay dagaal kan lamid ah oo ka dhaca gobolka Sool, maalin aan shacab ku dhiman dagaalka iyo is rasaaseynta ma jirto waa musiibo nagu habsatay” “Muddo intaa ka badan waxa ay dadka deegaanka ku khasbanaan doonaan inay iska dulqaadan labada ciidan ee dheef doonka ah, waayo dhiiga daadanaayo waa kooda” Sidoo kale, waxa uu tilmaamay in loo baahan yahay in wax weliba lagu dhameeyo wadahadal iyo deganaan. Haddalka Cali Khaliif ayaa u muuqanaaya mid lagu dalbanaayo xal degdeg ah oo laga gaaro dagaalka, waxaana aad u adag in si sahlan uu ku hakado dagaalka. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Garoowe Caasimada@live.com