Ugu yaraan 35 qof ayaa la xaqiijiyay in ay ku dhinteen 43 kalana ay dhaawacmeen, kaddib markii nin 62 jir ah uu baabuur uu watay jiirsiiyay dad badan oo hor dhoobnaa goob lagu dheelo ciyaaraha kala duwan oo ku taalla magaalada Zhuhai ee koofurta Shiinaha. Booliska ayaa sheegay in ninkani oo ay magaciisa kusoo koobeen Van uu si xowli ah ku soo galay goob ay dad badan ku jimicsanayeen. Boolisku waxay sheegeen in ninkani la qabtay ka hor inta uusan goobta ka baxsan. Waxay kaloo sheegeen in eedeysanaha uu hadda koomo ku jiro laguna daweynayo isbitaalka, kaddib marki ay dhaawacyo kasoo gaareen qoorta iyo qeybo kale oo ka mid ah jirkiisa. Baaritaan horudhac ah ayaa muujiyay in ninka weerarka geystay uu ka xumaa qeybta kasoo gaartay hanti uu lahaa oo loo kala qeybiyay isaga iyo xaas uu furay. Source: goobjoog.com

Shacabka Somaliland ayaa saaka u dareeray doorashadii madaxtooyada iyo ururada oo ay ku dooranayaan madaxweynaha shanta sanno ee soo socota iyo saddexda xisbi ee Somaliland yeelanayso. Doorashada Madaxtooyada waxaa ku tartamaya saddex musharrax oo kala ah; madaxweynaha xilka haya Muuse Biixi Cabdi, musharrax xisbiga mucaaridka ah ee Waddani Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Cabdillaahi (Cirro) iyo musharrax xisbiga mucaaridka ah ee UCID Faysal Cali Waraabe. Madaxweyne Biixi oo kulmiye iyo Musharraxa xisbiga Waddani ee Cabdiraxmaan Cirro ayaa loolanka ugu adag dhexmarayaa; iyada oo Guddoomiye Faysal Cali Waraabe oo markii afraad tartamaya ay markaan dadku su’aal gelinayaan soo-bixista xisbigiisa UCID, maadaama uu wajahayo tartanka todoba urur oo xisbiyo doonaya. Madaxweynaha mar kale sharraxan ee Muuse Biixi oo la weydiiyay su’aal ku saabsan in uu natiijada aqbalayo haddii doorashada lagaga guulaysto ayaa yiri”Go’aanka uu soo saaro Komishanku waan ku gawracannahay.” PUNTLAND POST The post Shacabka Somaliland oo saaka u dareeray doorashada madaxtooyada iyo tan ururrada appeared first on Puntland Post.

Hargeisa (HOL) — Over one million voters in the self-declared Somaliland region headed to the polls early Wednesday for for presidential and parliamentary elections, drawing attention from local and international stakeholders. Source: Hiiraan Online

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Wararka naga soo gaaraya Somaliland ayaa sheegaya in saaka dadweynaha ku dhaqan deegaannada maamulkaasi ay u dareereen goobaha cod-bixinta doorashada ee maamulkaasi, taas oo ah mid xasaasi ah oo loolan adag loogu jiro. Sawirro laga soo qaaday Hargeysa iyo deegaannada kale ee Somaliland ayaa la arkayaa shacab fara badan oo safaf dhaadheer ugu jiro inay codkooda dhiibtaan, si ay usoo doortaan madaxweynaha ee cusub ee Somaliland. Doorashadan ayaa waxaa ku tartamaya saddexda Xisbi ee kal ah Kulmiye, Wadani iyo UCID, waxaana u kala sharraxan Muuse Biixi, Cabdiraxaam Cirro iyo Faysal Cali Waraabe. Madaxweynaha hadda talada haya Muuse Biixi Cabdi oo goordhoweyd dhiibtay codkiisa ayaa ballan qaaday inuu aqbali natiijada doorashada, haddii xittaa looga guuleysto. Dhankiisa musharraxa Xisbiga Waddani, Cabdiraxmaan Cirro oo aad ula loolamayo Muuse Biixi ayaa ku baaqay in la aqbalo natiijada doorashada, isaga oo rajo wanaagsan ka muujiyay inuu isaga ku guuleysan doono xilka madaxweynaha ee maamulka Somalilad. Faysal Cali Waraabe oo isna hoggaamiyo xisbiga UCID ayaa shalay khudbaddii ugu dambeysay jeediyay, wuxuuna isna muujiyay ifafaalo ah inuu noqonayo madaxweynaha cusub, laakiin wax kasta waxay ku xiran yihiin natiijada iyo cidda ay doortaan shacabka. Dhinaca kale ammaanka ayaa aad loo adkeeyay, waxaana gebi ahaan bandow lagu soo rogay magaalooyinka waa weyn oo lagu soo daadiyay ciidan sugaya amniga doorashada. Somaliland waa maamulka kaliya ee qabta doorasho qof iyo cod ah, isla markaana shacabka ay soo doortaan hoggaankooda, taas oo aad loogu boggaadiyo Somaliland. The post SHACABKA Somaliland oo u dareeray goobaha cod-bixinta + Sawirro appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Kenya is confident the negotiations on the Strategic Trade and Investment Partnership (STIP) will continue to fruition despite change of leadership at the White House following the just concluded US elections. Source: Hiiraan Online

Kenya Airways, the East African nation’s airline, recently launched an initiative focused on turning plastic waste into diesel as a means of generating cheaper fuel while addressing pollution. VOA’s Victoria Amunga has more from Nairobi. Source: Hiiraan Online

Minister of Foreign Affairs and Immigration Badr Abdel Aty, and his Somalian counterpart Ahmed Moalem Feki discussed Monday the progress rate of the implementation of the outcomes of the bilateral summit as well as the trilateral one with Eriteria, which were both held on October 10 in Asmara. Source: Hiiraan Online

Abdi Yusuf Hassan and Mohamed Tahlil Mohamed were "key players" in pirates' abduction of Michael Scott Moore, who was held hostage for more than two years, officials said. Source: Hiiraan Online

An agreement between Germany and Somalia announced last week is receiving mixed responses. Similar deals to send migrants back have proved difficult and ineffective, says a researcher. Source: Hiiraan Online

Dadweynaha soomaaliland ayaa safaf dheer dheer ugu jira codbixinta doorashada maanta ka dhacaysa deegaanada maamulkaas, taas oo ay ku dooranayaan hoggaamiyaha 5-ta sanoo soo socata caynaanka u hayn doona. Dad aad u tira badan ayaa tuban goobaha codbixinta loo asteeyay ee ku yaalla magaalooyinka waaweyn ee Soomaaliland, waxayna bulshadu kala dooranayaan seddax siyaasi oo 7 sano ka hor ay midkood u codeeyeen. Hoggaamiyaha hadda talada haya ayaa mar kale u xusul-duubaya sidii dib loogu dooran lahaa, asagoo sheegay inuu Soomaaliland ka dhigi doono mid aan horay loo arag, loona maqal oo aad u hormarsan. Sidoo kale Cabdiraxmaan cirro iyo Faysal Cali Waraabe oo ka kala socda Xisbiyada waddani iyo ucud ayaa ballan-qaaday inay waxqabad wax ku ool ah samayn doonaan haddii hoggaaminta lagu aamino. Doorashadan oo ay dowladda Soomaaliya bogaadisay ayaa tii 2017-kii kaga duwan in deegaanada Khaatumo aanay haatan xisaabta ku jirin, lagana codayn doonin. Source: goobjoog.com

Jawiga siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya ayaa muddo dheer ahaa mid jaahwareersan oo cakiran. Saddex xilli ayaa la dhihi karaa waxay ahaayeen kuwii ugu muhimsanaa ee dalka soo mara kadib qaran jabkii dhacay 1991. 1- Soomaaliya oo ka maqneyd fagaarayaasha dowladnimada ee caalamka muddo 10 sanno ah, ayaa la isugu keenay shirkii Carta ee laga ilaaliyey kooxaha hubeysan iyo kuwa awoodda leh, waxaana Carta lagu soo dhisey Dowladdii u horreysey taas oo gudaha dalka ka shaqeyn weydey. 2- Xilliga labaad ee muhimka ah ayaa ahaa dhismihii Dowaldda Federaalka ee hadda taas oo awoodda wax laga siiyey hoggaamiye kooxeedyadii hubeysanaa, kuwaas oo aqoonyarida ka haysa dowladnimada iyo xaaranta ay ku naaxeen u geeysey in ay ka horyimaadaan dowladdii ay ka tirsanaayeen oo ay wasiirada ka ahaayeen, waxaa hoggaamiyaashaas afka ciida u daray Maxaakiimtii Islaamiga ahayd sannadkii 2006, waxaana ay ku kalifeen in ay Baydhabo iska dhiibaan oo ay u tagaan Dowladdii ay mucaaradka ku ahaayeen iyaga oo wasiiro ah. Dowalddii u Madaxweynaha ka ahaa Cabdullaahi Yusuf (aun) waxay awood u isticmaashey maxaakiimtii waxayna dowaldnimada geysey ilaa Villa Somalia, kadib markii uu arkey Madaxeyne Yusuf inuusan sii wadi karin shaqada iyo caqabadaha jira waxa uu si iskiis ah u banneeyey xafiiska waxaana uu is-casiley dhamaadkii 2008. 3- Xilliga saddexaad ayaa ahaa 2011 iyo heshiiskii “Kampala Accord” ee horseedey in muddo sannad ah lagu dhamaystiro dastuurkii qabyada ahaa, dalkana kumeel-gaar looga saaro, in doorashooyinka dalka gudihiisa lagu qabto waxaa si weyn uga faa’ideystey kooxihii qunyar socodka islaamiyiinta ahaa oo horey ugu mashquulsanaa waxbarashada. Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud oo aan laga aqoon fagaarayaasha siyaasadda ayaa sameystey Xisbi uu ugu magacdaray Nabadda iyo Horumarka (PDP), waxaana dhaq-dhaqaqiisi ololaha doorashada si weyn uga dhex muuqan jirey Xamza Cabdi Barre oo waagaas loogu yeeri jirey Xamza Cabdi Aar. Doorashadii Xassan Sheekh Maxamuud ee hore 2012, Xamza Cabdi Barre wax fursad xil uu ku qaban karo kama helin, si lamid ah kaadiriintii Xisbiga iyo bahda waxbarashada ay ka soo wadajeedeen ee Xisbiga PDP ka tirsaneyd, waxayna taasi ku noqotey Xamza filan waa in Xasan Sheekh albaabada ka xirto, taasi waxay keentey in uu u wareego dhanka Jubaland oo uu ka soo jeeday, mar danbe waxa uu xil la-taliye ka helay Wasaaradda caddaaladda iyo dastuurka ka hor inta aan Madaxweynaha Jubaland Axmed Madoobe ugu yeerin in uu noqdo Guddoomyaha Guddiga Doorashooyinka ee Jubaland oo xilligaas si weyn la isugu khilaafsanaa. Xamza waxa uu hoggaamiyey guddigii keenay in dib loo doorto Axmed Madoobe 2019 oo Dowladdii Farmaajo aad uga soo horjeedey waxaana uu la yimid hab cusub oo odoyaasha dhaqanka xujo ku noqotey, “Saddex Xildhibaan ii keen, midkii aan rabno annaga ayaa la baxayna”. Bilowgii waayaha siyaasaddeed ee Xamza Cabdi Xamza Cabdi Barre sida aan sheegney ma ahayn qof laga yaqaan saaxadda siyaasadda Soomaaliya marka laga reebo in uu kamid ahaa ololihii doorashada ee xisbigii PDP kadib markii dib loo raacey taariikhdiisa. Madaxweynaha Jubaland Axmed Madoobe oo ogsoon dedaalkii Xamza Cabdi ee dib-u-doorashadiisi 2019 ayaa siiyey Xildhibaanka jifidiisa hoose Golaha Shacabka Baarlamaanka Jamhuuriyadda 2022-2026, ka mid noqoshadiisa Golaha Shacabka ma muuqan jihada siyaasadeed ee Xamza inkasta oo la ogaa in uu ka soo baxay madarisada Damul-jadiid. Mudane Xamza Cabdi Barre, ololihii dib-u-doorashada Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud 2022 ma ahayn xubin fir-fircoon oo ka dhex-muuqata, kama mid noqon kaadiriinta Xisbigii UPD ee beddalay PDP, sidoo kale kama mid ahayn xildhibaanada bareerahooda bannaanka keenay ee garbaha ka taagnaa Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud. Kadib guushii Xassan Sheekh ee May 2022 oo meesha laga saarey Madaxweyne ka soo jeeda beesha Daarood, waxaa la isku raacsanaa in Dowladda lagu qaybsadey 4.5, Ra’iisul Wasaaraha waxaa la hubey in uu ka imaanayo Beesha Daarood, waxaana looga fadhiyey qofka xilkaas qaadanaya in uu saamigiisa ka qayb-qaadashada geedi socodka dowladnimadaa la yimaado oo ay dowladda wax ka dhisaan oo garbaha ka istaagaan, si kale haddaan u dhigno in uu helo taageerada beesha Darood. 15 June 2022 waxaa Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh oo uu garabkiisa taagan yahay Xamza Cabdi Barre u magacaabey ra’iisul wasaare, waxay ahayd markii u horeysey ee Ra’isul Wasaare ka soo jeeda beesha Absame ee ka tirsan beelaha Daaroodka la magacaabo tan iyo markii Dowladda Soomaaliya dib loogu dhisay magaalada Carta sanadkii 2000, waxaana uu noqdey Raysalwasaarihii 11aad ee Dowladda Federaalka. Xamza Cabdi Barre ma ahayn nin meel dheer laga keenay, waxa uu ka mid ahaa dadka aadka ugu dhaw Madaxwaynaha xilka u magacaabey, marka laga yimaado khibrad yaridiisa dowladnimo iyo fikirka uu ka haystey ee ahayd in uu siyaasadda ugu jiro “Cibaadeysi” uu Jannada ku gelaayo, sida isagu sheegay waxa loo keensadey xafiiska waxay ahayd “sabab” taas oo ahayd in hoos loo dhigo awoodda dastuuriga ah ee Ra’iisul Wasaaraha oo uu noqdo maqaar-saar. Xamza waxa uu noqdey Raysal Wasaarihii saxiixey in xilka uu hayo meesha ka baxo, awooda dalka oo dhan uu yeesho Madaxweynuhu. Dowladnimadu waa aragtiyo is-diidan in la is-fahamsiiyo oo lagu wada shaqeyn karo. Aragti kala duwan miiska la soo saari karo, haddii gurigaaga inta qof ee kugula nooleyd oo sheekada wadaagteen aad dowladnimada ku soo koobto waxaa lumaya tiir weyn oo Dowladnimada ah, Madaxweynaha la doortey Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud wuxuu doorbidey in aragti kale oo ka duwan tiisa aysan miiska siyaasadda imaan, waxaana uu noqdey qof meel kasta oo shaqada dowladda ah ka muuqda lana wareegay shaqooyin badan oo golaha xukuumaddu iska lahayd. Shaqooyinka ugu muhimsan ee xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha waxaa ka mid ah hagidda iyo isku-dubaridka shaqooyinka dowladnimada, isku haynta dalka midnimadiisa, kobcinta dhaqaalaha iyo jiheynta arrimaha siyaasadda, mudadii uu xilka hayey Ra’iisul wasaare Xamza Cabdi Barre dowladiisu waxay ku faantaa in ay gaartey guulo la taaban karo, sidoo kale waxaa taas barbar socdey in ay ku fashilantey wax badan oo muhimad u lahaa dowladnimada koreysa ee dalka. Dowladda uu Raysalwasaaraha ka yahay Mudane Xamza Barre ayaa noqotey midii ugu musuqa badneyd ee abid dalka soo marta, taas oo aan dhaca hantida dowladda laga xishoon marka la eego ku tumshada sharciga, iibsiga dhulka dowladda Soomaaliyeed leedahay, bixinta qandaraasyada, iyo sida loo boobayo hantida dowladda. Muddadii uu xafiiska joogey waxaa maamulkiisu uu ku calaamadeysan yahay in dastuurkii lagu heshiiyey oo la isla oggolaa la beddeley, iyada oo nidaamkii awood qaybsiga meesha laga saarey oo laga dhigay Madaxtooyo sida in dalku yeesho Madaxweyne iyo Ra’iisul wasaare awood lahayn oo Madaxweynuhu cayrin karo markuu doono, waxaa laga guuray nidaamkii Baaralmaaniga ahaa ee heshiiska lagu ahaa, iyada oo aan la isla oggoleyn. Marka laga yimaado guulaha siyaasadeed sida deyn cafinta, qaadista cunno-qabateynta hubka iyo xubin ka noqoshada Bulshada Bariga Afrika, Ra’iisul wasaare Xamza Cabdi Barre waxa uu miiska siyaasadda ku soo celin waayey Puntland oo uu siyaasadda ku metelo marka la tixraaco nidaamka hab-qeybsiga beelaha, Puntland waxay ka hor timid sida Madaxweyne Xassan Sheekh dalka ku hoggaaminaayo, Xamza waxa uu hormuud ka noqday in Puntland laga joojiyo mashaariicdii hormarineed ee beesha caalamku Soomaaliya ugu deeqday oo la siyaasadeeyay, Mudane Xamza Cabdi marna xiriir wanaagsan lama yeelan Dowlad goboleedyada dalka ka jira. Booqashadii uu ku tegay Baydhabo waxay ahayd mid gadaal ka timid, bishii September 2024 kadib markii Madaxweynaha Dowlad Goboleedka Koonfur Galbeed Mudane Cabdicasiis Laftagareen diidey in uu ka soo qayb-galo shirkii Golaha Wadatashiga Qaranka, Ra’iisul wasaare Xamza waxa uu kala soo noqdey Baydhabo gacmo madhan, taas oo muujisey inta ay gaarsiisan tahay awoodiisa siyaasadeed ee dalka. Ugu danbeyn Ra’iisul Wasaare Xamza Cabdi wuxuu lumiyey taageeradii dowladd goboleedka Jubaland ee uu ka soo jeedo oo ahayd halkii uu dowladda ka soo galay isaga oo xildhibaan ah, waxaa ka hor yimid Xildhibaanadii ugu badnaa ee ka soo jeeda beeshiisa. Dadka fallanqeeya arrimahan ayaa sheegaya in Ra’iisul wasaare Xamza uu waayey kalsoonida beesha uu ka soo jeedo oo uu habqaybsiga siyaasada ku metalaayey kuna qancin kari waayey taageerada dowladda. Mudane Xamza wax taageero ah waa u soo jiidi waayey Xukuumadda uu hoggaamiyo, waxaana ay ku soo ururtay Muqdisho oo keliya. Kala qaybsanaanta dalku waxay gaartey heerkii ugu xumaa marka loo bar-bar-dhigo dowladdii tan ka horreysey oo arrimaha la isku hayo iyo kuwa la isla-oggol yahay ay badnaayeen inta la isla-oggol yahay, maadaama asaaskii heshiiska nidaamka federaalka hadda la isku khilaafsan yahay oo dastuurkii laga beddalay qodobo asaas u ahaa nidaamka federaalka iyo wax qaybisaga, taas oo sharciga baal marsan. Xamza ma is-casili doonaa? Mar haddii siyaasadda Soomaaliya ay noqotay mid mugdi sii galaysa, Ra’iisul Wasaare Xamza Cabdi Barre waxa uu wajahayaa su’aalo badan oo jira: “Ma samatabixin karaa mustaqbalkiisa siyaasadeed?, mise maalmihiisi xafiiska ayaa la tirinayaa? Xaqiiqdu waxay tahay in rayslawasaare Xamza caawa dareemaayo in uu fadhiyo goob cidlo ah hareerihiisa ay ku soo hareen Xildhibaano aad u yar. In uu ku guul daraystay inuu mideeyo dalka, taageero la’aanta ka haysata gurigii uu ka soo jeeday ee muhiimka u ahaa. Dad badan ayaa u arka in waqtigiisi uu ahaa fursad dalka laga dhumiyay – taasoo ah mid uu ra’iisul wasaaruhu ku guul-darreystay inuu ka soo baxo caqabadaha hortaagan Soomaaliya oo ku jirta marxalad xasaasi ah. Hadda waxa si weyn loo hadal hayaa in Ra’iisul wasaare Xamza la kulmaayo cadaadis isa soo taraya oo lagu doonaayo in uu xilka ka dago ka hor inta aan xilka laga qaadin. Dhaq-dhaqaaqyada siyaasadeed ee gudaha iyo loolanka ka dhex jira dowladda federaalka ayaa si cad u muujinaya in hoggaankiisa ay hareeysay awoodda xad-dhaafka ah ee madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh oo isku koobay waxkasta. Inuu Xamza iskiis isu casilo waxaa la aaminsan yahay in uu diidan yahay Madaxwayne Xasan Sheekh oo u arka in dhiiqada isaga looga baxaayo, mana oggolaan karo karo qofkii aad magacawday sidaas hakuu galo. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal arrin ayaa iska cad: haddii uusan helin dariiq uu ku maareeyo siyaasadda murugsan ee dowladnimada Soomaaliya, waxaa laga yaabaa in uu xilka hayo maalmo kooban. Ugu dambeyntii, mustaqbalka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya wuxuu ku xirnaan karaa jiil cusub oo hoggaamiyeyaal ah oo ka gudbi kara kala qeybsanaanta qabiilka, mideyn kara nidaamka siyaasadeed ee dalka ee burburay, soona celin kara xasilloonida. Xamza Cabdi Barre in uu mustaqbalkan door ka ciyaari karo, iyo in uu taariikhda ku dhex milmi doono oo uu yahay hoggaamiye kale oo ku guul-darraystay wixii laga filayey, waa mid taariikhdu xusi doonto. Mohamed Osman AFEEF: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada admin@caasimada.net Mahadsanid. The post Ma la gaaray xilligii uu R/W XAMZA is-casili lahaa? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Goobtani waa kaalinta ina Afdiinle ee bariga Hargeysa oo ay dadkii u taaganyihiin in ay codeeyaan. Waana ay bilaabmatay si fiicana way u socota Qaran News

Kismaayo (Caasimada Online) – Qaar ka mid ah mucaaradka Jubaland ayaa ku hanjabay in ay qaban doonaan doorasho hal dhinac ah, kaddib markii ay ka hor yimaadeen guddiga doorashada Jubbaland. Mucaaradka ayaa ku gacan sayray magacaabista madaxweynaha Jubaland Axmed Madoobe uu Sabtidii ku magacaabay guddiga madaxa banaan ee xuduudaha iyo doorashooyinka (IBEC) oo ka kooban 7 xubnood. Waxay su’aal galiyeen kalsoonida uu guddigan ku maamuli karo doorashada madaxweynaha iyo tan baarlamaanka ee lagu wado inay dhacdo dabayaaqada 2024-ka. Axmed Madoobe ayaa sheegay inuu kala tashaday madaxweyne ku xigeenada Jubaland magacaabista guddigan oo ka kooban 7 xubnood. Cabdullaahi Cali oo ah musharax u taagan xilka madaxtinimo ee Jubbaland, horeyna qaxooti uga soo noqday dalka Kenya ayaa sheegay in madaxweynaha uusan awood u laheyn inuu soo magacaabo mas’uuliyiinta guddiga doorashada.. “Habka lagu soo xulayo guddigan doorashada gabi ahaanba waa hal dhinac, iyadoo aan la tixgalin baahida loo qabo wada tashi ballaaran iyo daah-furnaan, mucaaradku waa inay xaq u leeyihiin inay soo magacaabaan in ka badan 50 boqolkiiba xubnaha guddiga doorashada si loo helo matalaad isku dheeli tiran,” ayuu yiri Cabdullaahi Cali. Waxa uu sheegay in habka uu u dhaqmayo Madoobe ay meesha ka saartay kalsoonidii lagu qabay hannaankan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, baarlamaanka Jubaland ayaa meel mariyay guddigan la magacaabay, kuwaas oo shalay iska dhex doortay guddoo hoggaamiya. Isha: HOL The post Mucaaradka Jubaland oo ku dhowaaqay tallaabo xasaasi ah oo ay qaadayaan (Warbixin) appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Zhuhai (Caasimada Online) – Ugu yaraan 35 qof ayaa la xaqiijiyay in ay ku dhinteen 43 kalana ay dhaawacmeen, kaddib marki nin 62 jir ah uu baabuur uu watay jiirsiiyay dad badan oo hor dhoobnaa goob lagu dheelo ciyaaraha kala duwan oo ku taalla magaalada Zhuhai ee koofurta Shiinaha. Booliska ayaa sheegay in ninkani oo ay magaciisa kusoo koobeen Van uu si xowli ah ku soo galay goob ay dad badan ku jimicsanayeen. Boolisku waxay sheegeen in ninkani la qabtay ka hor inta uusan goobta ka baxsan. Waxay kaloo sheegeen in eedeysanaha uu hadda koomo ku jiro laguna daweynayo isbitaalka, kaddib marki ay dhaawacyo kasoo gaareen qoorta iyo qeybo kale oo ka mid ah jirkiisa. Baaritaan horudhac ah ayaa muujiyay in ninka weerarka geystay uu ka xumaa qeybta kasoo gaartay hanti uu lahaa oo loo kala qeybiyay isaga iyo xaas uu furay. Dhacdadan ayaa dhacday habeenki Isniinta, balse warbaahinta caalamiga ah ayaa heshay gelinki danbe ee Talaadadi shalay. Inta badan wararka iyo dhacdooyinka waaweyn ee ka dhaca Shiinaha ayaa waxaa jasuureeya oo faafreebta dowladda. Isha: VOA The post Nin ka careysan furriinka xaaskiisa oo dilay 35 QOF appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Insight about the Nov 13 elections 81% Turn out 24 Region Ciro best  Ciro % Muse 24 % Muse Ciro increment Registeration Voters 2024  Maroodi-jeex 174443 40% 240332 56% 50% 497734 433029  Togdheer 137649 71% 65343 34% 90% 236279 193749 Burco 102039 68% 55058 37% 90% 183354 150350 Oodweyne 32456 102% 2453 8% 100% 38873 31876 Buuhoodle 4570 40% 6462 56% 50% 14052 11523  Awdal 103881 72% 52794 37% 90% 181801 143623 Borama 86615 79% 37555 34% 90% 138458 109382 Saylac 10875 54% 9292 46% 50% 25680 20287 Lughaya 5849 42% 7438 53% 50% 17663 13954 Baki 2510 0% -3593 0% 90%  Sanaag 66352 79% 24371 29% 90% 119648 83754 Cerigabo 46413 93% 11191 22% 90% 71562 50093 Ceel-Afweyn 10842 73% 4572 31% 50% 21224 14857 Gar-Adag 7165 62% 5548 48% 50% 16547 11583 Badhan 3491 68% 1279 25% 90% 7386 5170 Dhahar 0 0% 0 0% 50% 2929 2050 Taleex -269 0% -2426 0% 90%  Sahil 30263 41% 48498 65% 50% 92620 74096  Sool 16883 52% 20318 62% 50% 50105 32568 Total 537177 56% 448196 47% 50% 1178187 960818 993K Voters 2024 56% Ciro vote 10% Wining vote 148% % Ciro must add 17 Region Ciro best case  Muse 2024 worst % Muse 24 % Ciro 24 % Muse % Abdirahman Voters 2024 Maroodi-jeex 174443 240332 56% 40% 60.0% 29.1% 433029 Togdheer 137649 65343 34% 71% 47.7% 49.2% 193749 Awdal 103881 52794 37% 72% 47.2% 50.3% 143623 Sanaag 66352 24371 29% 79% 46.8% 49.8% 83754 Sool 40040 36020 56% 62% 53.8% 43.3% 64328 Sahil 30263 48498 65% 41% 64.2% 33.8% 74096 Total 560621 463156 47% 56% 54.1% 40.0% 992578 523K Increment 261K Ciro new voters Must win districts for Ciro 0K 50K 100K 150K Must win district District Burco Borama Cerigabo Oodweyne Caynabo Saylac Bali-Gubadle Salahley Sheekh Lughaya 150K 109K 50K 32K 23K 20K 18K 15K 14K 14K Wining vote distributed across districts for ciro -50% 0% 50% 100% % 24 Wining vote District Oodweyne Cerigabo Xudun Borama Badhan Ceel-Afweyn Burco Taleex Salahley Gar-Adag Saylac Sheekh Bali-Gubadle Hargeisa Lughaya Caynabo Buuhoodle Berbera Gabiley 94% 70% 56% 45% 43% 42% 31% 28% 22% 14% 8% 3% -2% -6% -11% -12% -16% -33% -63% 41% Muse must lose Ciro must minimize the loss of the districts 0K 50K 100K 150K 200K 250K 300K District Must minimize ciro Hargeisa Gabiley Ceel-Afweyn Gar-Adag 322K 77K 15K 12K 226K Abdirahman 335K Ciro added 17 261K Ciro grab new voters Qaran News

Bye Bye Bihi: the cost of repression, corruption, nepotism and Clan Divisions By Mohamed Harun Somaliland stands on the precipice of a pivotal moment in its history. Tomorrow, this unrecognized state will hold a long-awaited presidential election that could radically alter its political and social fabric. With the fate of its 4.5 million citizens at a crossroads, the stakes could not be higher; and choices could not be clearer. The main candidates are the incumbent Muse Bihi Abdi of the Kulmiye party, seeking a second term, and Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi of the Waddani party, a former House of Representatives speaker. In this article, I argue that Bihi will lose the tomorrow election, primarily because his tenure was characterized by divisive clannism, repression, corruption, and needless bloody conflicts. In other words, a new term under Bihi would simply mean a continuation of the same disasters of the past seven years. This article will assess the key challenges that shaped his leadership, as well as the consequences of Bihi’s unlikely return to power, based on his track record. One of his most significant blunders was his unconstitutional decision to cancel the 2022 presidential elections, leading to violent protests and a severe government crackdown. On that day, plainclothes armed forces, reportedly following orders from the President’s office, opened fire on unarmed young protesters, leaving many killed or wounded. Efforts to initiate a parliamentary investigation into the incident were deliberately obstructed by the administration. As a result, no one has been held accountable, and those involved remain at large, with some even receiving promotions. This practice led to further conflict and gave rise to the “Oofwareen” militia—a group formed by members of the Garhajis subclan of the Isaq. In response, President Musa attempted to address this issue using military force, disregarding calls for calm and peaceful solutions. On August 11, 2023—exactly a year after his forces had killed civilian demonstrators—he deployed heavily armed troops to confront the Oofwareen militia. The encounter resulted in up to ten soldiers losing their lives. This crisis, like many others during his tenure, was eventually resolved by clan elders—a committee of clan leaders from the East Burco Clan subclan of Isaq, in cooperation with the Garhajis Committee. Although he initially supported their efforts, Bihi later withdrew; and even today, during election rallies, he publicly criticizes the committee of elders and those involved in the peace process. Bihi has shown a pattern of initiating crises but limited or no interest in resolving them. However, this was not the only instance of violence during his time in office. Another major issue was his handling of the Las’anod conflict in Sool. Disregarding the comprehensive peace agreement established by former President Silanyo with the late Prof. Ali Khalif, then leader of Khatumo, Bihi escalated a localized dispute into a broader conflict. Despite repeated calls from both domestic and international entities urging peace, he remained unwilling to engage in negotiations. Consequently, Las’anod slipped from control, with the military suffering significant losses in both personnel and resources. This conflict has impacted Somaliland’s economy and political stability, raising concerns that similar unrest could occur in other regions if this approach to governance persists. Bihi’s treatment of certain clans has also contributed to societal divisions. For example, his remarks about the Garhajis clan, referring to them as “the enemy within”, without providing evidence, have led to distrust and division. The Garhajis clan perceives Bihi’s approach as a significant threat to them. In the event of his reelection, despite all his blunders, clans like Garhajis and Awdal Clan may reassess their relationship with Somaliland altogether. In Somaliland’s western regions, the Awdal Clan clan has expressed concerns primarily related to power-sharing. Over the past seven years, Bihi’s administration has not addressed these issues, leading to a sense of exclusion among Awdal Clan communities. Despite efforts to negotiate with Bihi, there have been no significant outcomes. Instead, he has taken extreme actions, such as exiling key clan leaders and imprisoning a prominent parliamentary representative from Awdal without legal proceedings. There is concern that, without leadership change, Awdal may experience unrest similar to that seen in Sool. If these tensions remain unresolved, Somaliland could face further internal conflict and fragmentation, to which Bihi can only make it worse. Internationally, President Bihi’s foreign policy decisions have contributed to Somaliland’s continued isolation. His tensions with neighboring Djibouti have strained diplomatic relations, and his proposal to host an Ethiopian Red Sea naval base—amid the Ethiopian-Egyptian rivalry—compromised Somaliland’s neutrality without yielding clear benefits. Furthermore, Bihi’s alignment with Taiwan over China, despite claims of neutrality, has raised concerns among diplomatic experts who view this move as a potential misstep with serious implications for Somaliland’s international standing. Bihi’s actions extend beyond foreign policy, conflict initiation, and the suppression of protests. He seems to misunderstand the egalitarian nature of Somali society, which emphasizes shared leadership and consensus-based decision-making. This cultural ethos generally does not support dictatorial or hierarchical rule, which contrasts with the traditional Somali way of life. By attempting to exert unilateral control, Bihi has distanced himself from this cultural norm, leading to significant consequences for Somaliland. Evidence of Bihi’s unprecedented authoritative governance is evident in his government appointments, particularly with the elevation of his son to a high-ranking position within the intelligence and security services. His son, leading what is locally referred to as “Sirdonka leexsan,” or “the alternative intelligence,” functions outside established legal frameworks, employing covert methods to suppress dissent. This unit is known for its nighttime operations against opposition figures, often skirting the edges of legality. Accounts of such activities, especially in Hargeisa, have become widely discussed among residents, alongside growing resentment regarding perceived nepotism. Contracts for significant government projects—such as military supplies and fuel logistics through the Port of Berbera—have been awarded to immediate family members without proper procedural adherence. These practices raise concerns about potential corruption and further consolidation of power if Bihi continues in office. As the election approaches, influential figures across Somaliland have expressed strong opposition to Bihi. In cities like Buro, Berbera, El Af-Weyn, Hargeisa, and Borama, clan elders, business leaders, and political figures from all clans have called for change. Even the incumbent Vice President Abdirahman Saylici has publicly urged Somalilanders not to reelect Bihi, and accused him of serious constitutional violations and naked favouritism. In a similar vane, artists, poets, and singers have produced unprecedented volumes of work criticizing Bihi’s administration, calling for change. In contrast, opposition candidate Irro has proposed revisiting Somaliland’s constitution as part of his reform agenda. This includes addressing issues like power-sharing, resource allocation, and the roles of the police and president—matters that have been under discussion since the era of President Egal. If Somaliland is to address its long-standing, multidimensional challenges, opposition-driven reforms are widely seen as the only viable path forward. All in all, it appears that a significant majority of Somalilanders have already made up their minds and are prepared to vote for change. If this election results a decisive victory, Musa Bihi is likely to concede. However, if the outcome is close, as it was in 2005, he may seize the opportunity to delay and cling to power. Such a scenario has many worries. Given Somaliland’s fragile judicial system, the only feasible internal mechanism would be the intervention of clan elders, yet Bihi is on poor terms with most of them, which may undermine their role. In that case, intervention from external actors, particularly Western donors based in Nairobi, may be necessary. Through a combination of diplomatic pressure and incentives, these actors might be able to break a potential deadlock. In summary, on November 13, Somalilanders face a choice that will shape their country’s future stability and development. The results of the election will be felt for years to come. Reelecting Bihi will only increase the risk of civil conflict and deepen clan divisions. Electing a new leader could offer an opportunity for reconciliation and renewal. For better or worse, beyond Wednesday’s election, Somaliland will never be the same. Let’s hope Somaliland to rise once again, pick up its shattered pieces and attempt to move forward in a way that is consistent with their long standing history. Bio: Mohamed Harun is a political analyst; Contributer at Qaran News; a researcher in social affairs with a particular focus on human rights, a translator and story writer, and a blogger – he can be reached at mbiixi@gmail.com Qaran News

The Interior Minister of the Somaliland administration Mohamed Kahin showed the media a printout of a Puntland Post editorial. Mogadishu (PP Report) — No one expected that, after talks with the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in Djibouti during the last week of December 2023, Muse Bihi, the President of Somaliland Administration, was planning to go to Ethiopia and sign a Memorandum of Understanding with the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, to lease a coastal land to the landlocked country for 50 years. Bihi kept his rivals in the dark about the plan, and only a few people knew of the proposal his administration submitted to Ethiopia in September 2023 after his forces were defeated at the Goja’adde barracks on the outskirts of Las Anod. Bihi offered Ethiopia the option of gaining access to the sea through Lughaya in Awdal. Ethiopia rebuffed a claim by the Foreign Minister of the Somaliland administration, Essa Keyd, who, in February 2023, when the Las Anod conflict was raging, told a newspaper that “Somaliland is a buffer zone for Ethiopia” against Al-Shabaab. The Somaliland administration misleadingly labelled pro-union Sool, Sanaag, Ceyn and Khatumo administration as “Al-Shabaab fighters” and rejected a ceasefire proposal from an Ethiopian delegation visiting Garowe in 2023 to mediate between the Somaliland administration and the SSCK interim administration. Clueless: President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud kept the details of the defence pact between Somalia and Ethiopia secret because it contains a “maritime security” clause. During the Las Anod conflict, Bihi considered a ceasefire and talks with the SSCK administration, but through intermediaries, the Federal Government of Somalia assured him that a guiding principle of future Somalia-Somaliland talks would be that he represents what was once known as the ex-British Somaliland. When Somaliland forces were defeated, the Federal Government of Somalia welcomed the SSCK interim administration as the legitimate representatives of the unionist people in Sool, Sanaag, and Togdheer. Bihi viewed this volte-face as a betrayal. Initially, Ethiopia hesitated but later agreed to the proposal from Hargeisa. The Ethiopian government informed a representative of the Somaliland administration, who was secretly travelling to Addis Ababa, that the date for signing the MoU would be either the 3rd or 4th of January 2024. Ethiopia was waiting for the signing of a Defence Pact between Somalia and Ethiopia, proposed by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud through his Defence Minister Abdulkadir Mohamed. The Defence Pact aimed to upgrade the bilateral agreement that the Federal Government of Somalia signed with Ethiopia in 2014, which deployed Ethiopian defence forces as peacekeeping troops outside the AMISOM mandate. In 2015, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud participated in the 40th anniversary of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front held in Mekelle, where he described the late Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi as a visionary leader. Muse Bihi offered Ethiopia access to sea in violation of the sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia. The Somali Defence Minister signed the defence pact with his Ethiopian counterpart in the second week of December 2023 There was a clause on maritime security in the pact. The Federal Government of Somalia withheld the agreement’s details to evade scrutiny. This was the justification Abiy Ahmed used, along with the agreement between the Somaliland administration and the Federal Government of Somalia in Djibouti two days before the end of 2023 to be able to sign an MoU with the president of a secessionist administration in Northern Somalia. On New Year’s Eve, Bihi travelled to Addis Ababa, where, on 1 January 2024, he signed a maritime Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia. Upon returning to Hargeisa, Bihi claimed that the MoU with Ethiopia reflected the letter and spirit of previous agreements with the Federal Government of Somalia about economic development. The Interior Minister of the Somaliland administration Mohamed Kahin showed the media a printout of a Puntland Post editorial calling on the Federal Government of Somalia to repeal the defence pact with Ethiopia. Abiy Ahmed used the defence pact between Somalia and Ethiopia as pretext to sign an illegal maritime Memorandum of Understanding with a Somali secessionist administration based in Hargeisa. The bicameral legislature in Mogadishu supported the defence pact, fearing targeted assassinations of Senators and MPs. Before the defence pact, the former director of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), Mahad Salad, signed an intelligence-sharing agreement with his Ethiopian counterpart in Addis Ababa. “Damuljadiid, the faction to which President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud belongs, has caused incalculable damage to the sovereignty of Somalia. The faction controls the bicameral legislature, although MPs and Senators from Jubaland and Puntland have now broken ranks with it,” said a journalist in Mogadishu. To deter Ethiopia from setting up a naval base in northern Somalia under the illegal MoU with a secessionist administration, President Hassan Sheikh welcomed Egypt and Turkey as defenders of Somalia’s territorial integrity despite his repeated foreign policy failures and nepotistic practices. “President Hassan Sheikh poses as much of a threat to Somalia’s sovereignty as Ethiopia does,” added the journalist. The constituency of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has never spoken up against the violation of the agreement between the former Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS) signed in 2008, which paved the way for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from Somalia in early 2009. His predecessor, President Sharif Ahmed, a former ARS Chairman, was neither critical of the return of Ethiopian troops to Somalia under a bilateral agreement nor the defence pact signed with Addis Ababa last year. © Puntland Post, 2024 The post The President of Somalia Accused of Undermining Country’s Sovereignty appeared first on Puntland Post.

Ugu yaraan 35 qof ayaa la xaqiijiyay in ay ku dhinteen 43 kalana ay dhaawacmeen, kaddib marki nin 62 jir ah uu baabuur uu watay jiirsiiyay dad badan oo hor dhoobnaa goob lagu dheelo ciyaaraha kala duwan oo ku taalla magaalada Zhuhai ee koofurta Shiinaha. Booliska ayaa sheegay in ninkani oo ay magaciisa kusoo koobeen Van uu si xowli ah ku soo galay goob ay dad badan ku jimicsanayeen. Boolisku waxay sheegeen in ninkani la qabtay ka hor inta uusan goobta ka baxsan. Waxay kaloo sheegeen in eedeysanaha uu hadda koomo ku jiro laguna daweynayo isbitaalka, kaddib marki ay dhaawacyo kasoo gaareen qoorta iyo qeybo kale oo ka mid ah jirkiisa. Baaritaan horudhac ah ayaa muujiyay in ninka weerarka geystay uu ka xumaa qeybta kasoo gaartay hanti uu lahaa oo loo kala qeybiyay isaga iyo xaas uu furay. PUNTLAND POST The post 62 jir ka caraysan furniinka xaaskiisa oo 35 qof ku dilay dalka Shiinaha appeared first on Puntland Post.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Wasiir ku-xigeenka Wasaaradda Ganacsiga Soomaaliya Cismaan Maxamed Cabdi (Daalo) sidoo kalena ah Xildhibaan ka tirsan BFS ayaa soo saaray qoraal ku socda xildhibaanada Jubbaland iyo Puntland ku metela dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya. Wasiir Daalo ayaa qoraalkiisa ciwaan uga dhigay “TALO IYO TOOSIN KU SOCOTA XILDHIBAANADA LABADA GOLE.” Cismaan Daalo ayaa sheegay in maalmahaan ay soo bateen xildhibaanno saaxiibadiis ah oo dano gaar ah isku uruursaday, kadibna iska soo daba soo saaraya qoraalo ay taageero ku muujinayaan ama wax ku diidayaan. “Xildhibaane/Senator waxaan ku xusuusinayaa marka hore inaad tahay xildhibaan Qaran, marka xiga xildhibaan ahaan waxaad sharci u leedahay ‘Cod’ wuxuuna yaalaa Baarlamaanka gudihiisa,” ayuu yiri Cismaan Daalo. Daalo ayaa intaas ku sii daray “Marka kaliya ee xildhibaanow aad wax saxiixi karto waa marka aad qoreyso ‘MOOSHIN’, balse waxaa nasiib darro ah adigoo shaqadaadii fasax la’aan uga maqan, waajibaadkii aad u dhaaratay kasoo bixi waayey inaad sida Hay’ado iyo dowlado shisheeye qoraallo u soo saarto.” Ugu dambeyntii Xildhibaan, Wasiir Cismaan Daalo ayaa talo siiyey xildhibaanada saaxiibadiis ah, isagoo u sheegay inay yimaadaan fadhiyada baarlamaanka oo ah halka lagu kala baxo. “Xildhibaannow codkaada, sharaftaada iyo waajibaadkaada Baarlamaanka ayey yaallaan ee ka shaqee midnimada dalka iyo dadka oo taageer dowladnimada, I Aamina Doorasho qof iyo Cod wey dhaceeysaa” ayuu qoraalkiisa ku yiri Cismaan Cabdi Daalo oo ah xildhibaan iyo wasiir ka tirsan xukuumadda. Xildhibaanada laga soo doortay Jubbaland iyo Puntland ayaa intooda badan kasoo hor jeestay dowladda federaalka, iyagoo taageero u muujiyey madaxda maamuladaas, taasi oo dhabar jebin ku ah meel marinta qorshaha dowladda federaalka. The post Wasiir ka tirsan DF oo farriin culus u diray xildhibaanada laga soo doorto Jubaland iyo Puntland appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mogadishu (HOL) — A decade after the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) distributed thousands of date palm seedlings across Somalia, farmers are witnessing a remarkable transformation. Amid relentless droughts, locust invasions, and conflict, these resilient trees have become a lifeline, offering stability and economic promise to rural communities struggling against the odds. Source: Hiiraan Online

Kismayo (HOL) — The Jubaland Election and Boundaries Commission is poised to announce a new process for selecting members of parliament, marking an escalatory moment in the ongoing struggle between Somalia's federal government and the autonomous Jubaland administration. The revised selection framework, expected to be revealed today, signals Jubaland's intent to assert greater autonomy—a move that has fueled a deeper rift with Mogadishu. Source: Hiiraan Online

Hargeisa (HOL) — Somaliland, the self-declared republic in the Horn of Africa, heads to the polls on Wednesday for a dual election that could shape its governance for the next decade. In a combined presidential and political party vote, citizens of this unrecognized but democratically driven region will select their next leader and decide which political parties will dominate Somaliland’s political landscape in the years to come. Source: Hiiraan Online

Xarardheere (Caasimada Online) – Tiradii ugu badneyd ee dhalinyaro ah oo wada socda, kana soo goostay Al-Shabaab ayaa maanta isku dhiibtay ciidamada dowladda iyo maamulka degmada Xarardheere ee gobolka Mudug. Guddoomiye ku xigeenka degmada Xarardheere ee gobolka Mudug Maxamed Abshir Jiirow ayaa Warabaahinta Qaranka u sheegay in 7 kamid ah Khawaarijta ay maanta isku soo dhibeen Ciidanka Qaranka iyo kuwa deegaanka ee ka howlgala aagga degmada Xarardheere. Dhallinyaradaan ayaa markii la wareystay waxay sheegeen inay u adkeysa waayeen duqeymaha iyo weerarrada tooska ah ee Ciidamada Xoogga Dalka iyo shacabka deegaanada Galmudug ay kala kulmeen. Sidoo kale raggaan ayaa sheegay in ay go’aansadeen inay isku soo dhiibaan dowladda kadib markii ay u adkeysa waayeen rafaadka, oonka iyo gaajada ku heysata duurka. Guddoomiyaha ayaa sheegay in ragaani aysan wadan wax hub ah, isla markaana ay ka soo tageen qoryahoodii, waxaana ku adkaatay inay Shabaab kala soo baxsadaan qoryahooda. Kooxda Al-Shabaab ayaa aad uga taxadartay in dagaalyahanada ka soo baxsanaya ay horay u sii qaataan qoriga, waana arrin shaki badan abuurtay. Inta badan xubnaha ka soo goosta kooxda Al-Shabaab waxay sheegaan inay ku adkaatay inay lasoo goostaan qoryaha, maadaama laga hayo ilaalo adag, isla markaana uusan jirin askari qoriga kala bixi kara xerada ay ciidanka Shabaab degan yihiin. Hoos ka dhageyso https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1FHsmFP9mD/?mibextid=WC7FNe The post Shabaab-kii ugu badnaa oo Xarardheere iska dhiibay iyo sababta kaliftay (Dhageyso) appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mogadishu (HOL) — Two Ethiopian nationals were killed Monday in Somalia’s Guriel, Galgaduud region, following an altercation involving a man reportedly dressed in the uniform of the Somali federal forces, sparking an exodus of Ethiopian labourers from the area. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Xildhibaan Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur oo shir jaraa’id qabtay ayaa ka hadlay khilaafka ka dhashay arrimaha doorashooyinka iyo is qabqabsiga ka dhex jira dowladda federaalka iyo Jubbaland. Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur ayaa dowladda Xasan Sheekh ku eedeeyey karti-xumo, eex, musuq iyo maareyn xumo, sida uu hadalkiisa u dhigay. “Sida aad ogtihiin qaranka Soomaaliyeed waxaa horay uga maqneed Somaliland, mar dhexe waxaa Tareenka ka booday Puntland, maantana waxaa maqan Jubbaland,” ayuu yiri CC Shakuur. Wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya uu isugu soo haray hal qoys, oo uu kala jeedo Mogadishu Clan “Waxaan nin kula kaftamay maa reer Koonfur Galbeed Ra’iisul Wasaare la siiyo? Hadaan inteenaan isku soo harnay,” ayuu hadalkiisa ku sii daray CC Shakuur. Xildhibaan CC Shakuur ayaa sheegay in horay uu uga digay wadada uu Xasan Sheekh ku hoggaaminaayo dalkaan, “Jidkaan qarda jeexa ah ee loo joojin maayo qof Xasan Sheekh uga khibrad badan ma jiree aan aragno halka uu gaarsiiyo,” ayuu yiri. Xildhibaanka ayaa sidoo kale dhaliilay guddoonada labada Aqal ee Baarlamaanka “waa odayaal laga sugaayey inay dalka badbaadiyaan oo isku baheystay sharci darro, baarlamaankii ayaa si xaaraan ah ku wada fadhiya maanta, waxaasna sharci maaha,” ayuu yiri. Xildhibaan CC Shakuur ayaa sheegay in arrinta Jubbaland ay soo noqnoqotay, isagoo Xasan iyo Xamsa ku cadeeyey in horay ay u taageeri jireen hanaanka ay Jubbaland u qabsato doorashada, balse maanta ay indhaha is tirayaan. Hoos ka daawo The post CC Shakuur: Hadii Mogadishu Clan isku soo haray maa xilka R/W la siiyo Koonfur Galbeed? appeared first on Caasimada Online.