Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud oo farriin hambalyo ah oo ku addaan ciiddul fidriga u diray dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed ayaa ugu baaqay inay ka qeyb-qaataan dagaalka ka dhanka ah kooxda Al-Shabaab, asagoo xusay in inta qof argagixiso ahi uu dalka joogo aanu dareemayb wax sharaf iyo gobannimo ah. Madaxweynaha ayaa sidoo kale sheegay in mudnaanta koobaad uu siinayo qalabaynta iyo tayaynta Ciidanka Qaranka, asagoo sheegay in koox tiro yari aysan cabsi gelin karin dowladda iyo shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Madaxweyne Xasan oo ka hadlayay dadka cabsida ka muujinaya weerarada Alshabaab ayaa ku tilmaamay qolyo qalbiga ka jirin, asagoo intaas ku daray in lala xisaabtami doono kuwa u haysta in dowladda iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed oo isku dhinac ah iyo Alshabaab ay yihiin laba kooxood oo loolamaya. Source: goobjoog.com

The Leak That Ended a Presidency: How Washington Turned on Hassan Sheikh Mohamud The collapse of U.S. confidence in President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud didn’t come with a press release. It came with a leak—a cold, calculated release of a private letter from the Somali president to the U.S. President Donald J. Trump. The letter itself was unremarkable, but its disclosure was anything but accidental. It was a warning. Widely interpreted as a deliberate act of dissent from within the U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu, the leak signaled the end of Washington’s patience with Mohamud’s leadership—a relationship that had been steadily unraveling for months. The letter—intended to secure U.S. support—backfired. It exposed a weakened president pleading for help while his government lost credibility domestically and internationally. According to multiple sources, the leak originated from embassy officials fed up with President Mohamud’s defiance, paranoia, and inaction. “This was not an accident,” said one senior U.S. official. “It was a deliberate signal that the relationship is over.” That signal marked a decisive rupture between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and the American diplomatic establishment. U.S. and regional officials point to his failure to control Somalia’s security landscape and his obstruction of counterterrorism efforts. “The leak was a shot across the bow,” said another senior official. “We’re done covering for him.” The fallout follows months of unfulfilled commitments, strategic defiance, and a pattern of provocation. Tensions peaked when Mohamud’s government publicly dismissed a U.S. Embassy security advisory, calling it baseless—a move seen as both reckless and deliberately antagonistic. The final blow came when he delayed firing his Defense Minister despite repeated U.S. requests. When he finally acted, he blamed U.S. pressure, triggering backlash in Washington. Officials saw this as an attempt to undermine American diplomacy and shift accountability. Inside the White House, the verdict is clear: “He’s out of alignment with every key regional and security interest we have,” said a senior administration official. The Trump administration is now exploring alternative Somali leaders—those who can restore institutional credibility, rebuild trust, and cooperate on counterterrorism. Across the State Department, Pentagon, and National Security Council, officials describe Mohamud as unreliable, politically paralyzed, and self-interested. Within the U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu, the mood is described as one of cold hostility, driven by what many see as a pattern of lies, broken promises, veiled deals with foreign actors, and growing paranoia. “There’s a shared view now,” said one diplomat. “He is dangerous to Somalia, and he can’t be trusted. He says the right things behind closed doors but constantly undermines U.S. efforts on the ground.” With Washington’s patience exhausted, the policy conversation has shifted to contingency planning. Senior officials are engaged in internal discussions over a potential political realignment in Somalia. “The question is no longer if there will be a transition,” said a National Security Council official. “It’s when—and how soon.” No one is calling it regime change, but no one is defending Mohamud either. “His credibility is gone. So is our patience.” More broadly, regional partners have grown alarmed by Mohamud’s inconsistent and transactional diplomacy. Officials in Cairo, Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, Doha, Nairobi, and Addis Ababa, who have long expressed concern over his erratic posture, now view his leadership as a source of regional instability and confusion—not because of one specific alignment, but because of a broader pattern of half-truths, broken promises, contradictory deals, and amateur statecraft. • In Cairo, officials are frustrated by Mohamud’s simultaneous outreach to Ethiopia, a direct competitor, after having publicly committed to Egypt’s position on the Nile dispute—a move viewed as duplicitous and reckless. • In Abu Dhabi, diplomats cite repeated instances where Mohamud has agreed to regional security cooperation, only to later backtrack or sideline Gulf-led initiatives in favor of ad hoc bilateral deals elsewhere. • Even Riyadh and Doha, which had maintained more neutral ties, have begun to step back, describing Somalia’s foreign policy under Mohamud as chaotic, contradictory, and driven by short-term political needs rather than strategic vision. For now, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud remains in office. But his government is isolated, his allies are vanishing, and his enemies—inside and outside the country—are circling. The letter meant to save his presidency may instead become the document that sealed its unraveling. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/somalia-offers-us-exclusive-control-air-bases-ports-2025-03-28/ Qaran News

Dubai: Saudi Arabia has announced that Sunday, March 30, 2025, will be the first day of Eid Al Fitr, after the Shawwal crescent moon was sighted on Saturday evening. Source: Hiiraan Online

Si looga dhigo Maraykanku waddan amaan ah, xooggan, oo barwaaqo ah, Madaxweyne Trump wuxuu xaqiijinayaa in sharciga socdaalka ee Maraykanka la raaco. Haddii aad isku daydo inaad si sharci darro ah ku soo gasho Maraykanka, aad been u sheegto si aad u hesho fiiso, aad ka shaqayso si aan sharci ahayn, ama aad sii joogto Maraykanka ka dib marka fiisahaaga ama muddada oggolaanshaha fiisaha dhammaato, waxaad la kulmi doontaa ganaaxayo culus. Waxaana ka mid ah xabsi, masaafurin, iyo mamnuuc joogto ah oo ka hor istaagaya helitaanka fiiso Maraykan ah mustaqbalka. Haddii aad leedahay qoys ama saaxiibo ku sugan Maraykanka si sharci darro ah, hadda waa waqtigii aad u sheegi lahayd inay waddankooda ku soo laabtaan. Hadaa Isku Daydid Inaad Si Sharci Darro Ah Ku Gasho Ama Ku Joogto Maraykanka Waa lagu Qabaneyaa. Qaar ka mid ah dadka waxay aaminsan yihiin inay si dhuumaalaysi ah ku geli karaan Maraykanka oo aysan la kulmi doonin in la qabto. Taasi waa mid aan run ahayn. Maamulka Madaxweyne Trump wuxuu xoojiyey ammaanka xuduudaha wuxuuna si weyn u kordhiyey tirada ajaaniibta sharci darrada ah ee la qabto lana masaafuriyo. Bishii Febraayo 2025, isku dayga in si sharci darro ah loo soo galo xadka ayaa hoos u dhacay 94% marka la barbar dhigo Febraayo 2024, halka qabashada dadka xadka si sharci darro ah uga soo gudbay ee ku sugan gudaha Maraykanka ay kordheen 627%. Haddii aad isku daydo inaad xadka Maraykanka si sharci darro ah uga soo gudubto ama aad sii joogto gudaha Maraykanka si sharci darro ah, waa laguu qaban doonaa, waxaana laguugu celin doonaa waddankaaga. Waxa kale oo laga yaabaa in lagaa mamnuuco soo laabashada mustaqbalka ama lagugu soo oogo ganaaxyo iyo dacwad ciqaabeed. Khayaanada Fiisaha Maraykanka Waxay Leedahay Cawaaqib Xumo Culus Habka lo helo fiisaha Maraykanka waa kan ugu fudud uguna amaansan caalamka. Hasa ahaate, qaar ka mid ah dadka ayaa weli si aan caqli gal ahayn isku dayaya inay khiyaameeyaan nidaamka iyagoo isticmaalaya dukumiintiyo been abuur ah, ku been sheegaya codsiyada, ama sii joogaya ka dib marka fiisahooda dhaco. Kuwani waa tusaalooyin khiyaano fiise, waana dembi culus. Haddii aad jebiso sharciga qaabkan, waa laguu ciqaabi doonaa, waana laga yaabaa in aanad mar dambe loguu ogolaanin in aad gasho Maraykanka. Safarka Xadka Maraykanka Waa Khatar Kuwa ka fikiraya inay qaadaan safarka halista ah si ay si sharci darro ah ugu gudbaan gudaha Maraykanka, waa muhiim inaad fahanto in amnigaaga – xataa naftaadu – ay khatar ku jirto. Kooxo dambiileyaal ah, kartelo (Muuriyaan), iyo dadka ka ganacsada bani’aadamka ayaa bartilmaameedsada muhaajiriinta sharci-darrada ah, iyaga oo u geysanaya rabshado, baad, iyo weeraro. Dad badan oo isku daya safarkan ayaan waligood gaarin meesha ay u socdaan. Maraykanku wuxuu la shaqeynayaa dalalka kale ee ka tirsan Hemisphere-ga Galbeed si loo joojiyo oo loo celiyo dadka isku daya inay si sharci darro ah ku soo galaan xadka ka hor inta aysan gaarin xadka Maraykanka. Adkeynta xuduudaheena, ma aha oo kaliya inaan ilaalineyno muwaadiniinta Maraykanka, laakiin sidoo kale waxaan ka hortageynaa dhibaatooyinka ay keenaan socdaalka sharci-darrada ah. Madaxweyne Trump wuxuu la xisaabtami dona Qof Kasta Dawladda Maraykanku waxay sidoo kale tallaabo ka qaadaysaa kuwa ka caawiya dadka inay si sharci darro ah ku galaan dalka. Tan waxaa ku jira kuwa wax tahriibiya, kuwa ka ganacsada dadka, iyo xataa saraakiisha dowladaha shisheeye ee u oggolaada socdaalka sharci darrada ah inuu sii socdo. Dhawaantan, Xoghayaha Arrimaha Dibadda Marco Rubio wuxuu ku dhawaaqay sharci cusub oo xaddidaya fiisaha saraakiisha ajnabiga ah – oo ay ku jiraan shaqaalaha laanta socdaalka, kastamka(furdadaha), iyo maamulka dekedaha – kuwaas oo ku guuldareysta inay caawiyaan joojinta socdaalka sharci darrada ah. Tani waxay ku dhisan tahay xaddidaadyo la mid ah oo horey u jiray oo loogu talagalay kuwa ku jira warshadaha gaadiidka iyo dalxiiska. Kuwa khatar ku ah ammaanka Maraykanka iyagoo fududeynaya socdaalka sharci darrada ah laguma soo dhoweyn doono dalkeenna. Goanka adigaa iskaleh– Raac Sharciga Khatarta isku dayga in si sharci darro ah loogu soo guuro Maraykanka way ka badan tahay faa’iido kasta oo macquul ah. Waxaad lumin kartaa noloshaada, waxaad noqon kartaa dhibbane u ah dambiilayaal, ama waxaad ku dambayn kartaa rikoodh dhaawacaya mustaqbalkaaga iyo mustaqbalka qoyskaaga. Soo galidda sharci darrada ah ma aha oo kaliya jebinta sharciyada Maraykanka, laakiin sidoo kale waxay khatar gelinaysaa badbaadadaada iyo wanaaggaaga. Ganaxu waa kuwo culus: xabsi, kala go’id qoyskaaga, iyo mamnuucid joogto ah oo ka hor istaagaysa soo gelidda Maraykanka mustaqbalka. Haddii aad taqaanid qof ku sugan Maraykanka si sharci darro ah, waxa ugu wanaagsan ee aad samayn karto waa inaad ku dhiirigeliso inuu hadda ka tago ka hor inta aan la qaban. Farriintu waa mid cad: dooro goanka saxda ah, raac sharciga, hana khatar gelin badbaadadaada, qoyskaaga, ama mustaqbalkaaga. Source: goobjoog.com

https://qarannews.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/AQPXwTF5Db6Bo3ya6G12PD8Thflb3urfN4PBxrOfexFx9yDUnxjlaJNtPl_L46h5RijDBUObHgWWN7hTEmnOtNxI.mp4 Qaran News

Hargeisa, Somaliland, on 13 November 2024. He won the presidential election. Luis Tato/AFP via Getty Images As a child, I believed democracy belonged to Greece—and that only Greeks were naturally suited to practice it. In hindsight, that idea wasn’t far-fetched. I didn’t grow up in a democratic culture. I was raised in Ethiopia, a country long hostile to democratic governance. What I didn’t realize at the time was that a unique form of democracy was quietly taking root just across the border, in a place Google once described as one of the world’s most dangerous and corrupt: our tiny neighbor, Somaliland. Somaliland has yet to officially take its place among the community of nations. But its record of peaceful, transparent elections proves that democracy can thrive anywhere—big or small, east or west. Located in northern Somalia, Somaliland is a self-declared republic that unilaterally broke away from the rest of the country in 1991, following years of civil war and state collapse. It’s worth remembering that Somalia and Somaliland unified as one country in June 1960 after a collective victory against the Italian colony in the south and the British presence in the north. But in the years that followed, tensions grew. After seizing power in a 1969 coup, military ruler Siyad Barre sought to centralize his nascent authority in Mogadishu, leaving both southern (particularly Mogadishu Clan) and northern clans underrepresented in government. The share of seats and resources dissatisfied northern clans, which ultimately led to the defection of northern representatives from the south. While much of Africa fell under the grip of dictators, Siyad Barre pursued his own vision of a unified Somalia under his rule. But in 1991, northern leaders declared their separation from the south—delivering a final blow to his dream of forging a Greater Somalia under his control. His response to the stunning announcement of the northern leaders’ decision to decentralize his rule was to wage a devastating war against the north. Months of relentless ground fighting and aerial assault left the area in complete devastation. Hargeisa, the capital of the northern regions, was leveled to the ground. In the following months, millions fled to neighboring countries, while others undertook perilous journeys across deserts and seas—largely ignored by the global media. The rise of the Somaliland National Movement (SNM) As shelling rained down on the capital and the region, insurgencies had begun to take root. In the north, a new frontier, mercenary soldiers led by some of the current and deceased Somaliland leaders began to mobilize people and resources to confront some of the attacks. Even though the newly formed junta was ill-equipped and had no resources to withstand any attacks, their determination to fight back was a sign of hope for the people in the north. The liberation front was later joined by other clans in the region. The resistance continued to grow, and Somalia came under mounting domestic and international pressure to end the violence. Aid agencies warned that the conflict was pushing the region to the brink of humanitarian catastrophe. After nearly five years of bush warfare and a costly, collective struggle, northern leaders formally declared Somaliland’s separation from the south on May 18, 1991—giving birth to the self-declared republic that exists today. As Somalia descended into civil war following the collapse of the central government, Somaliland’s decision to break away spared it from further destruction. In a country leveled to the ground, rebuilding from the ashes of destruction required both sacrifice and resources. Refugees who had fled during the war began to return, while those who settled abroad—particularly in Europe and North America—sent remittances to help their families and communities rebuild. Slowly but steadily, Somaliland began to rise from the ashes, even as the rest of Somalia continued to fragment. Somaliland’s Rise to the World Three decades later, Somaliland has maintained relative peace and democratic order—despite lacking formal international recognition. It has held six peaceful, competitive elections, all witnessed by international observers and accepted by both winners and losers. Somaliland’s ballot box has become a symbol of political maturity in a continent where elections often spark unrest. A cornerstone of its economy is the Berbera Port, a vital commercial gateway on the Red Sea. In 2017, the UAE inked a landmark deal to develop the port, with Ethiopia securing a 19% stake in the venture. Then, in January 2024, Ethiopia signed a separate sea access agreement with Somaliland—triggering fierce opposition from Somalia, which denounced the move as a breach of its sovereignty. The deal has sparked regional and international concern that the Red Sea is becoming a point of competition. Somalia has condemned the deal and called it “a violation of its sovereignty.” The feud between Ethiopia and Somalia created tension in the Horn of Africa. On Tuesday, November 13, Somalilanders went to the polls to elect a new leader for the 5th straight time. The region was grappling with a host of domestic and international problems. In the east, the town of Las’anod had slipped from government control after Somaliland forces entered in August 2023. Local militias quickly organized, expelling troops in fierce clashes that left civilians dead. Meanwhile, economic challenges—often overlooked in public discourse—also shaped voter concerns. When the Somaliland National Electoral Commission finally announced the results, the opposition had won by a wide margin. The result that millions of Somalilanders were anxiously waiting for. The new leadership is expected to have major regional complications as their power progresses. The most enduring lesson from Somaliland’s democratic journey is its deeply participatory, grassroots nature. This is a democracy built from the ground up—driven by consensus, rooted in tradition, and powered by the people. International observers lauded the November elections. The U.S. Ambassador to Somalia even visited Somaliland to witness the vote firsthand. With broad acceptance across the political spectrum, the peaceful handover of power reinforced Somaliland’s democratic credentials. From forging its own government, currency, and security forces to sustaining peace and holding regular elections, Somaliland continues to defy expectations. It is asking to be recognized as Africa’s 55th nation. As Somaliland embraces a path toward democracy, questions remain about whether their unique exercise of democracy will pave the way for international recognition. Ahmed Abdi is a blogger, communications officer at New Ways Organization in Mogadishu and US Cultural Exchange Bureau’s Community Engagement Exchange alumni. In his blogs, Ahmed writes about contemporary issues in the Horn of Africa mainly Somalia and Ethiopia. He holds a bachelor’s degree in Social work and is passionate about storytelling. Qaran News

Sida ay shaacisay dowladda Sacuudiga, bisha Shawwaal 1446 ayaa caawa laga arkay meelo kala duwan oo ka mid ah boqortooyada. Sidaas darteed, berri oo Axad ah, 30 Maarso 2025, waxaa loo asteeyay inay tahay maalinta koowaad ee Ciidul Fitr, taasoo ka dhigan dhammaadka bisha barakaysan ee Ramadaan. Dhammaan Muslimiinta ku nool Sacuudiga iyo dalalka raacsan waqtiga ay ku dhawaaqaan bisha Sacuudiga, sida Soomaaliya, waxaa la ciidi doonaa Axadda. Masaajidda iyo goobaha salaadda lagu tukado ayaa loo diyaarinayaa salaadda Ciidda subaxnimada hore. Waa maalin farxad, ducayso, is booqasho iyo u dabaaldegga guusha soonka Ramadaan. Ciid Mubarak! Ilaahay ha naga aqbalo cibaadada iyo ducada aan bixinay bishii Ramadaan. Source: goobjoog.com

South Sudan's First Vice President Riek Machar is under arrest and will be investigated on charges of trying to stir up rebellion, the government said on Friday, the first confirmation of a detention that world powers fear could reignite civil war. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Afhayeenka wasaaradda gaashaandhigga Sheekh Abuukar Maxamed oo maanta shir jaraa’id ku qabtay furinta hore ee dagaalka ayaa ka warbixiyay howlgalladii ugu dambeeyay ee laga fuliyay gobollada Shabeellooyinka oo ay weli isku hayaan ciidamada dowladda, kuwa deegaanka iyo maleeshiyaadka kooxda Al-Shabaab. Ugu horreyn afhayeenka ayaa faah-faahiyay howlgallo iyo duqeymo culus oo saaka ka dhacay deegaannada Sabiib iyo Caanoole ee gobolka Shabeellaha Hoose, wuxuuna sheegay in jab culus lagu gaarsiiyay maleeshiyaadka Khawaarijta. Sidoo kale wuxuu hoosta ka xariiqay in haatan deegaannadaasi ay dib ula wareegeen ciidamada Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed, ayna haatan ka wadaan howlgallo nadiifin ah. “Meel loo laabto ma jirto illaa dalka laga sifeeyo Al-Shabaab, Sabiib iyo Caanoole waxaa hadda gacanta ku haya ciidanka” ayuu yiri afhayeenka wasaaradda gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya. Howlgalka labaad ayaa sidoo kale ka dhacay deegaanka Ceelgub ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe, wuxuuna afhayeenka xaqiijiyay in halkaas lagu dilay ilaa 30 ka tirsanaa maleeshiyaadka argagixisada ah, sida uu hadalka u dhigay. Waxaa kale oo uu intaasi kusii daray in howlgal saddexaad oo kale uu ka dhacay deegaanka Buus Caduur oo hoostaga degmada Aadan Yabaal, kaas oo ay qaadeen ciidamada Macawiisleyda, wuxuuna shaaciyay in lagu dilay laba xubnood oo Shabaab ah, lagana soo furtay hubka ay wateen. Dhanka kale, ma jiro wax hadal ah oo kasoo baxay kooxda Al-Shabaab oo ku aadan howlgalladaas ka dhacay Shabeellooyinka ee ay guusha ka sheegatay dowladda Soomaaliya. Xaaladda deegaannada lagu dagaalamay ayaa weli kacsan, waxaana ka socda dhaq-dhaqaaqyo iska soo horjeedo, iyada oo mar kastaa ay suuragal tahay in dagaalladu ay dib u qarxaan. Si kastaba, ha’ahaateen dhowaan dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa dib u billowday dagaalka ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab, kaas oo hakad ku yimid muddooyinkii u dambeeyay, kadib markii maleeshiyaad ka tirsan kooxda ay soo galeen gobollada Shabeelooyinka, sidoo kalena lagu arkay deegaanno aad ugu dhow magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimada dalka. Dagaalladii ugu cuslaa ee ugu dambeeyay ayaa ka dhacay deegaannada Ceel-Baraf iyo Daaru-Nicma, Ceel Cali Axmed, Masaajiid Cali Gaduud, Sabiid iyo Canoole, degmada Awdheegle iyo deegaanno kale, waxaana barbar socday duqeymo diyaaradeed oo xoogan. Duqeymaha cirka ah waxay ka mid yihiin istaraatiijiyadda dagaal ee lagu yareynayo khatarta weerarrada tooska ah iyo in lagu wiiqo awoodda kooxaha hubeysan, waxaana Soomaaliya ka caawiya dalal waa wayn sida Mareykanka, Turkiga iyo Itoobiya.

Mogadishu (HOL) - U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) has conducted an airstrike targeting ISIS militants in northern Somalia's Al-Calmiskaad Mountains as part of ongoing operations to weaken the group's presence in the region. Source: Hiiraan Online

Duqeymo xooggan oo dhawaqooda culus yahay ayaa maanta oo Sabti ah laga maqlayaa inta u dhexaysa togaga Miraale iyo Baalade sare, kuwaasi oo lagu beegsanayo Habqankii firxaday ee Argagixisada Daacish. Saraakiil ka tirsan ciidamada difaaca Puntland oo ku sugan jiidda Miraale ayaa soo sheegaya in ay maqlayaan dhawaqa culus ee duqeymaha oo ku hoobanaya degaannada u dhexeeya labada tog ee Miraale iyo Baalade, halkaasi oo ay weli ku dhuumanayaan Habqankii mileeshiyaadka Daacish ee ka firxaday duqeymihii hore. Dowladda Puntland weli War Rasmi ah kama soo saarin cidda fulinaysa duqeymaha maanta ku socda kooxda Daacish, balse saraakiisha Ciidamada oo aan la xiriirnay ayaa sheegaya in saaxiibada Puntland ee Mareykanka ay fulinayaan duqeymahan culus si lamid ah kuwii habeeno ka hor ka dhacay Miraale oo lagu beegsaday Argagixisada. PUNTLAND POST The post Calmiskaad: Duqeymo culus oo maanta ku socda Argagixisada Daacish ee u firxaday Miraale iyo Baalade sare appeared first on Puntland Post.

How the World Adopted Beijing’s Economic Playbook Trucks loaded with shipping containers outside Shanghai, February 2025 In early February, as he flew in Air Force One above the body of water he’d recently renamed the Gulf of America, President Donald Trump declared that he would levy tariffs on all imported steel and aluminum. Two weeks later, he issued a presidential memorandum laying out new guidance for screening investment from Chinese firms in the United States and U.S. firms into China. And throughout the early weeks of his administration, Trump has emphasized the importance of bringing manufacturing back home, telling firms that, to avoid tariffs, they should make their products in the United States. Tariffs and protectionism, restrictions on investment, measures designed to drive domestic production: Washington’s economic policy suddenly looks an awful lot like Beijing’s policies over the last decade or so—like Chinese policy with American characteristics. The U.S. strategy of engagement with China was based on the premise that, if the United States incorporated China into the global rules-based system, China would become more like the United States. For decades, Washington lectured Beijing about avoiding protectionism, eliminating barriers to foreign investment, and disciplining the use of subsidies and industrial policy—with only modest success. Still, the expectation was that integration would facilitate convergence. There has indeed been a fair degree of convergence—just not in the way American policymakers predicted. Instead of China coming to resemble the United States, the United States is behaving more like China. Washington may have forged the open, liberal rules-based order, but China has defined its next phase: protectionism, subsidization, restrictions on foreign investment, and industrial policy. To argue that the United States must reassert its leadership to preserve the rules-based system it established is to miss the point. China’s nationalist state capitalism now dominates the international economic order. Washington is already living in Beijing’s world. OPENING UP? In the 1990s and the early years of this century, there was every indication that China was on an inexorable march toward economic liberalization. Building on a process that began in the late 1970s under the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, China opened up to foreign investment. President Jiang Zemin and Premier Zhu Rongji then kept China on a remarkable, if painful, path of economic reforms. They restructured state-owned enterprises and fired tens of millions of their workers, created more space for private sector activity, allowed businesses to adjust prices in response to market conditions, and ushered in China’s entry to the World Trade Organization. Jiang and Zhu declared repeatedly that China would inevitably continue to open up. Many in the West went so far as to believe that this economic liberalization would lead to China’s political liberalization, that a capitalist society would become a more democratic one over time. That assumption proved false. China’s leaders never seriously contemplated political reform, but China’s economic advancement was impressive nonetheless. The country’s GDP grew from $347.77 billion in 1989 to $1.66 trillion by 2003 to $17.79 trillion in 2023, according to the World Bank. Hopes were high that integrating China into the rules-based trading system could lead to a more peaceful and more prosperous world. Globalization did lift more than a billion people out of poverty, an astounding feat. But the benefits of that progress were not evenly shared, and some workers and communities in industrialized countries ended up paying the price for the rise of the rest. Then President Hu Jintao entered the picture, followed by President Xi Jinping. China’s economic trajectory turned out to be less linear and less inevitable than initially expected. Under Hu, China leaned more heavily into state intervention in the economy by aiming to create “national champions” in strategic sectors through massive subsidies. In other words, the government expanded its role rather than pursuing further market liberalization. At the same time, a flood of cheap Chinese imports accelerated the trend toward deindustrialization in the United States—and did so at a rate that few, if any, fully anticipated. China became the world’s manufacturing floor, overtaking the manufacturing giants of Japan and Germany in the first decade of this century. In 2004, China made up nine percent of the world’s manufacturing value added, leapfrogging to a massive 29 percent in 2023, according to the World Bank. HOW CHINA WON Washington pressed Beijing to deliver on its reform agenda throughout this period, urging China to open its markets and refrain from imposing high tariffs and other barriers on products being exported from the United States. It advocated for U.S. firms to be allowed to invest in China without being excluded from certain sectors or required to enter joint ventures with—and transfer U.S. technology to—local firms. And Washington demanded that the Chinese government stop subsidizing the production and export of goods, which distorted the global marketplace. But this litany of complaints was largely ignored. In 2009, the Obama administration led an effort to terminate the Doha Round—a multilateral trade negotiation under the World Trade Organization launched in 2001. It did so in large part because the resulting agreement would have enshrined China permanently as a “developing country” under WTO rules. This would have allowed China to enjoy “special and differential treatment,” which meant that China would have been able to avoid assuming the same level of obligations and disciplines—on market access, intellectual property rights protection, and other issues—as the United States and other industrial countries. Washington faced near-universal criticism at the time for encouraging a rethink of the premises of the negotiation. But it was clear even then that, left unaddressed, China’s economic practices would significantly disrupt the global trading system. The United States is already living in China’s world. Similar concerns motivated the Obama administration to pursue the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a high-standard trade agreement negotiated among 12 countries around the Pacific Rim. This initiative was designed to give countries in the Asia-Pacific region an attractive alternative to the model China offered. It brought together a group of diverse countries that were willing to set strong labor and environmental protections, limit the use of subsidies, impose discipline on state-owned enterprises, and address various China-specific concerns, such as intellectual property rights protection. By the time the TPP negotiations were completed in 2015, however, trade agreements—even those designed to counterbalance China—had become politically toxic at home, and the United States ended up pulling out of the agreement. From 2009 to 2017, I served first as deputy national security adviser for international economic affairs and then as U.S. trade representative. During that time, I consistently warned my Chinese counterparts that the benign international environment that had enabled China’s success would disappear unless Beijing modified its predatory economic policies. Instead, China largely maintained its course of action. If anything, it doubled down on its approach. When Xi came to power in 2012, he effectively ended the era of “reform and opening” that had already stalled under Hu, set China on a course to dominate critical technologies, increased production to the point of overcapacity, and committed to export-led growth. Today, as the economist Brad Setser has noted, China’s export volume is growing at a rate three times as fast as global trade. In the automotive sector, it is on a trajectory to have the capacity to produce two-thirds of the world’s automotive demand. And its dominance extends beyond cars; China also produces more than half the global supply of steel, aluminum, and ships. Eventually, even American businesses, which had always been the ballast in the bilateral relationship, soured on China as their intellectual property was stolen or forcibly licensed, their market access to China was severely restricted or delayed, and China’s subsidies and preferences for domestic firms ate into their opportunity. Without any semblance of reciprocity, the relationship deteriorated. Politicians of both parties and the American public hardened their stance on China. European and major emerging economies grew hostile to Beijing’s policies, as well. In short, the benign international environment disappeared. Working on an electric vehicle production line in Zhejiang Province, China, March 2025 Washington, having failed to convince Beijing to change its predatory economic policies or to move forward with an alternative trading bloc to counterbalance China, was left with one option: the United States had to become more like China. After decades of berating China for imposing high tariffs and other restrictions on U.S. exports, the United States is now putting up the same barriers. As calculated by the economist Chad Bown, Trump imposed tariffs that increased the average rate on imports from China from three percent to 19 percent in his first administration, covering two-thirds of all imports from China. President Joe Biden maintained those tariffs and added tariffs on other Chinese products, including personal protective equipment, electric vehicles, batteries, and steel, slightly increasing the average tariff on imports from China. Less than two months into his second administration, Trump has imposed an additional 20 percent tariff on all U.S. imports from China—a bigger move than the tariffs of his first administration and the Biden administration combined. Similarly, the United States changed its approach from opposing barriers to most bilateral investment flows to severely restricting China’s investment in the United States and U.S. investment in certain sensitive sectors in China. Annual Chinese investment in the United States plummeted from $46 billion in 2016 to less than $5 billion in 2022, according to the Rhodium Group. And having urged Beijing to abandon subsidy and industrial policies, Washington itself went all-in on industrial policy during the Biden administration, laying out at least $1.6 trillion on the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the 2022 CHIPS and Science Act, and the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. IF YOU CAN’T BEAT THEM, JOIN THEM To take the Chinese approach one step further could mean adopting a key tool in Beijing’s toolbox: requiring Chinese firms that invest abroad to establish joint ventures with domestic firms and engage in technology transfers. Such a strategy could enhance not just American industrial competitiveness but also that of other countries negatively affected by China’s overcapacity, including many in Europe. Take the clean energy sector as an obvious example. China’s electric vehicle manufacturers innovate faster and produce high-quality vehicles far more cheaply than U.S. firms; some Chinese vehicles are as much as 50 percent less expensive than their American equivalents, and China accounts for nearly 60 percent of global electric vehicle sales worldwide. China’s battery producers, solar panel manufacturers, and clean energy equipment companies have similar advantages. In the United States, China’s market share in electric vehicles is nearly nonexistent. Current tariffs and other restrictions are likely to prevent any future influx of imports. At the same time, European auto manufacturers, particularly those in Germany, are getting squeezed by domestic preference policies and the competitiveness of domestic firms in the Chinese market, which they have depended on for growth. And lately, China has been making inroads in the European market, too. The European market share of Chinese electric vehicles grew from virtually zero percent in January 2019 to over 11 percent in June 2024. Following the United States’ lead, Europe introduced tariffs on Chinese-made electric vehicles late last year. This slowed the growth in China’s market share. But just holding off a rise in imports may not solve the European auto industry’s problems. To maintain jobs and manufacturing capacity, Europe appears to be open to Chinese investment in electric vehicle production in Europe. (By contrast, it is unclear whether Trump would welcome such investment or would continue to ban Chinese electric vehicles in the U.S. market because of their potential to track citizens’ movements or shut down traffic.) If Europe is to avoid becoming merely a destination for final assembly of Chinese electric vehicles, it might have to borrow a tactic from Beijing and require Chinese companies to enter into joint ventures with European firms and transfer technology and know-how to them. HOW TO OUT-CHINA CHINA It is not yet clear whether the United States can outmaneuver China with its own playbook. Beijing seems to have near-unlimited capacity to mobilize capital and manipulate trade and investment policy in service of its long-term objectives. Washington’s Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act, meanwhile, were more likely historic anomalies than first steps in a broader trend toward greater industrial policy, given the uneasiness among Republican lawmakers over their passage. Indeed, even as he seeks to boost the U.S. semiconductor industry, Trump has called for the repeal of the CHIPS and Science Act, which provides subsidies for semiconductor manufacturing. The subsidies provided by the Inflation Reduction Act are likely to face political challenges, too. There is an active debate over whether the Biden administration got sufficient bang for its industrial policy buck beyond a few key sectors. U.S. investment in manufacturing has surged, and arguably industrial capacity has expanded. But as the economist Jason Furman pointed out in Foreign Affairs earlier this year, “The proportion of people working in manufacturing has been declining for decades and has not ticked back up, and overall domestic industrial production remains stagnant—in part because the fiscal expansion Biden oversaw led to higher costs, a stronger dollar, and higher interest rates, all of which have created headwinds for the manufacturing sectors that received no special subsidies from the legislation he championed.” Wherever one comes down in this debate, one thing is clear: even in the sectors that the Biden administration subsidized, such as semiconductors and green energy, the path to regaining global leadership is long and uncertain. The United States may play the protectionist game as well as others, but soon, inflation, higher costs of living, and job losses in industries or sectors affected by other countries’ retaliation will begin to bite. Trump appears to believe that a wall of tariffs—as well as the uncertainty about whether tariffs are on or off at any particular moment—is a powerful incentive for companies to locate their production in the United States, where they can be sure their goods will not be subject to tariffs. But as a general matter, companies that consider making the necessary capital investments to spur industrial production in the United States are looking for predictable policy environments, not tariffs that are imposed in the morning and withdrawn in the afternoon. Most may decide to sit on the sidelines, keeping their powder dry, until it becomes clearer what tariffs are going into effect, against whom, and for how long. After berating Beijing for its restrictions, Washington is putting up the same barriers. The historical record of tariffs driving expanded production and manufacturing jobs in the United States is far from definitive. Take, for example, the tariffs imposed by Trump in 2018 on Chinese imports. As a 2024 paper by Federal Reserve researchers Aaron Flaaen and Justin Pierce found, “Tariff increases enacted since early 2018 are associated with relative reductions in U.S. manufacturing employment and relative increases in producer prices. In terms of manufacturing employment, rising input costs and retaliatory tariffs account for the negative relationship, and the contribution from these channels more than offsets a small positive effect from import protection.” Some research has suggested that 75,000 downstream manufacturing jobs have been lost as a direct result of the tariffs, not to mention additional losses from retaliatory tariffs. The economic experts Benn Steil and Elisabeth Harding have also found that productivity in the U.S. steel industry tanked while productivity in other sectors rose since Trump imposed 25 percent tariffs on steel imports in March 2018. Output per hour in the U.S. steel industry has tumbled by 32 percent since 2017. Perhaps Trump’s approach to moving production back to the United States will bear fruit, but for that to happen, the U.S. government would have to permit foreign firms to actually make such investments. Both Biden and Trump opposed the Japanese company Nippon Steel’s acquisition of U.S. Steel, and U.S. policymakers are still debating whether Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund can acquire a controlling stake in the PGA Tour, which organizes U.S. golf tournaments—hardly a critical industry. The United States and others are imitating China in large part because China succeeded in a way that was unexpected. Its success in electric vehicles and clean technology did not come from liberalizing economic policies but from state interventions in the market in the name of nationalist objectives. Whether or not the United States can compete with China on China’s playing field, it is important to recognize a fundamental truth: the United States is now operating largely in accordance with Beijing’s standards, with a new economic model characterized by protectionism, constraints on foreign investment, subsidies, and industrial policy—essentially nationalist state capitalism. In the war over who gets to define the rules of the road, the battle is over, at least for now. And China won. Source: Foreign Affairs The post China Has Already Remade the International System appeared first on Puntland Post.

Jabuuti (Caasimada Online) – Sanduuqa Hantida Qaranka ee Jabuuti (Fonds Souverain de Djibouti – FSD) ayaa qorsheynaya in uu labo jibaaro hantida uu maamulo, taasoo haatan ka badan $1 bilyan, sannadaha soo socda. Sida uu sheegay agaasimaha guud ee sanduuqa, Slim Feriani, maalgashiyada lagu samaynayo mashaariicda faa’iido sare leh ayaa gacan ka geysan doona hirgelinta qorshayaasha horumarineed ee dowladda. Jabuuti, oo ku taalla Geeska Afrika, ayaa sanduuqan aasaastay sanadkii 2020, iyadoo qaadaneysa tusaale ka mid ah waddamada Khaliijka iyo Aasiya, sida Qatar iyo Singapore, si ay ugu maalgeliso kobcinta iyo kala-duwanaanta dhaqaalaha. Isla markaana, sanduuqa wuxuu u adeegayaa sidii badbaado dhaqaale xilliyada ay jiraan dhibaatooyin. “Isla marka laga soo tago wax kasta oo kale, saldhigga faa’iidada iyo wixii la halmaala, waxaan aaminsanahay in aan si hubaal ah u labo jibaarno hantida la maamulo sannadaha soo socda,” ayuu Feriani u sheegay Reuters intii lagu jiray wareysi. Sanduuqa FSD wuxuu si buuxda u leeyahay shirkadda isgaarsiinta ee dowladda, Djibouti Telecom, iyo 40% saamiga shirkadda GHIH, oo ah shirkadda hoos timaada dhammaan hantida badda iyo gaadiidka Jabuuti, oo ay ku jirto dekedda, sida uu sheegay Feriani. Sidoo kale, sanduuqa wuxuu sannad kasta helaa qiyaastii $25 milyan oo ah dakhliga laga helo kiraynta saldhigyada ciidan ee dowladda Jabuuti ay siisay dalalka shisheeye, taasoo ka dhigaysa 20% dakhliga sannadlaha ah ee kiradaasi. Jabuuti oo ah xuddun istiraatiiji Ah Feriani wuxuu tilmaamay in goobta istiraatiijiga ah ee Jabuuti ay ka dhigtay meel muhiim ah oo saldhigyo ciidan ay ka sameysteen dalalka Mareykanka, Shiinaha, Japan, iyo qaar ka mid ah dalalka Yurub sida Talyaaniga iyo Faransiiska. Jabuuti, oo ku taalla marin muhiim ah oo ah gelitaanka koonfureed ee Badda Cas, waa mid ka mid ah dalalka ugu yar Afrika, oo leh dad ka badan 1 milyan oo qof. Dhaqaalaha Jabuuti wuxuu si weyn ugu tiirsan yahay gaadiidka badda iyo dekedda casriga ah ee biyaha qoto dheer, taasoo sidoo kale u adeegta dalka deriska la ah ee aan badda lahayn, Itoobiya, oo ah suuq si xawli ah u kobcaya oo ka badan 100 milyan oo qof. Bankiga Adduunka ayaa saadaalinaya in kobaca dhaqaalaha Jabuuti uu celcelis ahaan gaaro 5.4% muddada u dhaxeysa 2024-2026, taasoo ay kor u qaadi doonaan dakhliga dhoofinta ee ka soo baxa adeegyada saadka iyo dib-u-dhoofinta badeecooyinka Itoobiya. Himilooyinka mustaqbalka “Waxaan nahay xarun dekedaha iyo saadka, laakiin waa in aan noqono xarun warshadeed oo u adeega gobolka intiisa kale,” ayuu yiri Feriani. Sanduuqa FSD wuxuu leeyahay qorshe maalgelin oo ka badan $50 milyan, kaasoo ka kooban xarumo xog ururin, tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo, iyo saadka gudaha dalka, iyo sidoo kale saami ku leh mashruuc tamarta cadceedda oo laga hirgelinayo deegaanka Grand Bara, sida uu sheegay Feriani, oo hore uga soo shaqeeyay bangiga maalgelinta ee Nomura ee London, sidoo kalena wasiir ka soo noqday Tunisia. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Feriani wuxuu sheegay in sanduuqa uu mustaqbalka maalgelin ku sameyn doono hantida dibadda, inkasta oo uusan xusin waqti cayiman. “Himiladeennu waa Temasek,” ayuu yiri, isagoo ula jeeda sanduuqa hantida qaranka ee Singapore.

Mogadishu (HOL) – The Somali National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) announced on Saturday that it killed at least 21 members of the Al-Shabaab militant group, including senior leaders and militia fighters, in a joint air and ground operation in the Geelgub area of the Middle Shabelle region. Source: Hiiraan Online

Afgooye (Caasimada Online) – Warar kala duwan ayaa kasoo baxaya duqeymo haatan ka socda qaybo kamid ah gobolka Shabeelaha Hoose, kuwaas oo ay fulinayaan diyaaradaha dagaalka ee dowladda Soomaaliya iyo kuwa saaxibada caalamiga ah. Weerarkan dhanka cirka ah ayaa saaka aroortii hore waxaa lagu qaaday goobo ay ku sugnan yihiin xubnaha Al-Shabaab oo ku yaalla duleedka degmada Afgooye, waxaana haatan xaaladdu ay tahay mid cakiran. Sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online waxaa duqeynta si gaar ah loogu garaacayaa deegaannada Sabiib iyo Canoole, halkaas oo ay ku sugan yihiin maleeshiyaadka Khawaarijta, iyada la beegsaday goobo ay ku dhuumaaleysanayen Shabaabka soo galay halkaasi. Wararka ayaa intaasi kusii daraya inuu ku jiro khasaare culus oo gaaray argagixisada, balse ma cadda inta uu gaarsiisan yahay, mana jiro war kasoo baxay dowladda dhexe. Sabiib iyo Canoole ayaa waxaa todobaadkii hore weerar qaraxyo ku bilowday kusoo qaaday kooxda Al-Shabaab oo halkaas dagaal culus kula galay ciidamada dowladda, waxaana tan iyo markaas ay kooxdu wadday dhaq-dhaqaaqyo culus. Ujeedka duqeymaha socda ayaa ah kuwa la doonayo in lagu burburiyo xarumaha Al-Shabaab ee ku yaalla Shabeelaha Hoose, si hoos loogu dhigo awoodooda. Xaaladda ayaa aad u kacsan, waxaana dadka ka agdhow goobaha ay ka socota duqeynta ay sheegayaan inay maqlayaan jugta gantaallo culus Waxaa sidoo kale weerarkaasi ka horreeyay mid kale oo isna lagu qaaday degmada Awdheegle oo ay muddo kooban la wareegeen Al-Shabaab , kadib dagaal culus oo ay la galeen ciidamada Gorgor iyo kuwa 14-ka October ee Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed. Al-Shabaab ayaa inta badan weerar gaadmo ah oo xilli hore oo subaxnimada ku qaada saldhigyada ciidamada dowladda, illaa haddana waxaa muuqata in aan wax laga baran weerarada isku xilliga dhaca ee kooxda ku bartilmaameedsato ciidanka dowladda. Si kastaba, Labada Shabeelle ayaa waxaa haatan ka socda howlgallo culus oo ka dhan ah maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab, kadib markii ay culeys soo saareen deegaannadii horay looga qabsaday ee gobolladaasi oo daris la ah magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimadda dalka.

Haweenka dalka Namibia ayaa hadda haya saddexda jago ee ugu sarreeya dowladda, ka dib doorashadii madaxtinimo oo ay ku guulaysatay madaxweyne Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah. Madaxweyne Nandi-Ndaitwah oo 64-jir ah ayaa waxaa madaxweyne ku xigeenka u noqatay Lucia Witbooi, halka afhayeenka baarlamaanka qaranka loo doortay Saara Kuugongelwa-Amadhila, taas oo ka dhigan in saddexda kursi ee ugu sarreeya qaab dhismeedka siyaasadda Namibia ay dumar ku fadhiyaan. Tani waxay Namibia ka dhigeysaa dalka keliya ee Afrikaan ah oo leh haweeney madaxweyne, madaxweyne ku xigeen iyo afhayeenka baarlamaanka oo wada haween ah, ayadoo Kuugongelwa-Amadhila ay taariikhda gashay in ay noqoto haweenaydii ugu horaysay ee xilka afhayeenimo qabata ee Baarlamaanka dalkaas. Dhanka kale 14-ka wasiir ee la dhaariyay ayaa 8 ka mid ahi ay yihiin haween, halka 7 kale ay heystaan ​​xilal wasiir ku xigeen, waxayna arrintani si weyn u soo jiidatay dareenka haweenka afrika, gaar ahaan kuwa Namibia oo hamigooda ka qeyb-galka siyaasaddu halkii ugu sarreysay gaaray. Source: goobjoog.com

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda Somaliland, Cabdiraxmaan Daahir Aadan, ayaa si adag u dhaleeceeyay hindisaha ay Soomaaliya u soo bandhigtay Maraykanka, kaas oo ku saabsan in si gaar ah loogu wareejiyo maamulka kaabayaasha istaraatiijiga ah, gaar ahaan dekedda iyo saldhigga diyaaradaha ee Berbera. Isagoo la hadlayay wakaaladda Reuters Jimcihii, Cabdiraxmaan wuxuu arrintan ku tilmaamay mid ay ka dambeyso “maamul musuq-maasuq ah” oo ka jira Soomaaliya, wuxuuna si kalsooni leh u sheegay in Maraykanku hadda diyaar u yahay inuu si toos ah ula macaamilo Somaliland. “Waa maxay iskaashiga la sheegayo?” ayuu si kulul u weydiiyay. “Maraykanku muddo dheer ayuu ka quustay hay’addan fashilantay ee la yiraahdo Soomaaliya. Hadda Maraykanku diyaar buu u yahay inuu la shaqeeyo Somaliland, oo ah dal adduunka u muujiyay nabad, xasillooni, iyo dimuqraadiyad.” Cabdiraxmaan wuxuu sidoo kale adkeeyay muhiimadda istaraatiijiga ah ee Somaliland: “Maraykanku ma aha kuwo aqoon yari haysa. Si fiican bay u garanayaan cidda gacanta ku haysa furaha dekedda Berbera.” Warqaddii Soomaaliya u dirtay Trump Hadalkan adag ee Cabdiraxmaan wuxuu daba socdaa warqad soo shaac baxday oo uu Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, u diray Madaxweynaha Maraykanka, Donald Trump. Warqaddan, oo ay Reuters dib u eegis ku samaysay, ayaa ku taariikhaysan 16-kii Maarso. Warqaddaas, Xasan Sheekh wuxuu Maraykanka ugu soo bandhigay in si gaar ah loogu wareejiyo maamulka xarumo istaraatiiji ah, oo ay ku jiraan saldhigyada diyaaradaha ee Balidoogle iyo Berbera, iyo dekedaha Berbera iyo Boosaaso. Ujeeddada Soomaaliya ee hindisahan ayaa la sheegay inay tahay in Maraykanku helo joogitaan milatari oo xooggan oo ka dhex muuqda Geeska Afrika, taasoo fududayn karta dadaalka lagu xakameynayo khatarta joogtada ah ee ka imaanaysa kooxaha Islaamiga ah ee ka hawlgala Soomaaliya iyo guud ahaan gobolka. Madaxweyne Xasan ayaa warqaddiisa ku adkeeyay muhiimadda istaraatiijiga ah ee xarumahaas, isagoo sheegay inay “fursad weyn u yihiin xoojinta xiriirka Maraykanka ee gobolka, iyagoo dammaanad qaadaya helitaan joogto ah oo saadka iyo istaraatiijiyadda ah, lagana hortagayo saameynta tartamayaasha shisheeye ee isha ku haya marin-biyoodkan muhiimka ah.” Xiisadda ka dhalatay Berbera Si kastaba ha ahaatee, ku darista Berbera ee hindisaha Soomaaliya waxay sii xumeyn doontaa xiriirka horayba u cakirnaa ee kala dhexeeya Somaliland. Somaliland waxay ku dhawaaqday madax-bannaanideeda sannadkii 1991, waxaana ay si adag uga soo horjeeddaa in Soomaaliya yeelato xukun ama saameyn dib ugu soo noqota. Somaliland waxay si buuxda gacanta ugu haysaa Berbera, iyadoo muddo ka badan 30 sano si isdaba joog ah u raadineysay aqoonsi caalami ah. Ilaa hadda, wasaaradaha arrimaha dibadda iyo warfaafinta ee Soomaaliya kama aysan hadlin warqaddaas ama jawaabta kulul ee Somaliland. Saldhigga diyaaradaha ee Balidoogle wuxuu qiyaastii 90 km dhanka waqooyi-galbeed kaga beegan yahay caasimadda Soomaaliya ee Muqdisho, halka dekedda Boosaaso ay ku taallo gobolka is-maamulka leh ee Puntland.

Podcast / Which Way Will Trump Go on Somalia? This week on The Horn, Alan talks with Crisis Group’s Somalia expert Omar Mahmood about what the impact of a major Trump pivot on Somalia could look like, as well as Al-Shabaab’s new offensive and the recent thaw in Ethiopia-Somalia relations. Share Save In this episode of The Horn, Alan is joined by Omar Mahmood, Crisis Group’s Senior Analyst for Somalia and the Horn of Africa to discuss Somalia’s uncertain new global context with the dawn of a new Trump administration. They first unpack the recent Ankara declaration between Somalia and Ethiopia and the failure to find funding for the new African Union mission in Somalia. They then explore what the Trump administration might do on Somalia, the potential for a major rupture in Washington’s support for Somalia’s federal government, and what this could mean for European, Turkish and Arab support for Somalia’s government. They also assess new offensives from Al-Shabaab and how the group is trying to posture itself amid all these shifts. Click here to listen on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. For more, check out the last episodes of The Horn on Somalia “What to Expect from the New AU Mission in Somalia” and “Somalia amid a Swirl of Regional Tensions” as well as our Somalia country page. Qaran News

Meel kasta ayaan u qaadannaa, waxaan la aadnaa sariirta, suuliga iyo dad badan oo ah waxa ugu horreeya ee ay la soo toosaan subaxdii. In ka badan 90% dadweynaha adduunka ayaa leh ama isticmaala telefoonnada gacanta. Laakin haddii aad door bidayso in aad isticmaasho teleefankaaga inta aad musqusha ku jirto, waa isbeddel welwel leh. Dad badan la socodka macluumaadka online ee telefoonada gacanta ee muddada dheer ma oga saamaynta caafimaad ee ka dhalanaysa. Aynu diiradda saarno caabuqyada ay dadku qaadaan marka ay musqusha galaan oo ay isticmaalaan telefoonadooda. Waa maxay mushkiladaha waaweyn Qaar badan oo naga mid ah, gaar ahaan dadka da’da yar, ayaa doorbida isticmaalka taleefannada inta suuliga lagu jiro. Dadka ku qaata musqusha wax ka badan nus saac waxaa ku dhaca cudurro badan. Dadka noocan oo kale ah waxay joogaan hal meel muddo dheer sababtoo ah waxay si joogto ah u hubinayaan telefoonadooda gacanta. Tani waxay cadaadis dheeraad ah saaraysaa muruqyada agagaarka dabada. Muruqani waxa uu caawiyaa saxarada. Saxarada khasabka ah waxay kordhisaa halista cudurrada dhammaan xubnaha jidhka. Tan waxaa ka mid ah babaasiirka, gaaska, iyo fistulaha. Sidoo kale, in hal meel la fadhiisto wakhti dheer waxay carqaladaysaa wareegga dhiigga ee jirka. Naftaada oo lagu qasbo in aad musqusha gasho adiga oo hal meel fadhiya waxa ay u horseedi kartaa gaas caloosha iyo dhibaato in aad saxarooto. Tusaale ahaan, musqusha fadhigeeda wuxuu kordhiyaa cadaadiska malawadka iyo murqaha, ku fariisiga wakhtiga dheerna wuxuu keeni karaa walaac. Tani waxay dhacdaa marka aad daahiso galmada oo aad yeelato rabitaanka inaad sii deyso waxa jirkaaga ku jira, dadku waxay isku arkaan inay si adag isu riixayaan oo ay dhibaato galaan. Sidoo kale, fadhiista musqusha waqtiga dheer marka aad fiirineyso taleefankaaga waxay keentaa cadaadis xubnaha jirka sida qoorta iyo dhabarka. Haddaba, waxaa muhiim ah in la xusuusto in qofku uu muddo gaaban gudaheed ku xaajo guto, isla markaana uu iska ilaaliyo isticmaalka talefanka gacanta marka uu sidaas samaynayo. Waxa kale oo laga yaabaa in aad la kulanto dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin kabuubyo gacmahaaga iyo cagahaaga ah, ama socodka oo kugu adkaada muddo gaaban sababtoo ah gacmahaaga oo aad ku hayso hal meel. Qaab nololeedka fadhiidka ah ayaa la muujiyay inuu leeyahay cawaaqib xumo shantii sano ee la soo dhaafay, gaar ahaan tan iyo markii uu faafay cudurka koroonaha. Fadhiga wakhtiga dheer, ku shaqaynta fadhiga, bixitaan la’aanta, la’aanta jimicsiga ama yoga, cunista chips iyo cuntooyinka warshadaysan ayaa noqday wax caadi ah. Intaa waxaa dheer, in hal meel la fadhiisto wakhti dheer waxay keeni kartaa wadne xanuun, sonkorow, cayil, dhabar xanuun, murqo xanuun, iyo xanuunka kala goysyada. Dhibaatooyinka sida bararka, miisaanka oo kordha, iyo heerka dheef-shiid kiimikaad oo gaabis ah ayaa sidoo kale saameeya caafimaadka maskaxda. Taas oo keliya ma aha, qaab nololeedka fadhiidku waxa kale oo uu u horseedi karaa dhibaatooyin sida walaac, niyad-jab, walbahaar, iyo khalkhal cunto. Xigashada Sawirka,Getty Images Maxaa dhacaya marka aad mar walba fadhido? Qaab nololeedka fadhiidka ah oo aan lahayn wax dhaqdhaqaaq jireed ah ayaa wax u dhimaya tayada nolosha waxayna kordhisaa halista dhibaatooyin caafimaad oo badan. Sidoo kale fadhiga dheer wuxuu jirka ka ilaaliyaa in uu habeeyo heerka sonkorta dhiigga iyo insuliinka, taasoo keenta nooca 2-aad ee xanuunka macaanka, welwelka, niyad-jabka, kalagoysyada iyo murqaha oo xanuuna, cadaadiska dhiigga oo kordha iyo dufanka jidhka, iyo khatarta sare ee wadne xanuunka. Fadhiga waqti dheer ayaa sidoo kale cadaadis saaraya murqaha dhabarka, waxayna taasi sababtaa dhibaatooyin ku yimaada laf-dhabarta ah. Hab-nololeedkan waxaa lala xiriiriyaa cudurrada sida dhabarka iyo qoorta, iyo xididdada varicose. Sidee lagu joojin karaa in telefoonka lagu dhex isticmaalo suuliga? Waxaan waydiinay Dr. Narendra Nikam, oo ka hawlgala Isbitaalka Lilavati, Mumbai, sida loola tacaalo caadeysiga isticmaalka taleefankaaga gudaha suuliga. Dr. Nikam ayaa yidhi, “fadhiga musqusha muddada dheer waxay keentaa daciifnimo xagga muruqyada sagxada miskaha, taas oo ah, murqaha min xudunta ilaa barida, taas oo keenta dhibaatooyin xagga xakamaynta kaadida iyo saxarada. Sidaa darteed, waa in aan wax ka badan shan ama toban daqiiqo la dhex joogin suuliga. Looma baahna in cadaadis xad dhaaf ah lagu saaro muruqyada. “Si looga fogaado dhibaatooyinka, waa in la cabaa laba ilaa saddex litir oo biyo ah maalin kasta, jimicsi joogto ah, iyo kordhinta fiber-ka cuntada”. Waxa kale oo muhiim ah in aad aragto dhakhtar haddii calaamadaha xanuunka caloosha ama bararku ay sii socdaan in ka badan laba maalmood, ayuu yidhi Dr. Nikam. Dr. Shahid Parvez oo ka tirsan cisbitaalka AIIMS, Dombivli, ayaa ku nuuxnuuxsaday in sababta babaasiirka iyo dhibaatooyinka la xidhiidha aanay ahayn oo kaliya fiber la’aanta cuntada, balse ay sidoo kale ay la xiriirto fadhiga dheer ee musqusha iyo isticmaalka joogtada ah ee telefoonka. Tani waxay cadaadis ku keentaa xididdada dhiigga ee u dhow halka ay saxaradu ka soo baxdo, taasoo keenta xanuun daran marka dhiiggu ka soo qulqulo boogaha xubinta taranka haweenka. Intaa waxaa dheer, jeermiska laga yaabo inuu ku jiro taleefankaaga ka dibna taabta wajigaaga iyo gacmahaaga, wuxuuna keeni karaa caabuq caloosha ah. Dr. Parvez ayaa kula taliyay dadka in ay sameeyaan aagag ka caagan taleefoonada guriga, oo ay ku jiraan qolka jiifka, goobta cuntada, iyo suuliga, si looga fogaado dhibaatooyinka caafimaad ee la xiriira isticmaalka aan habooneyn ee taleefoonada gacanta. Xigashada Sawirka,Getty Images Caloosha oo fariisata iyo Baabasiir Gaaska caloosha ku jira ama xannibaadda dhammaan habka dheef-shiidka caloosha ayaa sababi kara dhibaatooyin badan. Marka habka dheefshiidka ee caloosha uu daciifo, cadaadis ayaa fuula malawadka. Tani waxay keeni kartaa dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin baabasiirka. Dhibaatadani waxay ku badan tahay dadka da’doodu ka weyn tahay 45 jir. Bukaannada noocan oo kale ah waxay u badan tahay inay ku dhacaan dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin baabasiirka. Xaaladaha daran, ururinta gaasku waxay sababi kartaa xinjiro dhiig sababtoo ah cadaadiska xad-dhaafka ah ee malawadka, taas oo kordhinaysa khatarta wadne xanuunka iyo faaligga. Xaaladahan oo kale, waxaa muhiim ah in si degdeg ah loo daweeyo gaaska si looga fogaado dhibaatooyinka mustaqbalka. Calool-istaagga raaga macnaheedu waa inaadan awoodin inaad aado musqusha toddobaad ama ka badan. Calaamadaha lagu garto waxaa ka mid ah dhiig-bax, calool xanuun, cadaadis inta lagu jiro dhaqdhaqaaqa saxarada, iyo dhibaatooyinka saxaro la’aanta. Dr. Lakin Veera oo ka tirsan isbitaalka Apollo Spectra, Mumbai, ayaa sheegay in sababaha calool-istaagga ay ka mid yihiin fiber la’aanta cuntada, jimicsi la’aanta, isticmaalka cuntooyinka warshadaysan, iyo dhibaatooyinka kale ee jireed sida xannibaadda mindhicirka xilliga uurka ama da’da. Xaaladdan ayaa cadaadis ku keenta xididdada dhiigga ee malawadka, taasoo keenta boogo iyo nabarro. Cadaadiska daba dheeraada wuxuu sababi karaa nabar gudaha iyo dibadda dabada ah. Dr. Veera ayaa intaa ku dartay in boqolkiiba 20 dadka da’doodu u dhaxayso 45 ilaa 65 ay la kulmaan dhibaatooyin xagga gaaska ah, qaar badana ay u baahan yihiin daweyn degdeg ah si looga fogaado dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin babaasiirta iyo baabasiirka. Dr. Hemant Patel, oo ah dhakhtar guud oo ka tirsan cisbitaalka Zenova Shelby, Mumbai, ayaa sheegay in bukaanno badan oo maalmahan yimaada ay la kulmaan dhibaatooyin gaas, iyo calool xanuun. Wuxuu carrabka ku adkeeyay muhiimadda ay leedahay daawaynta degdega ah, wuxuuna sheegay in cunnada faybarku ku badan tahay, jimicsi joogto ah, iyo cabbitaanka biyo ku filan ay ka mid yihiin tallaabooyinka muhiimka ah ee lagu hagaajinayo caafimaadka dheefshiidka. Bbc Somali. Qaran News

Mogadishu (HOL) – Former Somali intelligence chief Fahad Yasin Haji Dahir has urged President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to convene a national forum and develop a unified national plan to combat terrorism, emphasizing the need for unity across political divides as Somalia faces a persistent insurgent threat. Source: Hiiraan Online

Hargeisa (HOL) – Somaliland administration has rejected the Somali federal government's reported offer of the strategic Berbera port to the United States, dismissing the move as a "desperate and meaningless attempt" to derail Somaliland's push for international recognition. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Agaasimihii hore ee Hay’adda NISA, Fahad Yaasiin, ayaa farriin uu ciwaan uga dhigay “Mudane Madaxweyne, isku dhex yaaca ka hor, dadka la tasho,” u diray Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh. Fahad ayaa qoraalkiisa ku sheegay inay diyaar u yihiin inay meel iska dhigaan kala aragti duwanaanshaha, isla markaana uu doonayo inuu Madaxweynaha la wadaago talo iyo tusaale kasta oo dalka badbaado u noqon kara. “Madaxweyne, waa waqtigii la muujin lahaa midnimo iyo wadajir keeni kara qorshe qaran oo looga hortagi karo argagixisada halista ku ah jiritaanka qaranka,” ayuu yiri Fahad Yaasiin. Sidoo kale, Fahad wuxuu sheegay inuu hal codsi u gudbinayo Madaxweynaha, isla markaana uu jeclaan lahaa in la soo dhaweeyo oo laga aqbalo, taasoo ah “Gogol Qaran.” “Madaxweyne, waxaad ku baaqdaa gogol qaran oo aad ugu yeerto cid walba oo talo iyo tayo kusoo kordhin karta xaaladda uu dalku marayo maanta. Gogoshaas ha noqoto mid furan oo shuruud la’aan ah, dhinacaaga iyo dhinaca mucaaradka labadaba,” ayuu yiri Fahad Yaasiin. Fahad oo talo-siintiisa sii wata ayaa yiri, “Madaxweyne, waqtigan ma ahan xilligii la is eedeyn lahaa, ee waa xaaladdii la midoobi lahaa. Waxaan kaa rajaynaynaa inaad noqoto odaygii qaranka oo aad meel iska dhigto wax walba oo dalka iyo dadka kala qaybinaya.” Fahad Yaasiin iyo kooxdii uu ka tirsanaa ee Farmaajo hoggaamin jiray ayaa hore loogu xusuustaa in aysan wax talo wadaag ah la sameyn jirin siyaasiyiinta, aqoonyahanka, dhaqanka bulshada, iyo cid kasta oo mudan in talo la weydiiyo. Si kastaba, maanta wuxuu Xasan Sheekh ugu baaqayaa inuu dadkiisa talo weydiisto. Agaasimihii hore ee NISA, Fahad Yaasiin, ayaa marar badan talooyin muhiim ah u soo gudbiyey Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh, balse inta badan ma noqon kuwo miro-dhala oo Xasan aqbalo ama qaato. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Fahad kama daalo in uu talooyin siiyo isagoo adeegsanaya baraha bulshada. Talooyinka Fahad Yaasiin uu soo gudbiyo ayaa lagu tilmaamaa kuwo wax ku ool ah oo mudan in la qaato, balse waxaa la isweydiinayaa: Muxuu sida uu tilmaamayo ugu maamuli waayey dalka intii isaga iyo saaxiibkiis Farmaajo xukunka hayeen, oo ay dadka waxgaradka ah ku macneeyeen xukunkii hore ‘mid dalka u horseeday dib u dhac weyn’?

Somalia is prepared to offer the United States exclusive control of strategic air bases and ports, its president said in a letter to President Donald Trump seen by Reuters on Friday. Source: Hiiraan Online

The administration of President Donald Trump has made a formal notice to Congress that it plans to reorganise the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), as the Republican leader faces constitutional challenges over his dismantling of the agency so far. Source: Hiiraan Online

HAITI President Fritz Alphonse Jean has visited the Multinational Security Support mission camp where Kenyan police officers are based following the killing of one of the officers by gangs. Source: Hiiraan Online