Quite so I am afraid. Unfortunately his judgement and integrity as a credible academe has been under suspect around the time of the Arte meeting when his name appeared on the political scene as a possible champion of the ordinary person. I recall just before that his campaigning for the “social and political status” of women in Somalia to which many were receptive, embracing him as the scholar of the moment, and giving him a platform to promote the role of women in government and politics. Unfortunately, that was not to be so, for the good professor’s intents were not quite honourable. His claim of decent Somalis in Minnesota being financial supporters of Al-Qa’ida at the height of the pseudo war on terror, which mind was quite the opposite, had not been received well in Minnesota. Furthermore, he was viewed the better of the two evils, the other being his older brother, Ahmed who had always engaged in activities of degrading and discrediting hard working immigrant Somali community in the US. I see him anything but the harmonising intellectual, but I always keep an open-mind giving one the benefit of the doubt. His perpetual dismissal of the bravery endeavours on the part of the people in Somaliland and Puntland above everything else drives me nuts. I will say not that I met him lest Lander calls me a liar. And I will just leave it at that lest Angel starts wrestling me to the ground with her martial arts caricature. Are you of a different opinion?

Dear Angel – you gonna have to stop emotionally blackmailing me and making me feel guilty for simply evoking the intellect, and bringing the take on the other side to the table so as to widen the sphere of reasoning in discussing these sensitive issues. If I slap you with the right hand, I will simultaneously hug you with the left, that my dear is tough love. And not hate. And remember “Oo Hadda Lagdin Walaal Ma Leh” as the old saying goes, and engaging intellectually wrestling matches with the (Somali) ladies is a new phenomenon for which we (men) might not have developed the finesse and skill yet. Attempts have been made to remain objective on my part, yet you managed to have ripped the ploy to pieces by bringing in emotions, sentiments and young feelings which take the dialogue to a hostage territory. And as such I shall try to avoid you and my other Somali brothers/sisters from Somaliland at all cost going forward. And one last time please accept my deepest condolences for the loss of any lives of your immediate or distant family members who might have perished in the atrocities of the civil war. Sister Zadiqa, same condolences go to you too dear. Peace and Love. So long!

Angel-dear – As usual what your sources did not quite tell you was that the warring clans do not come under the control of the Puntland administration, and unlike the Hargeysa administration, Puntland does not claim to rule areas that do not come under its administration. The two groups involved in these skirmishes though reside in the countryside in southern Mudug which falls outside the peripherals of Puntland have allegiance with Mogadishu. I suppose geography was never your favourite subject, eh. Still as these are Somalis, we shall pray the hostiles to be brought to a halt. Last time I checked Barrise was in Nairobi with A/Qassim. Would you care for the true account of what really happened, or is that a bit too hard to absorb? Of all the theories and analysis presented in the paper, were you able to find anything you could challenge or disprove? Stay focused now? ././ Dagaalo kasoo cusboonaaday Deegaanka Afbarwaaqo - Wednesday, July 09, 2003 at 12:36 Afbarwaaqo, (AllPuntland)- Dad gaaraya 12 qof ayaa ku naf waayay dad intaasi ka badanna way ku dhaawacmeen dagaalo ka soo cusboonaaday halka Loo yaqaan Bud-Bud ee deegaanka Afbarwaaqo ee gobolka Mudug ka dib markii halkaasi ay isku farasaareen beelaha Dir iyo Habar gidir oo muddo dhowr bilood ka hor ah colaaddii ka dhaxaysay la qaboojiyay. Dagaalkaan oo sida la xaqiijiyay bilowday waqti ku aadan 10kii barqanimo ee shalay ayaa lagu soo waramayaa inuu maantana socodo. Odayaal is xilqaamay oo ka tirsan beelaha aan dagaalka ku jirin ee ay isku haybta yihiin beelaha dagaalamaya ayaa isku diyaarinaya safar ay ku taaan goobaha uu dagaalku ka socdo si ay xaaladda u qaboojiyaan. Wariyaha AllPuntland ee magaalada Gaalkacyo oo isku dayay inuu xiriir la sameeyo goobaha dagaalku ka socdo ayay u suurtoobi wayday inuu wax tafaasiil ah helo is gaarsiinta oo xun daraadeed. Cabdulqaadir C. Cusmaan (Farayaamo) AllPuntland, Somaliya

Lander- if you wish to engage me in a dialogue, please do so in a mature, civil manner. If on the other hand your desire is to denigrate yourself to stoop as low as to suggest that “… you seem to claim to personally know just about every person related to just about any topic that comes up on this thread and others. Forgive me if I don't take you seriously anymore - your words”, you might want to stay clear of discussions addressing contested issues, for such practice is indeed infantile.

Lander - whom else did I claim to know? Or are you hallucinating, or better yet are you in the habit of dipping in for a bit of an oil for smearing anyone that challenges your high school idiosyncrasies? Besides, I am a man of the world, been around, and am not a teenager wet behind the ears my man. Did you not know Somalis are a handful bunch? I do not suppose you are familiar with the “Aji” analogy, are you?

Dear Zadiqa – Although I am in synch with Baashi’s and Sophist’s rationale, concur Ameenah’s realistic tactic on the matter, I wish to go a little bit further and approach things from a different angle which might not quite sit well with you for obvious reasons. Get the coffee and bear with me for a moment. As painful as it is to read you poem which implicitly illustrates the experience of many children of Somali descent in that era including many on this forum who bear the horrid experiences, the prolonged beastly memories, and vivid flashbacks of the callous, sadistic atrocities inflicted upon the innocent by representatives of the cruel regime of Siyad Barre including people both from North as well as South of Somalia, some of whom were relatives of the traumatised, I must admit your blanket approach and tainting of anything south Somali shatters any shred of remorse anyone would have felt for you, or any who had suffered directly or vicariously. Additionally you seem to have a mindset discriminative in nature where the victims of the Northwest are to be commemorated sending perpetrators of crimes to the gallows at once whereas anyone else perished under the same regime including the first victims of the vile regime, for instance people of Northeast as early as the 70s, should not matter. This discerning desire of selfish form synonymous with people who never came into direct contact with any form of persecution other than stories circulated within the family gatherings only turn people who would have felt sincere remorse for the genuine victims. Whilst the Samaritan acts are found inspirational, and carrying the torch on behalf of the victims is admired, the superficiality and discriminatory practice on the part of the Samaritans is not only criminally deafening but also gets in the way for rewarding the victims of all genre whilst penalising the culprits of all makes. I would feel sorry for my neighbour if disaster, natural or otherwise was to hit him/her knowing that if I were to fall victim to one, my neighbour would have felt the same. However, if my neighbour happens to be a red-neck, or a Swastika sporting Neo-Nazi fascist, who rejoices in my misery, God may smash my skull with predestined hellish stones to end my being should I feel any remorse or sorrow for his/her loss. More to the point, if the self-styled voices of the few, unlike the genuine, of the victims of the Northwest Somalia continue in their disregard of historical accounts, affliction of other Somalis the direst of which had been suffered by the people of Digil & Mirifle, atrocities inflicted upon people of other regions of Somalia many of whom suffered in the hands of generals of Northwest (i.e Mudug and Nugaal in the 80s) and SNM (i.e. Sool and Awdal in late 80s and early 90s), USC (i.e. Banadir, Jubooyinka and RRA Riviera), many including myself shall feel neither remorse nor willingness to support the efforts of bringing suspects of crimes against humanity to the just proceedings on behalf of the dead, or the impoverished living whose lives had been shattered by the evil regime. Speaking in a collective voice for the genuine victims in unity appealing for the apprehension of suspects of crimes against humanity, dealing severely with such persons, awarding victims whilst handing out retributions in turn all of which would further speed up the process of laying the skeletons in their rightful burial grounds is deemed benevolent, the best method and most practical fashion in addressing such issues. If that does not quite sit well with the people of Northwest, and you shall hear NOT the cries and stories horrific in nature, similar in principal of other victims for reasons of non-congeniality, I will have to excuse myself as I have neither the time to bleed, nor the desire to comfort the teary-eyed, pseudo victims of the civil war era. Reasons obscure in manner spewed out to support the case of the trouble-ridden, geographically, financially and economically impractical secession of the region concerned which mind you have little, if any to do with the atrocities so lavishly spoken of, although quoted more than any other, are merely used for political gains, and are agnostic in nature by impotent elites of the region. It is the average Halima and the young Ali I feel sorry for, for indeed they remain the true victims to date being reduced to gambits on the awkwardly ineffective elites’ chessboard. If you wish to engage in renditions of horrific experiences, by any means please do, but note you shall remain a victim of your own creations in line with that of Black America’s fascination with slavery and failure to let go of the past. The future my dear is federalism, like it or loathe it, and the train is on the platform. Be seated in your allotted compartment. If no, “Waa adi iyo dantaa, iyo faraskaa ha ku qaado” as the old saying goes so far as the Somaliland of the present is concerned, and let us see how far the horse cart could drag you into the future. If the desired future as Halima7 seems to suggest is one similar to that of DJibouti fraught with all the ills of the world including 16 year old boys and girls in godforsaken state lining up outside five-star hotels, soliciting and falling prey to the paedophiles and the masochistic elements of the West disguised in philanthropy and patronage, and a whole state being dependent upon the donations and merciful handouts of the colonial masters in lieu of making something of yourself by way of synergy and collaboration with thou brethren, so be it; even though it shall pain us to see that to become the fate of any people of Somali descent. So long!

A.J. T – I’ll frank with you mate, and as you seem interested in talking about Mr Yussuf, let us do it, shall we? What do you know about the man in terms of his political beliefs, historical account, political and personal achievements, track record, political feebles, and the like? If you wish let us address one issue at a time so as to proceed with good measure, shall we? And while we are at it, let us remain objective using historical records of the man and his legacy. Beware, arm-chair political commentary brought into the Somali living room by way of the Internet, though might mislead the nubile mind tend to take its toll when facts rather than fallacies are to be dealt. We shall suspend liking or disliking him until we have addressed the aforementioned issues. And then, and only then shall we reach an agreement in calling him what is considered appropriate. Hs person or his family’s shall remain outside the scope of the discussion as we objectively attempt to confine ourselves to the domain of discussion – his political beliefs, historical account, political and personal achievements, track record, political feebles. As for the issue concerning Isims or Guurti taking the political leadership of either region, whilst you might favour this approach of traditional leaders engaging in political chess game, deficiencies along with accompanying shortcoming of the group outweigh any possible benefits in a ratio of 8 out of 10 in accordance with the wisdom of old and new. No civilisation in the history of the modern world including those of the Romans, Othmans, British Empire or even the 21st century US Empire attempted your favoured approach for the inherent said deficiencies though blending the two had been found productive and constructive. Therefore, going against this accepted wisdom though adventurous is deemed rather precarious, and as such is averted at all costs. You open the floodgates, and I shall be right behind you old chap. Cheers.

This piece put together by the Puntland delegates in the Somali peace process truly touches the nucleus of the matter so far as the Somalis quandary is concerned. Not only did it provoke the mind making a good reading unlike other pieces lacking any intellectual depth, but it truly depicts the true nature of the predicament in Somalia of the present day. Enjoy, Cheers, ././ Somalia: Is Federal Future Order Worth Defending? What are the conditions that predispose the future Somali political order toward the direction of a federal regime-type outcome? In this paper we are going to posit some critical reasons why any other alternative regime type is essentially beyond what is politically feasible at this particular post-civil-war time period. We identified two set of political conditions resulted from the past political mismanagement which had the depleting effect of the social and political trust (inter-group cooperation and institutional trust) necessary for the restoration of a shared national political institutions. First, the painful political experience under the rule of centralized-authoritarian military regime limits the trustworthiness of any future order with features of centralized form of government – credibility gap sentiment associated with distance abusive authority is still very strong. Second, the violent civil war that ensued the state collapse had the political impact of both un-mixing the urban population along clan lines and legitimizing armed clan militia as the only source of group security in the absence of state. Thereby, the prevailing warlord culture in some parties of the country has more to do with the insecurity of the existing stateless situation, rather than a form. We argue that nurturing the necessary social capital (inter-group trust) and political capital (institutional trust) requires a prolonged incubation period through which an alternative political consciousness to develop and mature. Hence, the past thirteen peace conferences, prior than the current Nairobi one, since the Somali state collapsed were not in vain, as often portrayed by the cynics and the naïve political neutralist. In retrospect, the political pay offs of these reconciliation conferences seems so too obvious given the gradual but widening popular receptivity to the idea of political federalism as the future national political order. All political indications of the current national political mood are showing hopeful signs, suggesting the emergence of a federalist political consciousness at the grass root level. Federalist political formula is equally gaining acceptance at the clan leadership level. Despite this overoptimistic political observation, yet we recognize that regions a little pit differ about the stage of their political development regarding generating supportive popular consciousness for a federalist future national political order and reestablishing regional administrative machinery. Puntland, Somaliland and in a lesser extent RRA driven state, Hiiran and Shebelaha dhexe not only succeeded in preparing their popular groups for the idea of federal regime type in the post-civil-war Somalia state but they equally succeeded in institutionalizing the regional self-government by embodying the idea with an administrative and political infrastructure. In these regions, at this juncture, there is a high degree of political consensus or congruence of feelings between popular groups, political thoughts of regional authorities and the sentiments of their Diasporas communities. In all these three levels, there is an exceptionally strong political commitment in advancing the level of institutionalization of the existing regional self-rule and strongly support the national effort to achieve the valued-end of shared political community – restoration of the Somali state with federal constitutional foundation. The formation of these regional authorities constitutes a high political achievement toward the goal of restoring national political community. Thus the idea of federalism as the future political order gained strong enthusiastic popular support in all corners of the country. The evolution of the idea of federalism though still is an embryonic stage yet is has gained a momentum in translating the idea of regional self-rule into an actual governance structure – both administratively and politically. In some regions the political work to establish regional institutions are still in progress, even though is not in years away for its completion as some argued. However, the source of political difficult in general emanates from the civil war’s political outcomes and its impact in terms of altering the configuration of traditional clan territorialities. These civil war induced demographic shift in some regions violated the sanctity of clan “home well” principal, a central principal of traditional nomadic political relationship. Due to this incongruence, between traditional clan territory and actual demographic reality, the time period required to workout a political understanding that makes possible in forging a winnable political coalition – able to sponsor a regional self-rule agenda and national federal political project – is not temporally far away. The closeness of the gap among regions in terms of their political recovery – institutionalization of regional self-rule as a necessary first step toward a future federal political order – is in itself is an opportunity the conference has to exploit. As a reflection of these stages of the regional political development, two irreconcilable political preferences are emerging regarding about what the mandate of the conference should be? Should the mandate of the conference be limited to the task of formulating an interim government or should the mandate be both forming an interim government while simultaneously settling the federal character of the future constitution. We believe this matter cannot be settled through legalistic or scholarly debate, the matter is strictly political hence it should be entrust its settlement through the Nairobi political process. The Nairobi assemblage represents both the most broad based political gathering since the Somali civil war as well as the one that provided the best opportunity for a prolonged political engagement among the most significant national political forces, except the Somaliland. Hence we believe that this forum should have the mandate both to form an interim government and equally define, the federal charter of the future national constitution. We strongly oppose the viewpoint that espouses in entrusting the definition of the future constitutional order solely to the whim of an interim government. Our opposition to this idea is based on our belief that it is impossible for a regime to unseat itself, an eventuality that defies the political logic. One should take into account the legacy of TNG’s - Arta group - political behavior. Even though it was entrusted to develop and implement federal constitutions and define the regional units yet its actual political actions worked against any progress toward that goal. Those questioning the forum’s mandate to address, the federal character of the future national constitutional order do so either in citing technical reasons, such as the forum is unequipped technically to deal with the complexity of constitution framing or blame the existing lack of political progress to a sinister hidden-hand from the neighboring states, particularly Ethiopia.. The logical argument of such discursive form is deficient in two ways. First, its stance lacks a sense of political realism given the prevailing circumstance of clan controlled territorial fiefdoms. This discursive form can’t envision the possibility of state restoration through the use of traditional political forces. If such forces were instrumental for undermining one regime type (authoritarian one), what prevents them to be converted again into supportive political-forces for a new type of political arrangement? Second, this stance lacks a political imagination to think about a co-created institutional design and a co-managed shared national political community, specifically one with a built-in security mechanism against the possibility of narrow clan domination of a city-state. We view such among clan groups - and at worst it could have a counterproductive effect in creating a false hope for technocratic quick fix – there are no short cut other than facing the inconvenience of negotiating with hostile rivals groups. Again we do strongly emphasis that these matters are political and is no way it is amenable to a legalistic quick fix or external solution, hence it requires to be settled within the frame of the existing political process – inter-group political negotiations that Nairobi conference generously offered. We view the Nairobi forum represents the best opportunity for constructing the broadest possible political consensus and collectively negotiated understanding of a shared political community of the Somali state. Aborting this opportunity in the name of unrealistic phony ideas will do a great disservice to the prospect of the Somali national political recovery as well as the international diplomatic investment for Somali political reconciliation. We plea for the Security Council to redouble its political support aimed to secure the Nairobi Somali National Reconciliation Conference to achieve its valued-end – restoration of the sovereignty of the Somalia state – and support IGAD’s diplomatic effort in helping the Somalis to deal with their decade long agonizing political impasse.

A.J T - I second that motion mate. Cheers.

A.J T – I need you NOT to tell me the tribe nor the name of the man who started the company. Though you might know him by way of distant tribal linage, I happen to know the man himself in person and his close family members. And when I say something to that effect, it is not a mere waffle. Let us put it this way, I indeed am involved with business dealing with the company and some of its owners; therefore anything you say will be taken NOT seriously as you seem challenged in more ways than none. The point of discussing issues is to share ideas of diverse genre, but when all one has to put forth is based on hearsay derived from sources not in the know, ignominy becomes the end result, nonsensical balderdash aboard, and then the plot of it all is unfortunately lost. And at that I rest my case for good measure.

A.J. T - Perhaps you have not quite mastered the art of distinguishing between traditional leaders as opposed to political leaders, have you mate? Put the good men of the cloth aside and observe the others. Political leaders are what we are talking about. Do you have a say to that effect? If so, share it. If no, do not embarrass yourself. And another thing, Puntland has some of the finest traditional elders including SS&H’s (garaads A/Gani & Saleebaan and Suladaan Said A/Salam), Bari’s (Boqor Mohamoud), Nugaal’s (Islaam Mohamed), Mudug’s (Islaam Bashiir) and many highly respected elders. But then again you would not know that, would you? For that is not part of the drilling home training sessions, is it? Of all the good people in Northwest, why on earth would pick Ina Madar who is known to be a loose cannon and a former confidante of Siyad Barre. And by the way did anyone tell you about the human atrocities your beloved leader whom you (A.J. T worship) Ina Egal, or Tuur or even Silaanyo have caused against innocent civilians in Burco, Berbera, Borama and Sool area? Did you know that Siilaanyo is a suspect of crimes against humanity alleged killing approximately 1,500 civilians of SS&H? This does not address massacres committed by the SNM generals whom you devote your entire life?

By the way, according sources close to Dahabshiil (formerly Dhiigshiil) HQ and managing director, the company is not a single-tribe owned entity rather a multi-regional owned corporation in constant competition with Dalsan and Amal Express. Though it has been founded by a clever entrepreneur from Togdheer, its branches and business interests in other regions are owned, managed locally. For instance, its main business activities in Puntland are owned by Somalis of Puntland origin, and the same applies to other regions of Somalia. So you see, it is not quite as fluxionally delusional, or tribally-based entity as some might have suggested. After all, if you look at the market share of the company in Northwest regions as opposed to the rest of Somalia you would realise that revenues generated from the latter market segment far outweighs the fomer’s, hence any suggestion of Dahabshiil being, and for one region is baseless debris invented in thin air without much understanding of the company, its business dealings, and overall marketing and business strategies.

The joke within the intellectual community of the moment goes to Prof Samatar of U of M in making an a'rse of himself one last time falling into his usual trap without a moment’s thought going into his remarks and language. The good professor of history, how very disappointing, continues to amaze his immediate communities by failing to spot social and political pitfalls ahead and diving with his blinkers on head first. Here goes the good professor in addressing the issue of federalism so far as the exsiting administrations namely Puntland and Somaliland are concerned in saying “ … In gobollo aan jirin la aqoonsado. In umadda layska horkeeno. Khiyaanaa meesha ku jirta. Danna uguma jirto ummadda Somaliyeed” While commenting on the selection and appointment of the MPs by leaders, politicians counselled by traditional elders, the good professor went on assault in saying “ …Waa laysku shushubanayaa marakaa umadda Somaliyeed codkeedii lama maqlaayo. On another note regarding the TNG signing the agreement, he lay into the TNG Premier and the speaker of the house in saying “…Ninkii raysal wasaaraha ahaa isagaa is diray. Isaga iyo Abdalla Derow I'saaq. Wixii ay ku heshiiyeen TNG-du halkeedii muu marin. Khiyaana ayaa ku jirta. Dadbaana xiilad loo dhigayaa" On the committee, the good professor went on the rampage again in saying “ …Guddoonku isagaa iskii go’aanka u gaadhay. Wax sharciyan meeshaa maray majidhin. Doodi may dhicin. Dadkii lama tirin. This never stopping parage now takes on a different front assaulting the IGAD appointed committee in saying “ Ninkani (IGAD-appointed chairman) tan intii uu ka soo laabtay Ethiopia weji kale ayuu la yimid. Dhaqankiisuna waa mid ka duwan si uu u dhaqmo qof Ambaasidoor sheeganaya. I am very certain these words have been heard many a times before, but through other sources and by other persons. Could it be that the good professor is indeed not representing his own views and intellectual thinking, but rather is in the pocket of yet another camp. How shocking to even suggest such a thing! After all it is only Prof Samatar - Academe cataclysm of the moment.

The best political joke of all so far goes to Yalaxow in saying the following “ Dalakaani 351 xildhibaan qaadyi ma kari. 351 baabuurna lahaan ma kari. 351 kursi oo meel la dhigo ma lahaay. 351 ma askaraa. Walax jiljilcan oo sida ukunar ah, intay na soo gaarin aa ilmahu jajabihee” By commenting on the concept of federalism Yalaxow goes “ ....Somaliland walaxay haysataa. Puntland walaxay haysataa. RRA, Dooxadda Jubba walaxay haystaan. Qaran aa lasamayn siduu u yaal” Intriguing indeed! What you see is what you get. Lovely jufly! How refreshing!

Dr. Osman S. Hersi (PhD) Quebec Geoscience Center, Quebec Email: oshersi@yahoo.com Abstract Somalia is that part of the northeast Africa sometimes termed as the Horn of Africa. The country has a land area of 637,540 square kilometers, a coastal line of 3,025 kilometers long, and a population of about 7 to 8 million. Hot, arid to semiarid climate prevails in most of the country with a rainfall less than 600 mm/year. The natural resources of the country can be generally divided into 1) Marine resources (fish and salt) 2) surface resources (e.g., forests, wild life, frankincense and Myrrh, surface water, etc), and subsurface resources (e.g., rocks and minerals, fossil fuels, and groundwater). Rocks and minerals that are known to exist and available for exploitation include Tin in the Majiyahan - Dhalan area (south of Bosaso - Ceelayo costal strip), Uranium in the Galgadud and Bur Hakaba areas, Sepiolites of Ceel Bur, Iron-ore in the Dinsor district, quartz, granite, marble, limestone and gypsum in different regions of the country. These natural resources include primary row materials for various kinds of industry, e.g, cement industry, industry for prefabricated walls, roofing, floor and wall tiles, aggregates and concrete production, and industrial minerals. Minerals with high potential include gold, zinc, lead, manganese, aluminum, and graphite. Existence of good petroleum indicators has been known for a while, and recent data highly encourage the exploration potential of the country. Water resources are the most need commodity in Somalia, and many areas with promising considerable groundwater accumulation have been identified. Since we have so many surface, subsurface, and marine resources, then why are we starving? The answer could be summarized as follows: 1- Lack of technology, security, and political stability. 2- Scarcity of professionals and skilled people, and struggle for survival for those few available professionals; 3- Mismanagement and/or lack of sincere, capable, and responsible administration. RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE SOMALIS: 1- TRUST THAT WE HAVE AMPLE NATURAL RESOURCES; 2- IMPROVE OUR SKILLS AND PERFECT OUR PROFESSIONS; 3- INFORM OUR RICHNESS & THE NEED FOR A GOOD GOVERNANCE; 4- DATA COLLECTION. TO THE FUTURE SOMALI GOVERNMENT 1- SOMALI REGIONS / STATES SHOULD TAKE RESPONSIBILITY OF DEVELOPING THE NATURAL RESOURCES OF THEIR TERRITORIES; 2- GOOD FOREIGN POLICY, FACILITATION OF INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENTS, REPATRIATION OF THE SKILLED SOMALIS, ETC. TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY 1- HELP SOMALIA MORALLY AND MATERIALLY TO ALLEVIATE THE WOUNDS OF THE CIVIL WAR AND TO ESTABLISH GOOD GOVERNANCE; 2- HELP DATA COLLECTION AND PRESERVATION; 3- AT THIS CRITICAL STAGE, CONTRIBUTE TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MOST-NEEDED NATURAL RESOURCES: THE WATER; 4- SUPPORT THE STABLE REGIONS TO DEVELOP THEIR NATURAL RESOURCES; 5- ACCOUNTABILITY. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The above is the abstract of a major paper presented at the conference Rebirth of the Somali State-Policy Options and Programme Opportunities for Canada, sponsored by the Som-Can Institute for Research and Development (SCIRD) in collaboration with Partnership Africa Canada (PAC). The two-day conference was held at Parliament Hill's Railway Committee Room and at Carlton University's Southern Hall, Theatre B. The main objectives of the conference were: To inform the Canadian Government, NGOs and the International community about the current political changes with respect to Somalia. To present some lessons learned from the Somali peace process. Discuss how Canada, International community and the Somali Diaspora can play a role in the reconstruction of Somalia. Invitees included representatives from the following: Canadian Government Canadian NGOs and other institutions Somali NGOs and Civil Society Somali Diaspora in Canada, including youth representatives United Nations Media PROVISIONAL CONFERENCE PROGRAMME 253D Parliament Hill, Ottawa Friday, November 3, 2000 Session 1 Rebirth of Somalia State: Challenges and Opportunities Ahead 9:00 am-12:00pm Welcoming/Introduction Chair: Mrs. Idil Salah and Mr. Ahmed Yusuf Speakers: Mr. Ahmed Dahir Shell Title: The Cry of Somali Civil Society for Peace Prespectives from the Recovery Zones for Lasting Peace Mr. Ahmed M. Haji-Jama (Northeast Regions knowns as PUNTLAND) Title: Puntland State Rejects the Outcome of "Arta(Djibouti) Process" As it was Undemocratic, Unrepresentative and Illegal Mrs. Zaynab Aden (Northwest Regions known as SOMALILAND) Title: Somaliland Does NOT Recognize the Transitional Government Appointed in Djibouti Questions/Discussions 11:00-11:15 am Break Strategic Planning: Concrete Recommendations from within on " How can Somali Diaspora community contribute to strengthen the Somalia Peace and Development". Session 11 1:30 Registration (Cont): 2:00pm. Introduction: Mrs. Ebyan Salah, Executive Director Som-Can Institute for Research and Development (SCRID) 2:15pm -6:15pm Key Note Speaker Mr. Eugene Bellemara Parliamentary Secretary to Minister for International Cooperation Theme: The Political Achievments and the Challenges Ahead Chairperson: Mr. Ahmed Abdi Hashi Hashara Speakers: Mr. Rooble Colhaye, Djibouti Ambassador to the UN Title: Djibouti Peace Initiative for Somalia Mr. Ahmed Dahir Shell, Co-Chair Technical Committee for Somalia Peace Conference Title: Peace From Within Dr. Babafemi A. Badejo, Senior Political Advisor, UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) Title: Somalia, the United Nations's Role in the Somalia Peace Process and Future Commitments 4.30 pm Coffee/Tea Break 5pm-6.15pm Questions period, Discussion and Recommendations 6.15pm Concluding Remarks: Mr. Bernard Taylor, PAC Saturday, November 4, 2000 Carlton University's Southern Hall, Theatre B. 9:00-12:30 Theme: Strengthening Somalia's Public and Private Sector Chair: Mrs. Idil Salah, Development Anthropologist/Consultant Mr. Mohamed Dalmar MBA, Settlement Counselor Title: Monetary Experience of Somalia: What can we learn from the past mistakes? Mr. Abdishakur Abdulle, MA/PhD Candidate/ Research Scientist Title: Prioritization and Investment for Health and Education_a Path to Social Development for Somalia Dr. Osman Salad Hersi (PhD), Geologist and Researcher Title: Exploring Somalia's Natural Resources_Geological Perspectives Mr. Mohamed Elmi, Managing Partner with potfolio of Director of Sales/Marketing and Customer Relations of HornAfrik Media Inc Title: Communication as a Symbol for the Enterprising Private Sectors 10:45-11:15 Coffee/Tea Break Discussion and Recommendations Concluding Remarks

A.J. T – what is majertania? Were there new political developments in the land of Somalis of which we were not aware? Or could A.J T be by any chance referring to Puntland? Qoute ““ … and majeerteenia leaders are bunch of garbage that we need to get rid of to do the world a good deed” Let us take a look at the leadership of Northwest regions of Somalia as opposed to Puntland State? On the Puntland corner you have A/llahi Yussuf Mohamed A Hashi Yussuf H Said Ahmed M. Cigaal Awad Asharo Said Caduur Al-Azhari On the Northwest corner you have: Dahir Riyaale Ahmed Yassin Ducaale Boos Darawel Edna By glancing at the calibre, political persuasion, tenacity, and status of either team, which do you reckon is the winning side?

Another piece of news which should put the final pin in the coffin that veers the deep-seated ill familiar in the prose of the secessionist camp “…Garaad A/Gani, Garaad Saleebaan oo u sii jiida madasha shirka ee Nairobi ….. isimo ka soo jeeda gobolada Togdheer iyo Sanaag kuwaasoo iyagu meteli doona shacabkooda” Laascaanood,Somalia,7 July 2003 —Warar aan ka helay magaalada Laascaanood ayaa waxay sheegayaan in qaar badan oo ka mid Garaadada beesha Dhulbahant'e iyo wafti ay hogaaminyaan ay dhowaan gaadhi doonaan madasha shirka dib u heshiisiintu uu uga socdo soomaalida duleedka magaalada Nairobi ee Mbagathi. Wararkaas oo aan ka helay ilo lagu kalsoon yahay ayaa waxa ay sheegayaan in Garaad Cabdiqani Garaad Jaamac oo ka mid ah garaadada sida aadka ah looga qadariyo gobolada SSH iyo wafti uu hogaaminayaa uu diyaar garoobay inuu tago Nairobi maalmaha inagu soo fool leh,waftiga la socda garaadka ayaa waxaa ka mid ah isimo ka soo jeeda gobolada Togdheer iyo Sanaag kuwaasoo iyagu meteli doona shacabkooda. Sidoo kale waxaa isna wararku sheegayaan in Garaad Saleebaan oo isna ah garaadada beesha Dhulbahant'e uu u sii jeedo dhinaca Nairobi,dhamaan waftiga ka baxaya Laascaanood oo ah wafti balaadhan ayaa sugaya diyaarad khaas ah oo ka qaadi doonta madaarka magaalada Laascaanood,diyaaradaas oo laga soo diri doono Nairobi,waxay soo qaadi doontaa odaydhaqameedyo badan oo ku kala firirsan meelo badan oo ka mid deegaamada soomaalida iyo waxgarad kaleba. Tegitaanka ay Garaadadu tegeyaan madasha shirka ayaa waxay ka danbeysey casuumaad ay ka heleen gudiga shirka dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida,iyadoo mid walba oo ka mid ah isimadaas loo diyaariyey Fisihii ay halkaa ku tegi lahaayeen,iyo weliba deegaanba. Garaadada SSH ayaa ku kala qaybsamay xiligii ay colaadu ka bilaabatay Puntland sanadkii tegey,iyada oo qaar ka mid ah isimada ay siyaasad ahaan isaga hor yimaadeen Cabdillaahi Yuusuf,kadib markii uu xiligii xilka uu hayn lahaa ay ka dhamaatay,kadib shir lagu qabtay magaalada Garoowe lagu doortay Jaamac Cali Jaamac inuu bedelo Cabdillaahi Yuusuf,taasoo keentay inuu dhaco dagaal lagu hoobto oo markii danbe Cabdillaahi Yuusuf uu ku awood roonaado.Qaar kale oo ka mid Garaadada ayaa taageero kal iyo laab ah siiyey Cabdillaahi Yuusuf,iyagoo u arkayey in Cabdillaahi uu kaga haboon yahay Jaamac jagada madxweynaha Puntland.Hadaba su,aasha la is weydiinayaan waxay tahay isimada Puntland ee tegi doona madasha shirka iyo Cabdillaahi Yuusuf oo u sharaxan inuu noqdo madaxweynaha soomaaliya ma isla jaanqaadi doonaan mise waxaa bilaabmi doona halgan siyaasadeed oo u dhexeeya ismada iyo maamulka. Laascaanood Online,Laascaanood.

Mr Oodweyne, Since you seem to have adopted an approach of sharing historical events of value to further illustrate your points, though mostly seem to weaken your position, I shall try to do so alike, but in brief. I am of the opinion that traditional elders (Isims or Guurti) play an integral role in the Somali situation, present or otherwise, and had it not been for their involvement neither entities in the northern recovery zone namely Puntland nor Somaliland would have managed the transition from the traditional form of leadership to an institution-based type of governance. To diminish their role or even suggest their current status being no more than window dressing façade as indicative of your posting underrating the fact that they are the single group with the largest constituency, thus influence, social or otherwise while overestimating the role of the politicians whose influence largely hinges upon their connections with the traditional leaders, hence draw steam while heavily depend upon the constituency of the Isims could only come at the detriment of the popular groups of large. The mandate to select or determine the fate of the people at this juncture of historical significance solely rests on the shoulders of the Isims, and not at the whim of political confidents with little, if any conspicuous constituencies contrary to your predisposition of early. An instance of some relevance here is the value with which “senate and the council” have had for the Roman Empire whenever the power structure had been mended in bringing in a new general with strong allegiance. Never had the “senate” been tempered with, though the “council” had easily been substituted with a subordinate general of potential by name or wealth, for the dire consequences of doing so had all been too apparent to the conquering generals and army. Isims in the present day Somalia play similar role to that of the “senate” then in Rome whereas politicians occupy the seat of the “council”, thus the former’s political clout and pressure is far too important to be mistaken for the latter’s. So you see my dear Oodweyne, things are not quite what they seem on paper, are they? Silaanyo, Yussuf or any other politician of some influence would attest to that. You seem to suggest otherwise, and though supportive argument had not been put forth, I remain open to effective persuasion should one cares to peel the surface. Do I foresee trouble on the horizon? No, as the actors on the ground on both ends of the fence are far too aware of the prevailing conditions and realities on the ground, therefore my prediction is that by this time next year we shall see a very different political direction and reasoning on the part of the secessionist camp who for the most part will attempt to strategise, realigning their thinking leaning towards the very idea they are so vocally against. The fact of the matter is that dialogue with respect to the future of Somaliland of the present, a state amongst states of Somalia, is not only politically important to address but would prove more productive and of use to the open-minded segments of the secessionist camp. The attached peace which I find depictive of the conditions in the recovery zones of Somalia is a testimony to the position that the extensive social and political persuasion of Isims to some extent is prevalent and paramount in the predominant context of the current Somali conditions. It is more factual based, hence less flattering, but shall allow a brief breather to dislodge the gum-shield to reorganise your thoughts, and from the constant jabs received to locate the position of your adversaries in the bout. Being more of a boxing fan, and not of cricket, you would appreciate my desire to see the referee out of the square for the chaps to consummate the match, draw or else for good ending. So long! ././ Peace and Development in Northern Somalia Opportunities and Challenges September 8, 1999 It must appear to much of the world that Somalia has ceased to exist. All diplomatic missions there have been closed and Somalia's seat at the United Nations lies empty. Although limited UN aid programmes are operating, bilateral donors have largely forgotten Somalia. Respected guide books and travel information web sites dispense dire warnings to potential travellers and major airlines no longer include Somalia as a destination. It's not even possible to write to friends and relatives in Somalia, for postal links have been cut. Somalia, it would appear, is a country that much of the international community has placed in quarantine. The following report, by the Som-Can Institute for Research and Development and Partnership Africa Canada, two Canada-based NGOs, challenges the assumptions behind these policies particularly as they relate to northern Somalia) and calls for the quarantine on Somalia to be lifted. This report is also being published in French and Somali. These versions and a longer version of this report may be obtained by contacting: Som-Can Institute for Research and Development 219 Argyle Avenue, Suite 216, Ottawa, Ontario, K2P 2H4, Canada Tel: 1-613-569-3471 Fax: 1-613-232-3660 E-mail: somcan@usa.net or Partnership Africa Canada 323 Chapel Street, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 7Z2, Canada Tel: 1-613-237-6768 Fax: 1-613-237-6530 E-mail: pac@web.net Some useful links on Somalia: UN Agencies in Somalia: http://www.undos.org War-torn Societies Project: http://www.unrisd.org/wsp/somalia.htm Somalinet: http://somalinet.com ________________________________________ Peace and Development in Northern Somalia Opportunities and Challenges Somalia's Humanitarian Crisis: Somalia is no longer included in the annual United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report world ranking. If it were to be included, according to a special report on Somalia, it would sit firmly at the bottom in 175th position, below war-afflicted Sierra Leone: "Average life expectancy is estimated at 41-43 years; the mortality rate for children under five exceeds 25%; adult literacy rates range between 14-17%; primary school enrolment is 13-16%; and GNP/capita is between $176-200 ... In almost any other country, any one of these indicators would be considered a national emergency. Yet, Somalia's prolonged humanitarian crisis has raised the threshold for what is considered an emergency there - only outright famine conditions and deadly epidemics generate a humanitarian response. Nonetheless, the chronically low levels of human development in Somalia constitute a long-term emergency for Somali society and, indirectly, for the international community." (UNDP, Human Development Report - Somalia, 1998) Peace and Conflict - two faces of Somalia: Somalia is a country of stark contrast - between the troubled central and southern regions and the stable and peaceful north. The conflict that affects parts of Somalia today can be linked directly to the 1977 Somali invasion of the Somali-inhabited Ogaden region of Ethiopia. In 1897, Somali-inhabited territories had been divided up among the colonial powers - United Kingdom, France and Italy - and Ethiopia, with a fifth territory becoming part of the future northern Kenya. At Independence in 1960, the British and former Italian protectorates united to form the Somali Republic. In 1974, Somali President Siyad Barre began to build up one of the largest armies in Africa with Soviet support. However, defeat in the Ogaden war with Ethiopia (1977-78) led to the emergence of armed opposition groups in exile and brutal repression by the army of civilian populations in Somalia, particularly in north-western Somalia (Somaliland) and north-eastern Somalia (Puntland). Western aid grew substantially during the 1980s; paradoxically, this helped Siyad Barre maintain his large army and intensify military repression in the northern regions. The eventual overthrow of the Siyad Barre government in 1991 and the ensuing collapse of the Somali state created intolerable humanitarian conditions including famine, which raged in southern Somalia during 1992. The international relief and security operation that followed brought help to needy populations, but it failed to bring an end to the inter-clan militia conflict. The latter has continued sporadically in parts of the centre and south of Somalia since the withdrawal of UN forces in 1995. The fighting of 1991 triggered a massive exodus from Somalia of trained Somalis and members of the international community. Government services collapsed and foreign missions and businesses closed. This heralded the start of Somalia's diplomatic and economic isolation. Somalia has been without a central government now for almost a decade, but interestingly this has led to the creation of decentralized, regional governments, supported by traditional leaders and civil society organizations that are helping to rebuild their country from the ground up. The two regions of northern Somalia, Somaliland and, especially, Puntland, were spared most of the conflict that affected other parts of the country during the 1990s. Opposition to Siyad Barre developed early in these two regions and both suffered violent repression in the 1980s, Hargeysa (capital of Somaliland) being almost destroyed by the Somali army in 1988. Greater internal social and political coherence led both regions to establish separate administrations during the 1990s. In 1991, Somaliland declared its independence, although it has since failed to gain international recognition. In 1998, the north-east region of Somalia proclaimed itself the autonomous State of Puntland, a region within Somalia. Almost a decade after the collapse of the centralized Somali state, northern Somalia has become a haven of peace in a conflict-ridden Horn of Africa. But this reality has yet to be recognized by the international community, hindered by an international media that focuses entirely on the inter-clan militia violence in central and southern areas. Somalia in recent times: 1960 Independence. 1969 Coup d'état led by Siyad Barre. 1972 Nationwide literacy campaign. 1974 Somalia joins the Arab League. 1974 Friendship treaty with USSR (renounced in 1977). 1977 Invasion of Ogaden region of Ethiopia and subsequent defeat of Somali forces. 1978 Creation in northern Somalia of first insurgent movements - SSDF (1978) and SNM (1980). 1980 Closer links with US and West develop. 1988 Armed insurrection by SNM in north-west Somalia. Violent repression by Somali army follows. 1989 Insurrection breaks out in other regions. 1991 Siyad Barre flees Mogadishu. Somaliland declares Independence. 1992 Famine in southern Somalia. UN-led relief and security operation (UNOSOM). 1995 End of UN operation. Siyad Barre dies in exile. 1997 Cairo Peace Accord signed by most faction leaders but not implemented. 1998 Saudi Arabia livestock ban imposed on Somalia. Puntland State created. 1999 Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict develops ‘southern Somalia front'. Somaliland and Puntland - zones of peace: Somaliland and Puntland are peaceful and both regions are being effectively run by a combination of government and traditional authorities. A priority for both regional governments is strengthening the security situation. The demobilization of ex-combatants continues and an emphasis is being placed on training and equipping the police forces. The resources, however, of both governments are small, being derived mainly from import and export duties. The 18-month Saudi Arabia ban on Somali livestock (which was officially lifted in May 1999), demonstrated the fragility of their fiscal base. It caused Somaliland, for example, to lose some 60% of its revenues during that period. It's a credit to the people and governments in northern Somalia that cohesion has been maintained during a major economic crisis. There are generally favourable conditions for development in Somaliland and Puntand, which would be the envy of many developing countries. And yet many donor countries are ignoring this reality and are dragging their feet on development assistance, pointing to obstacles such as the fact that Somalia does not have a central government, that there are security risks and that Somaliland has declared its independence. The international community is failing to see that the future of Somalia is being created now through the decentralized, regional administrations. A future unified Somalia is quite likely to be a federation of states, rather than a centralized state as before. The UN has called on donor countries to come to terms with this reality and help the emerging regional states develop their administrations and economies. Bilateral aid levels to northern Somalia, however, remain very low, with the European Union being the main bilateral donor. Several UN agencies maintain small programmes in both regions. A major source of frustration for Somaliland and Puntland is that aid coordination takes place in Nairobi, not Somalia. Whilst there are clearly security and logistical reasons why agencies involved in emergency work in central and southern Somalia prefer to be based in Nairobi, there no longer seems to be any valid reason for UN, bilateral or larger international organizations supporting development programmes in northern Somalia to automatically maintain programme staff in Nairobi. In fact, there are strong arguments for placing staff in northern Somalia: office and housing costs are much less and both Hargeysa and Bosasso are far safer than big cities such as Nairobi. Moreover, there seems to be a profound contradiction in the donor community maintaining most of its human resources and its development dialogue outside the recipient country. A clear consequence of this policy is that little consultation can effectively happen with government ministries, local NGOs and communities in northern Somalia, leading to decisions being taken in Nairobi and not Somalia. Such an approach does little to help build Somali capacities in areas such as development programming. Development Challenges in Northern Somalia: After two decades of embattled dictatorship, civil war and inter-clan violence, Somalia is faced with huge challenges. It has, for example, some of the worst health indicators in the world. It is a high risk area for many illnesses and children and women are particularly vulnerable. Health infrastructure is in poor condition and neither government in the north (Somaliland and Puntland) has the resources to invest in rehabilitation, equipment, medicines or staff. Due to the very limited emergency facilities, many people die from simple accidents or lose limbs unnecessarily. A recent study for the World Health Organization (WHO) of health infrastructure in Somaliland and Puntland (Dr Khalid Dik, Assistance to and Physical Rehabilitation of Landmine Victims in Somalia, May 1999) reports that only one hospital out of the ten main ones visited functions adequately. International agencies are providing services in some areas, but the bulk of health care is carried out by the private sector. Poor people are the victims of the limited state services, for they cannot afford to pay for medicines and service fees. Nomadic and rural communities in particular have difficulty accessing health services. The impact of the civil war on the education sector has been equally dramatic. The education system collapsed totally, the majority of schools were damaged, educational records and materials were lost, many teachers left the country. Almost two generations of Somali children that have missed their schooling. A survey of primary schools throughout Somalia conducted by UNICEF in 1997 (UNICEF, Survey of Primary Schools in Somalia, Nairobi, 1997) revealed that 773 primary schools existed of which 613 or 80% were operating. Of the operating schools surveyed, 75% did not go beyond grade 4. Only 3% of schools had the full primary cycle of grades 1-8. It has one of the lowest enrolment rates in the world. This situation is compounded by the generally poor conditions and standards in the schools. In addition, there is a significant gender imbalance, with twice as many boys as girls in school. In the upper grades, this gap widens rapidly. A great effort is now being made to revive the education sector in Somaliland and Puntland. Education is seen as a priority by people, government and donors alike, but school enrolment remains low and resources are very limited. Schools are being rehabilitated, curriculum being rewritten, and cost-sharing systems are being introduced. The primary system is receiving most attention, although some secondary schools are being reopened. A community-run university (Amoud University) has opened in Boroma, Somaliland. Food security has been a recurrent and increasing challenge in recent decades. Somalia is prone to occasional crop failures, particularly in southern regions where drought, floods and pest infestation are common. In addition, the conflict in southern regions during the 1990s has severely weakened the agricultural economy. In 1998, Puntland and Somaliland suffered from a prolonged drought which decimated animal herds, particularly in Puntland. Continued drought in 1999 in northern and southern regions of Somalia has contributed to what the FAO is describing as an extremely grim situation, with 400,000 people at risk of starvation, particularly in southern regions. The environment of Somalia has suffered greatly from the absence of a central government. In addition to the perennial problem of overgrazing, a major concern in certain areas is deforestation related to firewood and charcoal production, an increasing amount of which is being exported to the Gulf States. There have been reports of toxic waste disposal along Somalia's extensive coast, which is a particular threat to coastal communities and marine life. The coast of Puntland has particularly rich fishing grounds, which have attracted predatory fishing vessels from around the world. This illegal fishing threatens one of Puntland's most important resources. Somalia has an estimated 1-2 million landmines and unexploded ordnance (bombs, shells etc.), much of which is in Somaliland and, to a lesser extent, Puntland. Surveying and demining has begun in a few locations with UNDP support, but there seem to be few donors interested in supporting this work in Somalia. How is it that Somalia is receiving only a tiny fraction of the investment in demining that other countries (e.g. Bosnia) have received. Both Puntland and Somaliland have publicly endorsed the Landmines Treaty, but as they are not permitted to sign it their commitment goes unrecognized and, seemingly, unrewarded. Young people have been described as Somalia's human landmines. Their basic rights - rights to education, recreational activities and employment - were denied them by the civil war and the collapse of state infrastructure. Many young men joined the militias in areas where fighting took place and demobilization and rehabilitation into the community is urgent. A related issue is the consumption of khat, a mild narcotic leaf that is chewed in some regions by more than 90% of male adults. Unemployed youth will naturally turn to chewing khat, but there is a heavy social and economic price to pay. The relative financial cost to families is huge and an unproductive generation sits chewing, waiting. Developmental Opportunities in Northern Somalia: Following the collapse of economic activity in the early 1990s, Somaliland and Puntland are leading the economic reconstruction of Somalia. The backbone of the economy in northern Somalia is the livestock sector and large numbers of sheep, goats, cattle and camels have traditionally been exported to the Gulf States. In February 1998, Saudi Arabia introduced a ban on the import of Somali livestock on grounds of health, alleging incidences of Rift Valley Fever. The embargo hit herders and traders throughout Somalia severely. It has now been officially lifted, although many fear that competing commercial and political interests in Saudi Arabia may prevent a return to previous export levels from Somalia. In the light of these events, it seems clear that Somalia needs to develop its livestock industry further. For example, animal health was the official reason for the Saudi Arabia ban. Appropriate facilities are required to ensure that animals can be given a clean bill of health for export. At present, there are few veterinary health projects in northern Somalia. In addition, as well as developing fresh markets for livestock, renewed efforts should be made to develop related industries, e.g. meat processing, hides and leather work. One potentially promising and largely underdeveloped economic sector is fisheries, for although there is some commercial fishing, most fishing is carried out at a subsistence level. Puntland is considered to have one of the richest fisheries zones in the world, but this is currently being plundered by foreign ships operating illegally in Somali waters. The Puntland authorities have little capacity to protect, manage and help develop this important natural resource. Foreign vessels fishing illegally and over fishing are caught only very occasionally. Fines are generally imposed and then the violators are freed. But the fines have little impact and the plundering continues. It is not known what long term effects the current level of illegal fishing will have on the fisheries. The ports of Berbera (Somaliland) and Bosasso (Puntland) are increasingly active. This is partly due to the fact that livestock from central-southern Somalia are no longer exported through Mogadishu and Kismayo because of the instability of these areas. In addition, Berbera has recently become a major seaport for Ethiopia as a result of the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict. Bosasso, once a small port, has grown considerably in recently years and is now a thriving trading centre with the Gulf States, serving much of Somalia. The road infrastructure remains reasonably intact throughout Somaliland and Puntland, with good roads leading from Berbera to Ethiopia and from Bosasso down to Galkayo. There is also an extensive network of regional airports that handle some international and inter-regional flights. The private sector, although limited, is thriving in the stable social and political conditions that have been created in most of Somaliland and Puntland. There seems to be no shortage of consumer goods throughout the regions. The absence of a central government, together with much of the infrastructure taken for granted in other countries (such as an official banking, telephone and postal systems), has led to innovation. An example of this is the deregulated satellite-based telecommunications sector. In Somaliland, there are now five telecommunications companies operating out of Hargeysa and this competition has led to the lowest international telephone charges in Africa – US80 cents a minute, some four to five times lower than neighbouring countries. Internet links are expected to be established during 1999. Cheap and reliable international communications have strengthened the links with the Somali diaspora and greatly facilitated the crucially important system of remittances from abroad. Support from family members in the diaspora has played a key role in helping many urban families cope during the difficult years of the 1990s. Although remittances tend to be used for immediate needs, there are indications now that such resources are increasingly being invested in construction and commerce. Urban centres in both regions are seeing a boom in construction, particularly for housing, shops, restaurants and some hotels. Hargeysa is now largely rebuilt and Bosasso is expanding rapidly. The inflow of private funds from the Middle East, Europe and North America is substantial, although it is impossible to know the exact amount because of the unofficial nature of the transactions. Remittances alone far outstrip international development assistance, which amounts to no more than US$15 million per year at present for northern Somalia. Remittances, estimated at perhaps $150m per year, have tended not to be saved and there remains a shortage of investment capital, for there is no recognized private banking system. The Somaliland Government has called for donor countries to help provide controlled loan finance as a way of encouraging Somali entrepreneurs. With the collapse of the repressive central government and the emergency of the early 1990s, there was a mushrooming of NGOs in northern Somalia, with a majority of them being concentrated in Hargeysa and Bosasso. Their numbers have seen a natural decline since then, as the majority have had to struggle hard with mostly volunteer staff to carry out projects, for which funding has often been scarce. Too many donors have compounded this situation by concentrating funding in the hands of expatriate NGOs. In spite of these constraints, Somalia NGOs continue to develop and mature and there are now several NGO coalitions. It is imperative that these organizations make links with the many strong NGO networks across Africa. Outstanding in the NGO sector are women's organizations. Many would argue that women are the pioneers for peace and development in Somalia. It is therefore essential that Somali women's NGOs and women politicians and activists be supported by both the local and international communities. There are no women representatives in the Somaliland Parliament at present and, although Puntland has taken a lead in this respect with five women parliamentarians, they remain isolated and their voices are not adequately recognized. Role of the Somali Diaspora: A major, but as yet only partially tapped, asset for Somalia is the Somali diaspora. Large Somali communities are to be found in the Gulf States, several European countries, the US and Canada. The importance of remittances from abroad to bolster Somali family survival cannot be overestimated. These actions, however, tend to be individual, family-oriented. There are relatively few examples of Somali organizations among the diaspora that have developed strong programmes that can impact on Somali development issues, both in Somalia and internationally. Somalis have had difficulty establishing themselves in their respective adoptive countries, and Canada is no exception, even though the majority of Somalis in Canada have Canadian citizenship. There are many ways that countries such as Canada could help Somaliland, Puntland and other emerging regions create the building blocks of peace and development and a number of examples are given below. A crucially important, contribution, however, can be made by Somali-Canadians that have skills and experience to share with people in northern Somalia. Human resource development, at the government, NGO and private sector level, is a priority. The recently announced UNDP programme for identifying skilled Somalis abroad for short missions in Somalia is one initiative that deserves serious support. Canada and the US are two countries that have had some difficulty re-establishing relations with a decentralized Somalia. However, there are signs now that both countries have begun to review their policies, given the very positive developments in Somaliland and Puntland and the impact this is having on other parts of Somalia. This report urges that this process be accelerated and that a pro-active and pragmatic approach be taken. Somalia should be treated as a special case. In particular, we call upon civil society organizations to lead the way and establish partnership linkages. The Somalia quarantine must be lifted forthwith. Some steps to take: The following paragraphs outline a number of key initiatives and sectors that Canada and the international community should support: The sustainability of peace and security in the northern regions of Somalia depends on support for both civil society organizations and the emerging regional governments, so that policies are adopted that promote good governance, human rights and democratic development. Civil society organizations and regional governments should be helped to participate in the search for dialogue and peace throughout Somalia and the Horn. This should be seen as priority. To this end, a special peace and democratic development fund for the Horn of Africa should be created by Canada and other donor countries. A regional vision of peace and development should be promoted and IGAD (the Intergovernmental Authority on Development) is one potential way of implementing initiatives. An example of such an approach would be in seeking a solution to the questions of land mines and refugees camps along the borders between Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somaliland and Puntland. The continuing inflow of arms, particularly into southern regions, is destabilising Somalia further. The UN Security Council should ensure a more effective implementation of the embargo on arms to Somalia. Land mines remain a scourge throughout Somalia. Canada and the international community should take a lead and recognize the commitments made by both the Somaliland and Puntland governments with respect to the Ottawa Convention. Action should be taken to secure funds for an integrated regional land mines programme. Capacity building should be a central objective of all assistance provided. The new Somalia being created in northern regions is one that is decentralized and potentially very democratic. Patterns of external assistance must respect and reinforce the fragile balance and cooperation between traditional leaders, civil society organizations and emerging government institutions. Above all, initiatives should be developed in northen Somalia and with the region's governments and Somali organizations. External management of such programmes should be located in northern Somalia. Efforts should be made to strengthen and empower Somali NGOs. In particular, women's NGOs, groups and activists and NGOs supporting young people should be targeted. As part of its assistance to Somali civil society, Canada should increase the size and scope of the Canada Fund operating from the Nairobi High Commission. The rights of women, children, elders and children with special needs must be protected. An emphasis should be placed on initiatives to combat violence against women and girls, particularly the practice of circumcision. Reintegration of children and young people who associated with militia should be supported. Training should be given to care givers in order to help children and youth with special needs. This includes orphans, disabled and displaced children. Rights to freedom of expression, with an independent press and media should be encouraged and protected. Training should be offered to newspaper and radio journalists. Media and human rights organizations should develop links with northern Somalia in order to promote peace and development. The renovation of school buildings, teacher training, student counselling and the provision of books and learning materials are priorities in the education sector. Institutions of higher learning should explore linkages with emerging Somali institutions. Linkages in the health sector should be developed with Somali hospitals. Surgical and orthopaedic doctors could make short term visits to provide training to Somali medical staff. Material support is also needed, for there are no regular supplies. Vocational training and community-based rehabilitation for the disabled is required. The international community should respond quickly and imaginatively to the appeals for food assistance that have been made by UN organizations. Southern regions appear to the most seriously affected. Given the difficulties in some areas with food relief distribution, a particular effort should be made to involve civil society organizations in the distribution programmes. In the livestock sector, a priority is to establish facilities and programmes to assure adequate animal health. The development of water resources for dry season needs is crucial. Initiatives should be supported that can help Puntland and Somaliland protect their environment. Illegal fishing by foreign boats should be condemned by the UN. Canada in particular could help in training/equipping coast guards and in helping to develop the fishing industry. Urgent measures are also needed to help prevent land degradation, particularly deforestation for charcoal production. Programmes to rehabilitate and modernize public infrastructure - ports, airports, roads, bridges, power and water supplies - should be supported. This report was made possible through support from the Canadian International Development Agency. END

Bulshada Somaliland oo shirka Soomaalida ee Kenya u soo dirsanaya Salaadiin, Siyaasiyiin iyo xubno ka tirsan ururadda bulshada rayidka ah Axad, July 06, 2003 Maalmaha soo socda ayaa la filayaa in ay madasha shirka dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida ee Magaalada Nairobi soo gaaraan Salaadiin, Siyaasiyiin magac leh iyo xubno ka tirsan ururrada bulshada rayidka ah oo ka soo jeeda deegaanada Somaliland, sida aynu ka soo xiganay warar laga helay ilo lagu kalsoonaan karo. Tifatiraha wargeyska Sanca Press Xasan Fanax oo ku sugan Magaaladda Nairobi ayaa u sheegay Hiiraan Online in ku dhowaad 100 ruux oo qeybahaasi ka tirsan loo diyaariyay dal-ku-galkii ay ku imaan lahaayeen Kenya, isla markaana badankood la soo qaadayo todobaadkan, inkastoo aaney IGAD si rasmi ah daboolka uga qaadin arinta ka soo qeybgalka bulshada Somaliland, balse waxaa la ogsoon yahay in uu weli maamulka Madaxweyne Daahir Riyaale Kaahin ee dhowaantan la doortay ay diidan yihiin ka qeybgalka shirkaasi, iyagoo taasina ku sababeeyay in shirku uu yahay mid aan iyaga quseynin. Wararku waxay intaasi ku darayaan in martiqaadka loo fidiyay qabaa'ilka Somaliland iyo qeybaha bulshada ee deegaankaasi ay ka dambeysay culeys aad u xoog badan oo guddiga farsamadda ee IGAD lagu saaray in bulshada reer Samililand ay ka soo qeybgalaan shirka, maadama ay Soomaalidu wax ku qeybsaneyso qaab qabiil, islamarkaana ay xaq u leeyihiin in ay kaalintooda ka qaataan dhismaha dowladda cusub, kadibna ay dowladdaasi wada xaajood la furto maamulka haatan, haddii uu ku sii adkeysto diidmadiisa, iyadoo aan marna laga boodin mabaadii'da saldhiga u ahaa qabashada shirkan oo ay ku jirtay in la dhowro midnimadda Soomaaliya, taasoo ay isku raaceen beesha caalamka oo ay ku jiraan qabanqaabiyayaasha shirka. Beelo aan ka qeybgelin doorashadii ka dhacday Somaliland iyo kuwo u doortay Mr. Riyaale inuu u janjeero dhinaca midnimadda marka lala barbardhigo musharixii la tartamayay ee xisbiga Kulmiye ayay wararku sheegayaan in ay iska soo xaadirin doonaan madasha shirka oo maalmaha soo socda fooda gelin doona wejigii seddexaad ee awood qeybsiga, iyagoo sidoo kalena la sheegayo in ay musharixiin ka socotaahi ka qeybgeli doonaan tartanka madaxweynenimada oo la saadaalinayo haddii ay sidaasi wax u dhacaan in ay guul weyn ka gaari doonaan marka la fiiriyo isu tanaasul la'aanta iyo khilaafka xooggan ee u dhaxeeya siyaasiyiinta ka soo jeeda koonfurta dalka Soomaaliya. By: Salaad Iidow Xasan (Xiis) Hiiraan Online saladxiis@yahoo.com Mogadishu, Somalia

Not so dump business-wise after all, or it this a damage-control ploy on the part of a smart entrepreneur if you read the concluding line? Dahabshiil Head Office, Hargeisa. Ummadda Soomaaliyeed ayaa ka marag-kici doonta Kaalinta ay ugu jirto Shirkadda Dahabshiil Anaga oo tixraaceyna maqaal uu July 2nd, 2003 ku qorey Shabakadda somaliweyn.com nin magaciisa ku sheegay Cumer Kulmiye maqaalkaas oo uu cinwaan uga dhigey ‘ Dahabshiil ma Shirkad qabiilbaa mise shariikad dhexdhexaad ah ee ganacsi ???, iyada oo nuxurka qoraaga ee maqaalkaasi uu ahaa in uu Shirkadda Dahabshiil cambaareyn uga dhigo ama ku shaabadeeyo waxaaney geyin oo ummadda Soomaaliyeed meel ay joogtaba marag u tahay. Haddaba marka hore waxa aanu si xushmad iyo maamuus leh uga cudur-daaraneynaa khalad madbici ah oo ku dhacay Calendar-ka Shirkadda ee 2003, iyada oo farsamo-yaqaanadii daabacayey calendar-ku ay ka kala tageen maalmaha xusida mudan ee taariikhda soomaalida, hase yeeshee waxa aanu leenahay qoraaga maqaalkaas, waxa aanu aad uga xunnahay in aad daliil uga dhigato eeddeyntaada waxba kama jiraanka ah khaladkaas madbici ah oo aad si xun wax ugu turjunto shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee caqliyadoodu ka fayowdahay qabyaaladda iyo naxliga, iyada oo Shirkadda Dahabshiil iyo guud ahaan ummadda Soomaaliyeedba ka dheregsan yihiin qiimaha ay leedahay maalinta 1-da JULY oo ka mid ah maalmaha ku gaaxdey maskaxaha bulshada Soomaalida, isla markaana xushmada iyo qadarinta inaga wada mudan. Sidaa daraadeed, waxa aanu leenahay qoraaga maqaalka walaal Cumar malaha waxa kaa baydhay qalinkee, Shirkadda Dahabshiil waa mid ka ballaadhan oo ka xajmi weyn waxa aad ku tilmaantey iyo qabyaaladba, sida ka muuqata qoraalkaagana ay aqoon la’aan badani kaa hayso Shirkadda Dahabshiil iyo sida ay ugu adeegto ummadda Soomaaliyeed guud ahaan, isla markaana uu ka dhan-dhamayo qoraalkaaga in aad u adeegayso cid kale oo tartan Ganacsi kula jirta Shirkadda Dahabshiil, iyada oo qoraalkaagaas iyo kuwo kale oo la mid ahi toona aanay waxba ka nusqaamin doonin adeega Shirkaddu u hayso Bulshada, shacabka Soomaaliyeedna uu ka aragti dheer yahay inta aad ka fileyso. Ugu dambayntii waxa aanu mar labaad ka cudur-daaraneynaa khaladkaas madbiciga ah, waxaanan ku boorineynaa shacabka Soomaaliyeed meel kasta oo ay joogaan in ay ka digtoonaadaan warxumo-tashiilka sida xun wax ugu turjumaya. Allaa Mahad Leh, Dahabshiil Head Office, Hargeisa. hq2003@dahabshiil.net

Bari_Nomad - Once the gates of opportunities had been cracked open, Adam is your uncle as it were! In other words it is a matter of time before a plan of expansion had been effected.

And the good news keeps rolling in and in! The brilliance and smart business strategies of tapping into fertile, yet ripe markets of not only Somalia, but also the Horn in its entirety on the part of the Somali entrepreneurs is truly captivating!

Guraad – well done mate – I do not think anyone could provide more material to backup the stance on the part of the people of SS&H. The tragedy could be summed up in the “Dhago Meeye”, as the old saying goes. The pro-Somaliland camp does not wish to hear let alone accept the facts on the ground. Theirs is we (those in Hargeysa & Burco) know what is best for you (the people in SS&H). Know better so far as what the people’s stance is on the contested issues. Talk of the son telling the father how to do the deed, eh! Or better yet the daughter advising the mother how to birth! Oddly enough when the case for secession is challenged, they, the pro-secessionist camp almost always cries foul along the lines of “it is our fate and future, and we should be allowed to determine”. Something is amiss in that logic of reasoning, but then again, logical thinking has never been the strength for these groups.

Quite the fad lady on the vogue of late eh! No problem, but really sis what are you on about? What are the questions for which you desire answers which have not already been addressed? I am being serious here now? Humour me as I am still rejoicing, thus desire to indulge you out of courtesy if nothing more. What qualifies for “garbage allegations”? Has the meaning of the words being altered, but then again that would not matter for according to Angel I am an old timer, would it? Or was this a case of the fingers forcefully dictated to by the heart getting the better of the mind in hurriedly spewing out the residues of the latter, as it were. When do factual assertions quickly become fabrications? Whatever, the case this indeed scares the living daylight out of me to see the young scurrying in their moments of delusional in their perspective, warped in their reasoning and hasty in their gestures reaching for the keyboards without a moment’s thought as to what is being passed on as good repertoire in partaking the discourse, yet astonishingly adamant in the belief that theirs are the only truths and facts – no room for corrective measure should otherwise is proved to be the case. A lot to be admired for familiarity with the subject matter and one’s ways of the world truly is an education by in itself. So long!

For worship we have the Almighty.