The same players from late 1970s , when fighting against SSDF, to SNM, in 1980s, to clan wars in early1990s, to SSC 2023, and Laascanood, same.players Evil people don't die, good people die young

Who?

The SL Ethiopia deal is death sentence for Djibouti

extremely rushed, majority Somalis are very excited, but i think in the long run, not much will come out We can not outsource our issues, Somalis problems can not be fixed by other countries for them, they have to find solution for them internally

Who will pay for it?

It is hard to believe but I think Turkiya will abuse this deal, it is rushed, the good part is illegal fishing can be controlled or replaced with legal one via Only Turkey I have my doubts to think Turkiya has magic bullet to our problems , don't depend one country alone Somalia's issues is internal issues

Turkey will attack Ethiopian ships if they come close to Somali waters https://x.com/YonisYasin1/status/1760240007653232798?s=20

why do some reports suggest he was killed one of the Duriyada, what is going in this hell hole Mogadishu

Reminder of the Habro infighting for power, the whole project is fake, and this may return, 3.1 Fighting Between Clans Many observers predicted a war between the Isaaq and the other clans in the North, namely the Warsengele, the Issa, the Gadabursi and the Dulbahante. These clans were reluctant to support the secession of the North, particularly because, in the eyes of the Isaaq, they had been associated with the Siad Barre regime (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 22 June 1991; Africa Events June 1991). Instead, war erupted among the various Isaaq clans. In January 1992, following violent clan fighting between the Habar Jelo and the Habar Yunis in Burao, several dozen people were killed, and a number of others were forced into exile (Le Monde 13 Feb. 1992; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 Jan. 1992). This fighting began after the firing of Minister of Defence Mohamed Ali Kahin, who had apparently been preparing a military coup to overthrow the current president. The struggle between the two men arose out of the fact that the head of state, Abdirahman Ali Tour, had given precedence to civilians at the expense of former guerrilla fighters. According to Kahin, it was inconceivable that the number of military representatives in the Abdirahman Ali Tour government be limited to two (Jeune Afrique 16-22 Apr. 1992). A source "close to the official representation bureau of Somaliland in Europe" and quoted by The Indian Ocean Newsletter reports, however, that the friction resulted from an attack led by dissident members of the military against the Burao garrison (25 Jan. 1992). Kahin is a member of the Habar Jelo clan, like the former president of the SNM, Mohamed Silanyo. Silanyo recently criticized President Abdirahman Ali Tour for his overly hasty proclamation of the North's secession (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992). The opposition also accuses the head of state of "dictatorial tendencies, corruption and clan favouritism," as the former minister of water and minerals asserts: There are no collective cabinet decisions. There hasn't been a single law that has been signed. He (Tour) is hardly in the office, but this is where the buck stops (Inter Press Service 16 Mar. 1992). At the end of March 1992, fighting broke out in Borama and, a few days later, spread to Berbera, the North's principal port and sole generator of government revenue. Berbera is under the control of the Issa Moussa. The fighting involved the army of the current president and the forces of General Abdillahi Ibrahim, also known as Dheega Weine (Big Ears), who is very close to Kahin, the former minister of defence (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992; Africa Confidential 3 Apr. 1992). These conflicts are the logical consequences of the spirit, structure and objectives of this movement. According to the UNHCR, 90 percent of the population (70,000) has left Berbera for neighbouring towns or villages (UNHCR 29 May 1992, 6). The Vice-President and Minister of Defence stated in March 1992 We have given negotiations every chance, so now we have full public backing to enforce the full thrust of the law. ... No matter what the casualties are going to be, every government is entitled to use legitimate force. Either they (the rebels) put down their arms and surrender or they'll be run over (IPS 16 Mar. 1992). Following this declaration, women and children demonstrated against the war in the streets of Hargeisa (Ibid.).

Warning, this may even be back, if the secessionist crazy project does not end. inter clan fighting between Somalilanders 3.1 Fighting Between Clans Many observers predicted a war between the Isaaq and the other clans in the North, namely the Warsengele, the Issa, the Gadabursi and the Dulbahante. These clans were reluctant to support the secession of the North, particularly because, in the eyes of the Isaaq, they had been associated with the Siad Barre regime (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 22 June 1991; Africa Events June 1991). Instead, war erupted among the various Isaaq clans. In January 1992, following violent clan fighting between the Habar Jelo and the Habar Yunis in Burao, several dozen people were killed, and a number of others were forced into exile (Le Monde 13 Feb. 1992; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 Jan. 1992). This fighting began after the firing of Minister of Defence Mohamed Ali Kahin, who had apparently been preparing a military coup to overthrow the current president. The struggle between the two men arose out of the fact that the head of state, Abdirahman Ali Tour, had given precedence to civilians at the expense of former guerrilla fighters. According to Kahin, it was inconceivable that the number of military representatives in the Abdirahman Ali Tour government be limited to two (Jeune Afrique 16-22 Apr. 1992). A source "close to the official representation bureau of Somaliland in Europe" and quoted by The Indian Ocean Newsletter reports, however, that the friction resulted from an attack led by dissident members of the military against the Burao garrison (25 Jan. 1992). Kahin is a member of the Habar Jelo clan, like the former president of the SNM, Mohamed Silanyo. Silanyo recently criticized President Abdirahman Ali Tour for his overly hasty proclamation of the North's secession (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992). The opposition also accuses the head of state of "dictatorial tendencies, corruption and clan favouritism," as the former minister of water and minerals asserts: There are no collective cabinet decisions. There hasn't been a single law that has been signed. He (Tour) is hardly in the office, but this is where the buck stops (Inter Press Service 16 Mar. 1992). At the end of March 1992, fighting broke out in Borama and, a few days later, spread to Berbera, the North's principal port and sole generator of government revenue. Berbera is under the control of the Issa Moussa. The fighting involved the army of the current president and the forces of General Abdillahi Ibrahim, also known as Dheega Weine (Big Ears), who is very close to Kahin, the former minister of defence (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992; Africa Confidential 3 Apr. 1992). These conflicts are the logical consequences of the spirit, structure and objectives of this movement. According to the UNHCR, 90 percent of the population (70,000) has left Berbera for neighbouring towns or villages (UNHCR 29 May 1992, 6). The Vice-President and Minister of Defence stated in March 1992 We have given negotiations every chance, so now we have full public backing to enforce the full thrust of the law. ... No matter what the casualties are going to be, every government is entitled to use legitimate force. Either they (the rebels) put down their arms and surrender or they'll be run over (IPS 16 Mar. 1992). Following this declaration, women and children demonstrated against the war in the streets of Hargeisa (Ibid.).

everything is recorded by UN, and other agencies, how the secession was only HABRO project, they fabricate stories that SSC, Maakhir or even Awdal agree to it, the whole project was fake. if you not lazy and able to read , anybody can find out the truth. The lie is directly responsible what happened in in SOOL 2023, Kalshaale etc and now giving access to Ethiopia --- 4. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS Future prospects for the North remain sombre. The newly-created Republic of Somaliland remains unrecognized by the international community, and anarchy and insecurity prevail. Clan politics and socio-economic conditions are basically the same as those of southern Somalia: the same catalysts are present, although they are not yet as intense as in the south, where the cycle of inter-clan violence has grown to frightening proportions. Social prospects for the North depend on a number of factors. First, clan favouritism exhibited by the government of Abdirahman Tour has created discontent both among rival clans and sub-clans and among the leaders who have been ousted from power, particularly former SNM guerrilla fighters who have argued for a greater military presence within the government (Gilkes July 1992, 54). The proclamation of the secession of the North was not unanimous (Current History May 1992, 233). Some non-Isaaq clans still resent the Isaaq for the devastation the region has experienced since 1988 and for the SNM's unilateral take-over in 1991. As well, "while there is no ideologically based opposition to the administration in Somaliland, its domination by the Isaaq-supported SNM has led to resistance from some members of non-Isaaq clans" (Ibid.).

why do you guys killing innocent everywhere? In Awdal, a clear ethnic cleansing

The third reason is the government's human rights record. For example, in 1981, a group of intellectuals in Hargeisa attempted to renovate the city's hospital as a community self-help project, with the support of a German NGO; they were sentenced to lengthy prison terms. The solidarity exhibited for this group by the entire population of the city, and particularly by students who demonstrated in the streets of Hargeisa during their trial in February 1982, was forcibly suppressed by the military police. Five people were killed during the demonstration and hundreds of others were arrested. Many subsequently gave their support to the SNM rebels. After peace accords were signed by Presidents Mengistu and Siad Barre in April 1988, the SNM took action and launched a massive attack on the cities of Burao and Hargeisa. The government responded with mass executions, heavy artillery bombardment and aerial bombings. The refugees who were attempting to flee the combat by heading for the Ethiopian border were not spared from the bombing. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) counted 400,000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia following these events. The SNM was itself involved in numerous human rights violations and committed atrocities, as evidenced by massacres of non-Isaaq families. The targeted populations did not forget the toll taken. According to Gersony's report, the SNM "killed unarmed civilians in individual instances which together may have resulted in the deaths of at least several hundred or more persons." These killings occurred "when neither resistance to these actions nor danger to the SNM was present" (Gersony Aug. 1989, 60-65). 3. CURRENT SITUATION In February 1991 the SNM (Isaaq) army conducted "mopping-up operations" in the Awdal region that took the lives of more than 130 people and forced hundreds of thousands of others into exile (Radio of the Somali National Movement 5 Feb. 1991; Africa Research Bulletin 1-28 Feb. 1991, 10026; INCS-UK Apr. 1991, 71-72). In March 1991, fighting occurred between the SNM and the Gadabursi near the Ethiopian border, and conflicts erupted between the SNM and the Issa near the Djibouti border (New African May 1991, 12). In April 1991, a conference of the northern communities, organized by the SNM, resulted in the appointment of a constituent assembly comprised of 45 Isaaq, 35 Darood, 20 Gadabursi and 5 Issa. The official goal of the assembly is to draw up a constitution, form a government and organize elections to be held in 1993 (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 May 1991). The SNM announced that Abdirahman Ahmed Ali, known as Abdirahman Tour, had been appointed president of the North (Africa Research Bulletin 1-31 May 1991, 10142), and also announced the formation of a new government composed of two Dulbahante, two Gadabursi, one Warsengele and thirteen Isaaq (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 8 June 1991; Le Monde 8 June 1991). Another source, however, reports that there is one member of the Issa clan in this government (Africa Confidential 14 June 1991). Since shortly after the declaration of independence of the North in May 1991 the situation, which had been somewhat promising when the new state was formed, has steadily deteriorated. source The North | Refworld WWW.REFWORLD.ORG

All I am saying, the numbers are exaggerated extremely by politicians these days, the truth is far different, and yet who are responsible for all these deaths? there was a dictator in power, and very dumb separatists who started war in their own home town I agree the whole population of Hargaisa and Burco, was less than 500K, majority of them fled to Ethiopia

When we used to debate secessionist back then, they used to say, 50K were killed, you can even see videos from early 2000s The actual report from Rukiya Omaar ,Raage's older sister, who was working for agency late 1980s to early 1990s, , was about 5K, Now , 50K is not big enough, and they say it was 500K It is changing everyday Many innocent died in last 30 years of Somali civil war, but to program the youth, with very inaccurate info, has hidden agenda, it is possible now, those propagating , hatred, cuqdad, are not actual Somalis, but Ethiopians, it suits them Somalis must have a real reconciliations conference, no under estimate or over estimate, no lies, just truths, what actually happened? it is hard to get REAL truth with so much misinformation, over the years, that if you keep telling lies lies , it forms its own life, and imagination, and is part of not healing, trauma, some real and false trauma

Somalia Will declare war