Why limit it to Somali's. I want East African Muslim union. 70% of Ethiopia, all of Djibouti, the Muslim portions of Kenya all of Tanzania and Sudan and the Muslim half of eriteria. While you guys comment on AU mercaneries did this and Nicolas kay said we can do that. You people lack ambition.

Some people live in the real world. I don't care for nationalism. I don't care about borders. My forefathers never cared etheir hence why they initiated the union. They initiated it on the basis of a shared religion, culture and objective. For now Somaliland as a state is a vehicle. That vehicle exists to ensure our survival and the survival of all the people that live within it. All you have to do is visit it to understand. These days if you claim to want Islam you will be fought. Our cities were ruined and our people almost wiped out. We are at present in a stage of reconstruction and growth. Islamic law is our eventual goal and hundreds of thousands of people share my views across Somaliland. I don't doubt that we Somali's are all brothers, I don't doubt that we will have a shared objective. But the reality is.... Somali's are not mentally ready to be one. That's a fact. We tried and even to this day we are not United. Because deep down we are all a tribalist society that has been infected with a poison. This is the reason why you guys are always on these forums with petty tribal power struggles. This why this slow odey although claiming to be an odey says stupid things like I own you. Let's be honost with ourselves. Somalia southern half at present is a disaster. Why should we all parish? Ultimate objective Islamic law in all Somali territories. Islam is the only cure that can fight the poison that infects us. And Islam alone has the power to destroy nationalism etc. But for now what good is to be United with a people who can't even protect their women from rape by AU mercaneries. Ruled and owned by foreign powers. Fighting for what??? Who are all at war with each other for politics whose entire system is based on the poison that kills us. Scientific Socialism, nationalism,pan Somalim, tribalism. These isms are the reason for our destruction. Until Somali's fight them we will always be the weakest in our region. Remember the Shahada is the first part of our flag.... That's out ultimate goal.

The fact that odey is preoccupied by others instead of himself shows that he is losing hope in Somalia the nationalist project. Never see Somalilanders talking about Somalia always the other way around. There is a reason for that. They have faith in themselves unlike these physically and mentally occupied people in Somalia. From an outsider perspective odey all we see is African mercaneries, tribalism, civil war and choas along with corruption and none stop nonsense. All we see is An occupied people and occupied state begging a free people to join them in the occupation. The reality is you have no army, no police, no credible systems or institutions. No tax capability, nothing. Just AU forces fighting on your behalf and UN money that gets robbed. Dont forget Saxib. The Somaliland people invented your concept of nationalism as far as it is. Not only did we invent it but we raised its first flag. Today its long gone and dead. And may it stay like that forever. With or without recognition it seems the people of Somaliland would rather starve and be separate then join you. It says alot about you more then them me thinks. It seems our mad naibour down south are starting to fall in love with their occupiers and believe they are actually achieving something for themselves. Let's not lie to ourselves. Somaliland is man trapped in a house with the mad women who is obsessed with him. A mad women who has an African lover now but isn't willing to let go.

I can see galbeedi has failed miserably. If you don't know what your talking about its best you keep your mouth shut in the future galbeedi.

Western version of events: Exposed.....

He is being detained therefore forget the message and forget the fact that he is walking in central kobane. Forget the fact that the western media has been lieing to us for over a month about the bravery of communists. Seriously. He is being detained that's true but what about the actual video showing how much of the city is actually controlled by IS. Tillamok Hargaisa is well, like we said we tried to unite with you people, we removed the borders and your uncivilised fascist, tribalist fake nationalist faces came out. So while we grow, you still fight each other for the same reasons.... Because most of you on this forum and similar to the majority of your people are fascists, tribalist, fake nationalist. islam is the only solution for the entire horn of Africa. When you realise that you will find peace in the meantime continue arguing over your AU occupied dead corpses.

The West says 400 IS militants have been killed and the YPG kurdish militia are fighting back and pushing IS out of kobane. New video reveals IS in control of kobane....? Misinformation by the West exposed. http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x28qcst_مؤسسة-الاعتصام-تقدم-من-داخل-عين-العرب-عين-الإسلام-كوبا

Acudubilah... https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hhn0NKibgik

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qUP0b2KNgrg

This is what the United States supports in the Middle East.... To destroy Islam...the Shia.....ahlul shaytan https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hv6gKaQOYJQ

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j9vjN-4uUSE

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tw8hCXqqTiY

The United States supports Assad in his killing of Sunnis. The Iraq government in its killing of Sunnis and now the houthis in Yemen with air power.....why??? Because they are both enemies of Islam.

It's been over a day now so I can safely say similar to the title of your thread galbeedi is the know nothing individual. Easy to accuse others. Should we put this stray out of his misery or wait for him to do his google quick research. Galbeedi??? Mr nonsense. Talk out of his a££, We are waiting.

After billion spent and hundreds dead. The Taliban is as strong as ever. HAHAR DARA, Afghanistan — The last time Afghans in the northern province of Kunduz felt so threatened by the Talibanwas in 2009, just before President Obama deployed thousands of troops to push the insurgents back from the outskirts of the province’s capital. Now the Taliban are back, but the cavalry will not be coming. With just two months left before the formal end of the 13-year international combat mission, Western officials insist that the Afghan security forces have managed to contain the Taliban’s offensives on their own. But the insurgents’ alarming gains in Kunduz in recent weeks present a different picture. In an area that has not been a primary front against the Taliban for years, there are now two districts almost entirely under Taliban rule, local officials say. The Taliban are administering legal cases and schools, and even allowing international aid operations to work there, the officials say. The new Afghan government under President Ashraf Ghani has acknowledged the depth of the crisis, telling local officials in a videoconference that Kunduz’s situation was a priority on a par with major battle fronts in the Taliban-heavy south and east this year. Already, troop reinforcements have been sent from Mazar-i-Sharif, the main city in the north. Taken together with new Defense Ministry statistics showing a huge rise in combat deaths for the Afghan Army and police forces, the losses in Kunduz point out a deeper-than-expected concern about the ability of the security forces to hold territory without Western troops directly entering the fight. Local residents and officials in three of the province’s most challenged areas, the Chahar Dara, Dasht-e-Archi and Imam Sahib districts, described a military and police force unable to mount effective operations. Rather than pushing back on the ground, Afghan forces have opted to shell areas near the capital under Taliban control. That has led to the deaths of more than a dozen civilians this summer, villagers claim. “The Taliban could take the city any time they want to,” said Hajji Aman, a businessman in Kunduz City, who has been highly critical of the government’s response to the crisis. “They just don’t want to bother with holding and managing it right now.” The Kunduz crisis is unfolding late in a year that has already included numerous Taliban advances. A number of provinces, including Nangarhar, Helmand and Kapisa, have become testing grounds for a changing war, where the Taliban have been more willing to gather in large groups to confront Afghan forces now that coalition air support has been scaled back. The result has been a huge rise in Afghan casualties. In new figures released this week, the Defense Ministry said that 950 soldiers had been killed from March to August, the worst rate of the 13-year war. The police, the first line of defense against most attacks, have registered even more devastating numbers: 2,200 dead during the same period, also a record. Kunduz Province is a vital but chaotic crossroads in northern Afghanistan, and even when the Taliban have posed a lesser threat, criminal networks have kept it tumultuous. But security there deteriorated significantly in 2008 and 2009, amid a heavy Taliban push as coalition forces concentrated their efforts in the south and east. In a regional troop surge that began in 2010, the United States deployed about 3,500 troops in northeastern Afghanistan and kept up operations there through 2011. But the gains made during that period seem to have all but evaporated in the past few months. “The fighting in Kunduz did not start this year,” said the acting provincial governor of Kunduz, Ghulam Sakhi Baghlani. “But in past years, we had international forces helping the Afghan security forces.” Leading the charge for the Taliban is Mullah Abdul Salam, a native of Kunduz Province who was the insurgents’ shadow governor before his arrest by the Pakistani authorities in 2010, officials said. He was set free in a negotiated prisoner release between the Afghan High Peace Council and the Pakistani government in 2013. Under his leadership this summer, it appears the insurgents have been trying new tactics, showing a flexibility in governing rather than relying on fear, according to interviews with more than two dozen locals and officials across the province. Residents and an aid official said that local commanders had been allowing schools to stay open and even distributing pens and notebooks — including at girls’ schools, which were often targets for violence under the Taliban’s rule in the 1990s. They said the insurgents had even given their blessing to international development projects in some areas, which would once have been unthinkable. “They have a parallel system to the government, one that approves the development projects,” said a stabilization adviser for a U.S.A.I.D. contractor, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he works in Taliban areas. “We can’t do anything without the Taliban approval.” Some residents said that Taliban justice had already proved more attractive than that offered by the government. “Their justice is quick, and they do what they say,” said Mohammad Nazar, a local elder who works for the government community development council in Chahar Dara. On the military side, locals said the Taliban had overrun about 20 police checkpoints in the district since this summer. The advance was made relatively easily and with the support of villagers who had grown tired of the abusive local forces. “At least 20 elders would complain to the district governor every day,” said Mohamuddin, 55, a farmer from Ain al-Majar village in Chahar Dara. “When the Taliban secretly came to us and asked for support to kick them out, the people agreed.” Even provincial officials acknowledge that the local police have been problematic. Originally trained and supported by American Special Forces, the local police have been formally handed off to the control of the Interior Ministry. But in practice, local commanders’ agendas rule their actions. “When the support for the local police fell to the Afghans, we did not know how to support them,” said Mr. Baghlani, the provincial governor. “The Afghan security forces don’t have the capacity to resupply and support these checkpoints.” For the most part, villagers do not distinguish between the local police, who are formally part of the government, and the private militias whose members number well into the thousands in Kunduz. The militias have for years served as a proxy for the weak government forces. “Since they don’t have salaries, they collect taxes and take what they need, by will or by force,” said Commander Ramazan, a former mujahedeen fighter who maintains ties with the militia commanders. Like many Afghans, he goes by a single name. Mr. Ghani has promised to disarm the militias. But the groups are unlikely to comply peacefully, as they have made enemies with the Taliban, and disarming would leave them vulnerable. That would leave the government in a two-sided fight: the Taliban on one side, and the government’s erstwhile allies, the militias, on the other. Commander Hafiz, a member of the Afghan Local Police, is in charge of the area of Talawka, which is just outside Kunduz City. He said that the fighting had been constant in his area, and that surrounding checkpoints had been overrun. “When the American Special Forces were here, they took it seriously — they used surveillance to track the Taliban and hit them,” he said. “The Taliban would fight and then run away.” He paused, took a drag of a cigarette and adjusted his flak jacket. “You see me wearing this vest? I am like this 24 hours a day.” In Kunduz City last week, more than 300 elders from the Gor Tepa region gathered outside the governor’s compound to protest their dire situation. The Taliban control the areas where they live, they said, and as a result they suffer constantly at the hands of the Afghan forces. Noorullah, an elder from Larkhabi village in Gor Tepa, said that a day earlier, a rocket had struck a home and killed two children. “Either they should kill us or stop shelling us,” he said. He and others made clear they were not in favor of the Taliban, or even the government, for that matter. They simply want an end to the fighting. As convoy after convoy rolled past, a policeman wearing a brown overcoat wandered by and listened. As the villagers outlined their concerns, he simply nodded.

15. Reports coming via Twitter stating IS reinforcements have arrived in kobane from jerapolus and allepo. 16. American 19 year old soldier the first to die confirmed death in Baghdad via IED 17. In the last month IS has captured 40 Abrams tanks from Iraqi soldiers in south and south East of Baghdad

We will get back to Catherine the great, industrialisation, the sick man of Europe etc later. My fundamental starting argument is that the problems in the Muslim world is an ideological one and this didn't happen before. So provide for us these ideological problems that existed prior to the abolishment of the chalipahate?

Again galbeedi I'm sincerely pleading with you to argue a concrete coherent argument. You have just written more gibberish. There were ideological struggles during the Ottoman empire? When? Between whom? The Ottoman empire did not have any ideological struggle within it. The only ones that existed were between the druz (a none Islamic sect that believes in reincarnation and gibberish) and Christians in the sham of Lebanon and syria. The Muslims had no ideological struggles what so ever. Please explain more about the ideological struggles. Catherine the great, blah blah blah this blah blah that... Just doesn't cut it. A coherent argument please. What ideological struggle existed by this I mean Islamic ideological struggle existed in the Ottoman empire, between who and when????? Please galbeedi enlighten us?

Sheick Said led a rebellion against moustafa kamal ataturk after the chaliphate was ended. http://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheikh_Said#/image/File:Sheikh_Sherif,_Sheikh_Said,_Kasim,_Sheikh_Abdullah.jpg Kurd The Azadî was dominated by officers from the former Hamidiye, a Kurdish tribal militia established under the Ottoman Empire to deal with the Armenians and sometimes even to keep the Kizilbash under control. According to various historias the main reason the revolt took place was that various elements of Turkish society were unhappy with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's abolition of the Islamic Caliphate system. There have been questionable British sources who label this as a nationalistic revolt by Kurds[citation needed]. While it can be considered we must understand that Britain was a sworn enemy of both the Islamic Caliphate and the Turks. According to British intelligence reports, the Azadî officers had eleven grievances. Apart from inevitable Kurdish cultural demands and complaints of Turkish maltreatment, this list also detailed fears of imminent mass deportations of Kurds. They also registered annoyance that the name Kurdistan did not appear on maps, at restrictions on the Kurdish language and on Kurdish education and objections to alleged Turkish economic exploitation of Kurdish areas, at the expense of Kurds.[citation needed] It was Sheikh Said who convinced Hamidiye commanders to support a fight for the return of Islamic Caliphate system.[9] Certain among you have taken as a pretext for revolt the abuse by the governmental administration, some others have invoked the defence of the Caliphate,. —President of the military tribunal that sentenced the rebels, 28 June 1925[10][11] Some claim British assistance was sought realizing that Kurdistan could not stand alone.[12] Sheikh Said appealed to all Muslims of Turkey to join in the rebellion being planned. The tribes which actually participated were mostly Zazas. However the Xormak and Herkî, two Zaza-Qizilbash tribes were the most active and effective opponents of this rebellion. The participation from Kurds (Kurmanchs) was allegedly almost non-existent except a handful of Hamidiye leaders. Mindful of the depredations of the Hamidiye against them (especially the Hamidiye commanded by Xalid Beg Cîbran), other Alevi tribes also refused to join the rebellion. In one of the bigger engagements, in the night of 6–7 March, the forces of Sheikh Said laid siege to the city of Diyarbakır with 5,000-10,000 men.[13][14] The Muslim Revivalists attacked the city at all four gates simultaneously. All of their attacks were repelled by the numerically inferior Turkish garrison, with the use of machine gun fire and mortar grenades. When the rebels retreated the next morning, the area around the city was full of dead bodies.[13] When a second wave of attacks failed, the siege was finally lifted on 11 March.[13] By the end of March, most of the major battles of the Sheikh Said rebellion were over. The rebels were unable to penetrate beyond Hınıs, ironically this was one of the two major areas where Sheikh Said was well known and he enjoyed considerable influence there (he had a tekke in Hınıs). This failure excluded the possibility of extending the rebellion.[15] The main part of the uprising was over by the end of March, as the Turkish authorities, according to Martin van Bruinessen, crushed the rebellion with continual aerial bombardments and a massive concentration of forces.[16] During this rebellion, the Turkish government used its airplanes for bombing raids in Palu-Bingöl area. In the course of this operation, the airfield near Elâzığ road was used.[17] However according to the British Air Ministry there are few reports on the use of Turkish airplanes in suppressing the Sheikh Said rebellion.[18] The reports originate from the British Air Command at Mosul, which was in charge of intelligence for all of Iraq.[18] At the beginning of the rebellion the Turks had one squadron (filo) consisting of 7 airplanes. Of these only 2 were serviceable.[19] Later four more arrived. The Turkish Air Force deployed a total of 11 airplanes against the rebellion, however, only 6 were serviceable.[19] Sheikh Said was captured around 1925 and executed by hanging. This was the last serious attempt for Kurds to revive the Caliphate system. The rebellion diminished the negotiating power of Turkey, and the Ottoman province of Mosul was assigned to the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. In the Fall of 1927, Sheikh Abdurrahman (brother of Sheikh Said) began a series of revenge attacks on Turkish garrisons in Palu and Malatya.

Don't come up with Shia Sunni divide. Shia is not Islam and they are not Muslim. Answer my argument

Galbeedi has no clue what he talking about. Ideologically there is no issue. The issue is political like I said to you a million times. Saddam hussein doesn't represent Islam he was a Secularist. Sissi does not represent Islam he is a Secularist. Saudi Arabia does not represent Islam because it's a monarchical system with the gise of islam. The Algerian struggle was a nationalist struggle was an Islamic struggle and the military that denied them the victory were Secularist. So I will say it again inside Islam their is no ideological struggle. The struggle itself is in Muslim countries but it's between those who subscribe to the desire of islam and those who support other ideologies be it Secularist, pan nationalist, communists etc. What galbeedi is saying is there is a problem with deferring interpretations of islam. Therefore this is the main problem. He calls it a wild dog that needs to be put down. It seems galbeedi himself needs to be intellectually put down. Before the Collapse of the Ottoman empire where there any problems? NO.......... Why? because a single system that the populas were happy with was being implemented I. E. Islam Where there problems after the Collapse of the Ottoman empire.... YES.... WHY.... BECAUSE OF THE RISE OF NEW FORCES....what new forces. Bathism which is atheistic pan Arabism. Secularism, communism. How are these ideologies the problem of the Muslim world. They removed God from the equation, made race, the state and other subjective things more important. What was their result. Dictatorship, tyranny and struggle. What has this struggle led to... the rebirth and rise of political Islam. Galbeedk HAS NO CLUE WHAT HE IS TALKING ABOUT. talking out of his a55 again as usual. You can on and on in your jibberish but the reality and the historical fact is that Muslims ideologically do not have a problem. There are different madhabs obviously but the core principles are the same. Excluding shias who are not Muslims. The recent problems we all see is a reaction to problems that are created and driven by external concepts and the proponent who fight for them in Muslim countries. I. E. This is a battle between Islam and other ideologies not Islam itself

By David Chazan, Paris 1:34PM BST 25 Oct 2014 A far-right local councillor shocks Marine Le Pen's party by becoming a Muslim and sending Front National officials a video in which he urges them to embrace Islam A Front National local councillor has embarrassed France's far-Right party by announcing his recent conversion to Islam – and urging fellow members to join him. Maxence Buttey, 22, offended officials of the anti-immigration party by sending them a video in which he praised the "visionary" virtues of the Koran and urged them to become Muslims. Mr Buttey, a councillor in the eastern Paris suburb of Noisy-le-Grand, said the Front National and Islam had much in common. "Both are demonised and very far from the image portrayed in the media," he told Le Parisien newspaper. "Like Islam, the FN defends the weakest. The party denounces exorbitant interest rates charged on the debt of our country, and Islam is against the practice of usury." Jordan Bardella, a local party secretary, said Mr Buttey had been suspended from a regional FN committee. "Religion is a private choice which I respect but it must not enter into the sphere of our political activities. The proselytising video which Maxence sent out is unacceptable," Mr Bardella said