miles-militis

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  1. Here is the plan – Ghelle and Riyaale have a mission bigger than Hargeisa. The object of their desire is not to war with Puntland for they do too well know it is a no-win situtaion. Indeed it is to descecrate Northwest region. Why? Ghelle and Riyaale are planning to annex Awdal region which is to become part of Djibouti. Riyaale and his Samar.... family are only too happy to see the Afar&Issa&Samar... amalgamation rather than remaining a hostage to the banuIshaaq family in Hargeisa. The cause is no longer about the break-away of western Somaliland. It is about the future of the Somalis in northwest Somalia. You have been warned .......
  2. Truth be told. Desperate situations demand desperate deeds. Do not I see that in Riyaale's camp. "....northwest regions of Somalia have no legal grounds, no constitutional entitlement, and no political influence for any land claims. And there lies the impetus that motivates Rayaale and his government’s preoccupation with war"
  3. Gediid – No need to relocate mate. Just bring yourself and we shall have you sorted mate. No need to take the mickey out of the Queen’s Isles with your “duvet” on the floor and “mobile heater”. It is all good, it keep us in good shape mate. And we love it. But remember it’s where you stay, and with whom. Be warmed though - make sure you come with no weapons including those big nail clippers most Yankee carry around with them. We would not want the old bill on your scruff, would we? Baashi – To understand where Sooyaal comes into the picture, one has to be familiar with the concept of “flies”. Cheers.
  4. Ow Gediid – Boowe it all comes down to where one was educated, and what one’s profession is. Engineering I think yours was. Now if one I were to prod you for a lecture in, shall we say, electromagnetics, attenuation, and velocity, I am certain you would have found more words than anyone else to express an informed opinion. See where I am going with this? Besides, you are in the US where people speak American, and really not English, so I would not be surprised if certain words or expressions threw you off balance mate. After all, Dubya with English being his second language, struggles to understand Blair. So do not feel bad mate. 9th grade level lingo is not as common in the Queen’s land as it is perhaps in the Yankee's territories. Cheers.
  5. Huuganka Ideolojiyada - Are you not forgetting the basic rule of engagement old son? In case you did not, I only engage people with brains and sth to offer. Need I say more!
  6. US Dollars And No Guns: How Puntland Runs Itself The East African (Nairobi) COLUMN January 12, 2004 Posted to the web January 14, 2004 Arthru Okwemba Nairobi Special Correspondent ARTHUR OKWEMBA visited the state of Puntland in northeast Somalia recently and found, to his surprise, that it is not quite the lawless jungle that he had expected it to be As our plane touched down on the deserted Bossaso airstrip during a recent visit to Somalia's Puntland state, my stomach churned with fear. I had heard and read many stories about the security situation in the vast Horn of Africa country, so the peaceful crowds that strode languidly along the streets as we drove into Bossaso did little to ease my worries. As if sensing what was going through my mind, the driver said: "Puntland is one of the most peaceful places in Somalia. So do not fear." I was intrigued by the way the name Puntland rolled easily off his tongue, considering that the state did not exist before 1991 when civil war broke out after the overthrow of president Mohammed Siad Barre. According to a report titled Scarcity and Surfeit: The Ecology of Africa's Conflicts by the African Centre for Technology Studies and South Africa's Institute of Security Studies, the fall of Barre actually "dampened prospects for peace and security and did not bring about an anticipated coalition government formed by dissident factions. Instead, the war began and Somalia was broken into fiefdoms run by militias answerable only to certain warlords, prompting the European Union to commission the London School of Economics and Political Science to assess various types of political and administrative decentralisation systems that would work in Somalia and bring about a lasting solution to the conflict. In a 1995 report titled A Study of the Decentralisation Structure for Somalia: A Menu of Options, the experts proposed four models - confederation, federation, a community-based type of power-sharing known as consociation; and a decentralised unitary state. During two seminars held in neigbouring Kenya in 1996 to discuss the report, the Somali people, represented by politicians, religious leaders civil society and other stakeholders, chose the last option. They agreed that the decentralised unitary state of governance would operate, while giving full autonomy to the constituent units. That is how Puntland came into being as one of the autonomous units. But the country remains far from meeting the system envisaged in the study. Since the war, Somalia has been divided into two states led by presidents, with the central and southern parts in areas like Mogadishu and Kismayu under the control of warlords. The Republic of Somaliland, which was a British protectorate, declared its independence from the southern part of Somalia in 1991. Puntland, in the northeast, followed suit and has remained relatively peaceful for some time now. With this development came other major differences in states found in one country. Two different currencies circulate in the two states. Interestingly, Somaliland does accept the Puntland currency and vice versa. The scars of the largely clan-based civil war are far from healing and this is manifested in the decisions and policies of the two states. When a person boards a plane from Puntland state, for instance, he or she has to pay a visa fee of $20 at Bossaso airport and a similar amount at Hargeisa airport in the Republic of Somaliland. As one moves down to the central and southern zones, a $20 visa fee is again charged at airstrips or airports controlled by the warlords. Hence, in the same country, a person can pay the visa fee five times, depending on the zones being visited. In places where a government exists, some of the money goes to the state. In other areas, it is pocket by warlords and the militiamen. As such, there are those who are getting super rich as the conflict rages. This is the group locals say would prefer the current state of affairs to continue. But this does not bother them as much as security does. Some locals are fleeing certain parts of the country to settle in either Puntland or Somaliland, which are relatively stable. To the people of these two states, the most insecure places are the Southern and Central parts of Somalia, which encompass areas like Mogadishu and Kismayu. Indeed, when a person passes through Puntland, the perception of a country on fire that many people in Kenya have fizzles out. In Bossaso, one of Puntlant's most vibrant towns with a strategic port on the Red Sea, business is booming and much of it is conducted in US dollars. You can buy a soft drink or sweets with a dollar, and get change in US cents. Even elderly businesswomen have mastered the art of differentiating a fake from authentic dollar by just feeling and looking at certain features. Buildings are coming up fast in Puntland, as people race against time to catch up with opportunities lost through the war. In Bossaso, there is a university known as the University of East Africa. The residents, who have not had an opportunity to get an education, crave for it, especially the English language. A few private schools, which offer English language courses, use the Kenyan curriculum, administered by Kenyan teachers, who are increasingly setting-up camp in Somalia. A primary school teacher, who earns about Ksh7,000 ($90) at home, can earn as much as $500 (Ksh39,000) a month in addition to a free return air ticket to Kenya when schools close. An estimated 600 Kenyans are said to be working in Somaliland in different capacities. In this respect, despite the over 10 years of conflict that has slowed down development in Somalia, the country appears to be beating the odds. Everybody is going about their business with no apparent worry. There are no people carrying guns around as is popularly believed, although many have them in their homes. A 16-year-old boy told me he has his own gun, which can come in handy in the event that his clan is attacked by another. Most of the locals blame the civil war or clan wars, as some call them, for providing the fertile ground for the guns to get into the hands of civilians. With only $50 (Ksh3,850), one can get a pistol. Double that amount and you have an AK-47 rifle. The biggest worry is that with so many people owning guns, conflicts can flare up easily and degenerate into something nasty. If person is killed by someone from another clan, the attack is taken as an assault on the clan of the deceased person. Therefore, the offended clan will kill anybody from the other clan in revenge. This situation has forced international agencies working in Somalia to define how to offer tenders and contracts, or hire people. A staff member of an international agency working in southern Somalia says: "In this part of the world, sometimes qualifications do not matter when hiring. You have to know how a clan will take it if you employ someone from a rival clan." The process is said to be so dicey that the agencies have to consult the elders, who then decide who should get a contract or a job. On its part, in an attempt to bring law and order, the governments of Puntland and Somaliland have ordered that only law enforcement agencies, the military and few people licensed to have guns should carry them in public. In addition, many Somalis hope that the ongoing peace talks in Nairobi will come up with solutions that would minimise the current tensions fuelling gun ownership among warring Somali clans. This kind of hope, however, does not resonate among the Somalis in Somaliland. A number of the locals interviewed are neither anxious nor interested in the whole peace process. They still harbour - something one discerns easily - a deep mistrust of their brothers in South Somali and Puntland. Screamed one of them when I inquired why unity had eluded them for so long: "We cannot participate in talks when senior people who served in the Siad Barre government and were architects of the maiming of our people and destruction of our land are now seen as saints in the talks in Nairobi." There are claims that around 1991 and 1992, Barre's army, which continued fighting after his ouster in January 1991, bombarded Hargeisa, one of the then flourishing towns with a strong political and economic base. The raids are said to have left over 640,000 people dead and the entire town reduced to rubble. Many of the people in Somaliland have kept pictures and relics of the town immediately after it was flattened as a reminder of the injustice meted out to them. Pointing at one of these pictures, Egal Mohammed says agonisingly: "We speak the same language, worship the same religion, we are people of the same race, and yet we were battered like this by our fellow brothers. It is difficult to start talking of unity." Even those who might disagree with him are now losing their patience with the talks, which began in 1991 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia under the facilitation of the United Nations. To many of them, the consultations have taken too long without any tangible success and are turning out to be an avenue for some people to enrich themselves. Although most locals and senior politicians who are in favour of the talks say the country can only be governed through a decentralised unitary state, with a loose central government, Somaliland is taking a different stand. It says it does not even want to be part of that decentralised unitary state. They just want to stand as an independent state. Indeed, they have been fighting hard to win international recognition. Like a fledgling democratic state, people in Somaliland elected their third president early last year and recently concluded municipal elections. Early this year, they plan to hold parliamentary elections. Meanwhile, compared with the two states, the other parts of the larger Somalia are struggling to put their act together. Politics revolves around clans - the ****** , ***** , **** , *** , ********* - a number of which say only self-determination is the way out. This brings into sharp focus the question, Should self-determination be used by the Somali people as a way of solving conflicts? In Sudan, the Sudan People's Liberation Army led by John Garang prefers the same model. Conflict experts argue that if self-determination can bring lasting peace on the continent, then why not think about it in any political parleys? http://allafrica.com/stories/200401140397.html
  7. Angel Dear - Xaasha I am not known to resort to insults though you and your pro-Hargeisa lads and lasses like to make such loud claims: for claims are the only thing that is left for you to make. Reality my dear is never quite pretty, is it? My dear I am an old school, and have no heart for political correctness. Aside your obsession with A Yusuf, again you are hugely mistaken here dear. It is the people of Sool who are patrolling the city streets. By the way, in case you did not know, he is in Nairobi where he has been for the past year or so. As for manners and conduct, well, poles apart, we are my dear. We are known for finesses and classic demeanour. I am assuming you have not listened to the talk of town regarding Somaliland’s government ministers, your heroes and mentors – Awil, Edna, Isma’il and the rest, who when not laying into the ladies with words that even drifters in “Doxa Hargeisa” could not bring themselves to utter, entice clan hostilities and inveigle old wounds amongst local people. Their counterparts in Garowe always present themselves with dignity and show brotherly love even when teased by the Hargeisa hecklers. Need I say more! Northerner – since when was “marfish talk” an insult? Or this a new way of having something to say, when you do not have anything to offer?
  8. The Socio-Economic Survey, 2002 is being launched on 14 January 2004 Before the civil war in Somalia, there was a dearth of economic and social statistical information on Somalia, which has been worsened by conflict and the collapse of many institutions over the last decade. The World Bank and UNDP are now jointly implementing a programme to set up data collection systems, strengthen Somali statistical institutions, and support the establishment of a statistical database to monitor the macro-economic and socio-economic conditions. The socio-economic survey on Somalia compiles baseline demographic and socio-economic data at a household level to address some of the critical needs and gaps and to establish a socio-economic database for better policy formulation and planning. The survey covers the areas of: (i) demographics and housing (ii) employment and income (iii) basic services (iv) communication (v) participation of women (vi) environmental concerns. It was implemented with the support and participation of functional Somali administrations as well as international partners. You need Acrobat PDF format (Download for free) Chapters Contents, Foreword and Introduction Chapter 1: Demographics and Housing Chapter 2: Employment and Income Chapter 3: Basic Services Chapter 4: Communication Chapter 5: Participation of Women Chapter 6: Environmental concerns Chapter 7: Miscellaneous Chapter 8: Conclusions Annex: List of Tables http://www.so.undp.org/SoconRpt.htm
  9. I could attest to this simple historical fact, and no doubt this would have been case had the admirable Dervishes had not sacrificed their own for the good of the Neo-Anglican Somalis in northwest. Sophist “… names like: Micheal Joseph Qowdhan; Jeremay Smith Gediid or perhaps the ladies would have been Ann-marie David Abdulahi”. Oh Gediid – historical account will surely disagree with that juvenile sentiment of yours mate. But then again we could all talk, could we not? What was that old saying ”afkii laba daan lihi …..” you finish it off for me, will you? Surely, you do not want me to recount the famous “mountain stories” and “rationing of edibles” at times when lines were not as obscure as they are today. But, hey who cares about history where you’re concerned - It only siphons borrowed vigour with its conjured up caricatures rendering the narrator to a foolhardy beguile.
  10. All this picture portrays is the dream of my fellow countrymen from Hargeisa, and nothing more. Amin Amir does not have the faintest idea as to the real settings in Las Anod, and his artistic prowess derives momentum from contemporary “marfish” talk in the coffee houses in Toronto: Neither is it reliable nor is it objective.
  11. Breathtaking scene indeed! Bari - By the way, I do not see the natural habitats I have been reading about such as deero, cawl, garanuug, biciid and the likes which are said to gaze outside the fence with the local people enjoying their meals in the inside. Or was that Panorma hotel?
  12. Ayoub – You are forgetting that Somalis in the “Ethiopian Somali State – aka Og....nia" never gained their independence, were never a part to the Somali republic, did not participate in the creation of Puntland, and as much as they do share ancestral bond with the people of Puntland, and as unfortunate as it is that region of Somalia falls under foreign occupation, thus the similarities end there. Intermarriage amongst Somalis is not a new phenomenon, hence makes the case for civil co-existence between communities – more the reason to reconsider the break-up, would not you say? See if you could be more specific for the second question for a rational answer? If you are referring to Kismayo, actually they are not a minority; in fact people of Puntland make up a handsome majority in that region. Besides, Somalis under federal rule – a reality mind you – could reside, live and excavate wherever in Somalia that takes their fancy. After all, they shall be no border, rather autonomous local configuration that shall have to be agreed upon. No force. No one is to say that the problems of Somalia could be resolved so easily, if so we would not have seen a decade of mindless marauding. Che-G “useless rhetoric” I think not mate. I am only entertaining my fellow countrymen, the nomad fashion - with a dagger in one hand and a “shaal” in another at the same time. Cheers.
  13. C_kisses – since we are in an Anglo cultural metamorphasis practising one-night stands, my response will have to come within that context. I would simply not be bothered with the pregnant lass except avail her assistance, financial or otherwise in rearing the unfortunate child provided she decides to have the baby. After all, one-night encounters are just that. As for the lady I am in head over heels, simple. Nothing to fess up as we were on a break right, so adopt a strategy of “what you do not know, does not hurt you”, and simply cross that bridge when I come to it. Does not help either lasses, but hey there you are. Besides she can take care of herself, could she not? You know, feminism, women being as able as men, being equal and all. Cheers.
  14. Dear Sophist - While I wholeheartedly agree with “Dhiig Muslim” and the cereal business, there really must be a clear understanding on the part of our fellow countrymen in Hargeisa that talk is cheap, and that the gigantic “Somaliland National Army” (beautiful ring to it, do not you reckon? with Mujaahid Riyaale the Commander in Chief), are in for a stun if encountered by the “tiny” Dervishes. Oh Angel - may I suggest you see the whole clip dear? I knew you only hear selectively, but did not realise you cannot see? As my friend used say “Boowe aa la tahay”. Maandhe – sal fudayd waa kii Somali idinka saaray dharaar cad e, bal yarahe u caga dhig! I would have given you a history lesson on “places” and “presence” but you are tooooo young for that, thus shall not bother. Besides, I always stand up in the presence of the Somali ladies. Quote" Akhirin: : Baby boy I am a Duriya-- Lately u seem to forget that and forget your place in my presence! Perhaps high time you sat down" Cheers.
  15. Oh Angel dear – Now I am not one to brag but just watch this video clip of the Dervishes in base 54 in Nugaal. http://www.radiogalkayo.com/videoclips/drawiishta_puntland.rm Remember these are still recruits! You have not seen the likes of Carays, Goraya Cawl, ina Ali Shire, Saed Dheere and the likes in full display. I would have shown you, but I do not think you have got the stomach for it! Do you still wish to chat dear? Besides it is the police that will do the job whilst the Dervishes shall remain at their base. Furthermore, what is astounding is how the likes of Ayoub quoting his rather limpy compatriot LANDER listen to the fallacious drivel from inaAdam Ade that Puntland police (not Dervishes mind you) are only interested in engaging urban warfare. From a historical perspective one would observe unless one desires to confine one’s recollection to the 21st century that never had any of the cities in Puntland experienced urban combat; in fact the last two brief encounters ‘ween the SSDF and Alitiahd and Dervishes against Alitihad/Arte sympathisers took place in the wilderness. While such encounters are not something to be proud of; however, it is noteworthy that none of the major cities were affected in any way. Dhudo and Qayaadsame are both in the mountainous terrain of Bari region. Note major cities Qardho, Carmo and Bosaso were not impacted in the least bit. On the other hand, we all know what did happen in Burco, Hargeysa and Berbera all of which bear the scars of dire rural warfare courtesy of the suicidal SNM liberators against the genocidal Barre army forces. The rest of Somalia is out of the equation. Now would someone tell me why would the like of LANDER and Ayoub regurgitate the claptrap spewing out of the drunken lungs of inaAdde when facts indicate otherwise? Or is it the lads from Northwest read NOT, but only hear? In this 21st century, it cannot be? Cheers.
  16. Gediid - Bruv when all is said and done, "Oodi Qaadid & Jiidid, Waa isla Guri Geyn" Anyway, you really must have a word in the docile ears of the nubile lads from the western front, who could never distinguish 'ween "war" times and "peace" times. It's a tiring business to train and engage them in a game of "dagger pushing" in the day time whilst still dining together at night. By the way, where is the ship nowadays? Or did you dump it all the while? Good to see you too mate, Cheers.
  17. Gediid - Bruv, are you not talking about yourself in this line? Or have you already forgetten whom the protagonists are? The masters of playing the victim's hand at all times! Quote" Its so unfair when everone cries VICTIM...even worse when the perpetrator screams victim
  18. LANDER – I see you have been placing your bets on the loosing horses in inaAdde and the SL army that is not to be – how mediocre! The irony lies here - “SL army” he says, and then the “Puntland militia” he adds. How patriotic! Borders, what borders? Just because we are advocating for diplomatic and peaceful resolution to the issue at hand, it shows we are the true citizens of the territories. Do remember though whilst we may seek mature resolve and cultivate grassroots support for it, it does not mean the Dervishes will not slap you black and blue. What was the old saying “Doqontu baa la yidhi, Ha la heshiiyo marka la yidhaa, Ayey qoryo gurad bilawdaa”. Nonetheless, if it is a war that is to settle the matter, and you wish to rejoice, believe you me it shall not be pretty – and your uncles shall ration the Togdheer mud for years to come. We will let the wise ones come forth and speak for now, shall we?
  19. Angel dear - what did I do wrong? Hit a raw nerve, or unearthed events you wish never had taken place? Why do you reckon Awil & inaSulub are ganging up on Silanyo accusing him of killing inaKoosaar & Shino? It is 'cause of the 90s battles which pitched eastern tribes ******** in an unwinnable war of which the Commander in Chief was the old man (inaIgal)himself. Unfortunately, it is all Riyaale's doing now - his masters only wish to see Silanyo & Burmadow done for good this time, so what would be a better strategy than to rekindle old vendettas. "Lafo maroodi iyagaa laysku jebiyaa" as the old saying was, is Ghelle's ploy with Riyaale, his protege at the helm. So my dear, again “one man’s hero is another’s villain” But if Somaliland is to be saved from the foreign wolves, its people must think fast, rationally, and act swiftly for time is not your side. Cheers. [ January 08, 2004, 08:56 AM: Message edited by: Libaax-Sankataabte ]
  20. Baashi - Brilliant mate! I must admit I admire this latter suggestion all the while. "You do that and these will happen: a) It will deflate Mr. Ade’s and his like’s political capital as the “Issimo” will capitalize this move and solve few long-standing issues among their constituent. b) Punland will not lose face by doing that as Sool will still be an integral part of Puntland State under control of its loyal “Issimo” and Somaliland don’t have to swallow its pride because they “kicked” Af-gaduud out of the area. c) Both sides save the needed resources that now earmarked for a disastrous conflict"
  21. Suggestions put forth included: Baashi - Demilitarise the zone - remained so until the infamous day of the 17/Dec 02 when Riyaale violated it rendering the area between Burco and Las Anod the most insecure and instable in the region. Again on the 21/Dec 03 the call to secure Somaliland’s borders was another attempt in violation of that truce. Empower traditional elders - there are two types of Issims: the genuine with deep-rooted grassroots support that still remain influential. Then there are the Barre era junior mandarins with negligible fellowship, shady past, and no loyalty yet more active in urban quarters, unruly than anyone could imagine with some playing for both teams. There remains a value-orientated divisive line between the two groups. The former apolitical, credible and cultured still sees itself the legitimate, hardly gets involved unless conditions demand, and exercise its influence with maximum reparations for the good of the majority. The latter depicted as anything but that of the former dabbles in both customary and political discourse with little training in either. Mostly children of the 60s, who hit puberty at the decline of the nationalistic movement, matured with the debauched, decadent revolution of the early 70s attach little value to custom, constitution and institutions. In other words the dilution of custom, culture and tradition by the military junta of its 20-year reign still haunts the old republic long after its death – causality and effectuality hand in hand if you will. - Strip politicians of presumed political influence - how and who is to do that? They have as much right to make a claim for the role like any other. Besides they are stakeholders in either administration, hence neither is willing to jeopardise that. They are known to switch sides so swiftly if not content with goings of the day that they are even unsure of themselves. A supreme judge in Garowe yesterday yet a Chief justice in Hargeisa today! The head of the parliament today in Hargeisa yet a minister in Garowe tomorrow! They share so much with the pro-secessionist group who are fervent protagonists today, yet a passionate nationalist parading with their hearts on their sleeves in the capital singing “waving the good old blue flag” the next – “gabaldaye sidiisii” with no guiding principles at all. - Implement institutional capacity building programmes – which of the two administrations is to enforce it since there is no other authority readily available on the scene? Use of reasonable force perhaps? Or engage the ugly UN which has no interest in getting involved perhaps? Gediid – Electoral resolve - One man one vote - proposed in 2000, abandoned by the late Igal, but still doable though the doctrine of “majority wins” is not quite applicable to nomads, for if one loses by majority vote, one never accepts the results. Who and how would this be enforced? Sophist – Reinstate and engage elites of the regions - This group has higher stakes within its sights to be bothered with what they consider a rather unpleasant squabble over nothing in line with the prevailing psychological mindset of almost all Somali elites. Thus not foreseeable, and not realistic. And finally if Hargeisa wishes to go it alone on the basis of clan patronage, (that the Duriya were massacred on the basis of their clan lineage, the only voiced, viable reason for the divorce, and thus existence of Somaliland), Hargeisa must accept Las Anod’s clan patronage to Garowe and Kismayo. Therefore, I still stand to prevent war Somaliland ought to consider abandoning its secessionist ideologies at once, and embrace other forms (confederate or federal) of co-habiting the Somali terrain. You are welcome to shred my suggestions to pieces if you wish, Your thoughts please? Cheers.
  22. Angel dear – did you not hear the saying that “one man’s hero is another’s villain?” And how did InaYusuf come into the picture by the way? Was he not in exile battling siyadBarre and his evil generals as listed above by Sophist (incl. Morgan, A/Qassim, Huuraale, inaJees and the rest). If inaYusuf is guilty, then inaIgal (siyadBarre’s ambassador to his last days) must also be guilty for mercilessly squashing the SNM supporters in their uprising against his administration as early as 1993 to as late as 1996. Interesting how no one mentioned Tanzani, a Lt general from Hargeisa who was the man responsible for the poisoning of water wells in Mudug and Nugaal, ordering the slaughter, rape and killing of innocent civilians in the said regions. The irony is he was captured by SSDF and was then handed over to SNM. More disturbingly, the victims of his atrocities are very evident in today’s Puntland, yet people pin the blame solely on the shoulders of the State that authorised the deed, and not the individual who acted upon the order. No doubt vicarious liability of some sort is in order there, but not full liability. I am yet to encounter anyone labelling Morgan as a hero? Where does Gani in all this? Or are we too young to recall? He must have inflicted more pain and anguish on the civilians in Northwest Somalia. Where is the mad dog, Gen. Aideed senior who claimed more lives than siyadBarre himself who when not chewing on a bar of soap in intervals was only too happy to sniff the blood of young women and children? How tragically stomach-churning!
  23. And to think the death of the Dervishes came to no avail and passed in vain without much substance being derived. Sophist – I thank you for further exploring the argument sharing those generous views. I doubt very little anyone will disagree with those statements. “ The argument that Sool, Sanaag and Hawd had been a part of Somaliland is nothing short of distortion of Somali history ” this I must agree is a blasphemous, historical mis-narration primarily circulated by the likes of Dr Ghalaydh who is not only disengaged from the Somali political debates along with present-day realities in Somalia (albeit claims the title of Premier of Somalia), but also seem confused in his own political beliefs as he yoyos from one line of reasoning to another within the hour. Truly troubling, yet perhaps there lies the dilemma. Gediid – I was hoping you would offer an opinion with regards to what one might consider a viable resolution to the predicament, yet you seem to have gyrated to the usual shooting of the persons. Now, let us for a moment assume that I am on the wrong here, and disregard Riyaale and inaYusuf for a moment. Do you, Gediid as a Somali of Somaliland have an opinion as to how to reach a lasting resolution? Cheers.