How I miss, yet abhor Somalis and their non-aromatic perpetual rantings and ravings. The best thing that could possibly happen to the ill-inhabited, barren terrain of what used to be Somalia is to be trotted up and down by Ethiopia thereby creating a path to the high seas for its land-locked 60 million population. What is to sacrifice the lives of a few au naturel barbarians if it is to serve the interest of the many. All right thinking persons could espouse justifiable rationale for doing so in any way one wishes to skin it! And whilst one is at it, one must congratulate Israel for setting the trend in effecting modelular stock in the Middle East, as enslaving the barbarous Arabs still roaming on Noah’s Arc will do the world a lot of good. The less impoverished imbeciles of pseudo Muslims in the world, the better for the rest. As for the fish and chips kids in the diaspora, I say continue the “niic naac†in your comfort with the gluey lollipop in and out of your lips as if practising for a nibbly trek to the bosomy Virgos in the distant harem whilst the cleaning is being carried out...your turn shall beckon...keep prrractising! A whole region packed with people of the same doltishly wrapped mindset! O' Shit...

Amin Amir's take of July 1st (1-da Luulyo) Speeches.... Baydhabo: Garowe:

Mr or is it Ms TP100 – Here is a brief summary of the most recent goings of Puntland’s parliament. As you might have sussed out the Speaker of the house, Mr Osman Dalmar Yusuf, was forced to resign, which he eventually did on the 24th of July albeit reluctantly, subsequent to a well choreographed internal revolt initiated by a group of MPs who viewed the Speaker as too close an ally of the administration, the President and certain high profile ministers in particular. On the 21st of July, a motion was presented to the Secretariat calling on the Speaker to stand down for, as noted in the motion, he no longer had their vote of confidence, regarded him as a non-entity, spiritless, ineffective and incapable of carrying out his duties as the Speaker of the House. Not only did the motion raise questions about his integrity, but the Speaker came to realise that his position was untenable, for he neither had the backing of his Deputies both of whom advised his resignation, nor could he rely on Adde’s government for support in attaining his post. The final straw, if you will, that saw the downfall of yet another Speaker. Not surprising since Mr Dalmar was not someone of great stature not only within the parliament, but also amongst the general public most of whom wondered as to what the fuss was all about. Perhaps, a brief reflection as to rise of Mr Dalmar to the chairmanship [speaker of the House] might be in order. Unfortunately, I shall not be able to avail that at the moment; perhaps another spirited SOL member could do the honours, and whilst one is at it, one perhaps could indulge us as to the fate of the former Speaker, Mr. Yusuf H. Said, the longest serving Speaker, a formidable chair and a highly respected man in Puntland. Oh, well... Nonetheless, I understand his Deputies are the caretakers of the parliament’s proceedings at the moment whilst certain prima donas who fancy themselves as the Maximus that shall put Adde’s ambitious plans in check, are hurriedly lobbying to secure the post. It is expected, a Speaker shall be crowned some time next week. And as they say in that part of the country, business as usual. Hope that helps, Tata...

"The AU's approach - and that of the Organisation for African Unity before it - was that colonial boundaries should be maintained. If they were not, it could unleash "incredible conflicts everywhere in the continent". Therefore, the AU considered there to be one Somalia...The AU and South Africa supported the one Somalia, and therefore the transitional government "deserves our support"... South Afican Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota said. 'Somalia deserves support' -SA Somalia's embattled transitional government deserves the support of South Africa and others, South Afican Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota has said. Speaking in the National Assembly, he also ruled out unilateral South African military intervention in the chaotic east African nation. Lekota was responding to Democratic Alliance (DA) leader Tony Leon, who expressed deep concern at reports warning of a catastrophic humanitarian situation developing in Somalia. "There is every indication that a major confrontation is brewing between militia run by Islamic courts and troops loyal to the transitional government, and prospects of an invasion by neighbouring Ethiopia," Leon said. While the DA welcomed the decision to lay the groundwork for a possible deployment of a peace-keeping mission to Somalia, two critical issues still needed to be resolved. "Firstly, which side of the conflict has a legitimate right to support from outside forces? Secondly, given the deep mistrust the majority of Somalis have of foreigners, it still needs to be determined whether a foreign force would serve to heighten or lessen the conflict." Therefore, the South African government should immediately announce what role if any, it intended to play in the troop deployment and how advanced the plans were to deploy an African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission, Leon said. Lekota said it was important to remember the historical context of Somalia. The country was one of the so-called "failed states" that resulted during the closing years of the cold war. The AU's approach - and that of the Organisation for African Unity before it - was that colonial boundaries should be maintained. If they were not, it could unleash "incredible conflicts everywhere in the continent". Therefore, the AU considered there to be one Somalia. Most of the warring parties had signed an agreement, which had produced the transitional government in Kenya. The AU continued to support that effort, and therefore the return to Somalia of the transitional government, with the understanding that it would continue efforts to further unite and consolidate the nation of Somalia. However, as had also been demonstrated in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo, "there's always one or two elements that will not be attracted to the idea of peace", Lekota said. This was the grouping which had declared a "separatist position of Somaliland". The AU and South Africa supported the one Somalia, and therefore the transitional government "deserves our support". Regarding allegations of an Ethiopian offensive, he said it might well be that media reports suggested an imminent attack, but "that's not correct". "Ethiopia is cautiously guarding its eastern borders, but there is no intention indicated anywhere...that Ethiopia is planning to attack Somalia." In any event, as supporters of the transitional government, Ethiopia would be attacking the transitional government it was trying to help put into place. While the South African National Defence Force was prepared to assist in Somalia, it would only do so as part of an AU mission. South Africa could make no independent decision in this regard. "We don't just act like an unguided missile and decide we're going to go one place or another," Lekota said. Source: Sapa

Alle-ubaahane – Now that we grasp your departure of disliking inaYusuf whilst worshiping the Courts [annagaa bala aragnay], what would make you happy in terms of an agreement? And what would be a fair and just agreement to you and your people [whomever your people are]?

MMA - Sorry mate, do not mean to derail the discussion, but just thought to mention that Tanzania is participating as a non-member state status representing the dark continent in the Security Council - a rotating seat by nations of the world other than the 5 regular members. It is Tanzania's turn now, thusly its inclusion in the meeting...it could well have been any incl. Ethiopia. Now that you know that, give your own interpretations and do what you will. Tata...

My dear Paragon – Familiar, I am with the concept. Valid points, you raise, albeit the theorem upon which your departure hinges reveals certain elements to which whilst one could aspire, one could also observe where it yields to criticism. And despite the inherent defects, one of which I shall see to, here is where you and I differ in principle. Whilst the concept of Human Security, Ken Booth’s Critical Security Studies in particular, is principally admirable, as you seem to have been besotted by it, here lies the flaw in my opinion with respect to Somalia and its embryonic, if distinctively peculiar, form(s) of governance, or there lack of. You see, the thrust of the said theory like many others command state characteristics to be in place, hence favouring nation states with coagulated national structure in quest of institutional modernity in the context of current world economic phenomena – globalism, if you may. Such nations for which the said theory might benefit provided it could be configured in a culturally posteriori format, possess that which is prerequisite for nation states: distinctive state symptomatics incl. Institutions, symbols along with polity and organisational structure adhered to and identifiable with by all groups (this includes 'the we' you so piously abhor). Unfortunately, the opposite is the case in Somalia, thusly defying the most basic principle of the said concept along with a host of other brilliant nation state constructs none of which are applicable herein. Admirable, indeed. Aspiring, by all means. Functional, unfortunately NOT. Which is why in the case of Somalia, ‘the individualistic we [clan]’ must be satisfied with its sensitivity being observed first and foremost if ‘the congruential we [national]’ must be attained, for the latter requires the former’s exclusive submission and credence before the latter could be realised. How could one aspire to the welfare of the whole whilst subverting the eudaemonia of the one that which postulates the whole - it is beyond me. And I hope you see where I am going with this [i wish to come back to further elucidate this point should you fail to grasp it.] Now, if we fancy to dream, by all means let us do so. If, however we wish to deal in the currency of realism, actuality and functionalism as we aspire for a nation state, which I trust is what ‘we – citizenry’ all desire, then let us apply conceptual isms to better understand variables and factors that precipitated the situation that prevails in Somalia today, and not attempt to cure the malady of Somalia without fully absorbing the underlining, indicant symptoms and fillings, for doing so is akin to one falling prey to the daemons of oneself in trying to rescue licentious mortals. If it is Utopian nation state configuration that which is being desired, where the individual loses significance over the retention and realisation of a symbolic nation state, I am afraid I shall embark on destitute journey of my own to an island of my own with laws of its own. As for state-federal relationship, what some might view as a problem as the case might be between Adde and Gedi despite who is on the right or not, I see an opportunity of working out particulars of state-federal relations - who calls the shots where and on what terms, so to speak. It is unchartered waters demanding assortment of orders with clear heads and minds. And I remain in total agreement on the matter of precedence in the case of Puntland with respect to state-federal relations. There shall come times when clashes shall transpire, and people shall switch sides as seen fit, it be perceptions of their interest being jeopardised or marginalised. Condemning them or questioning their nationalism in the event of such occurrences, which is what you, Mr Paragon and our progeny Mr Code had done here, is most definitely not the kosher. As for criticing leaders, by all means, please do as it is within your natural right, as you quite rightly put it, to do so. I shall leave there, Till then, tata...

Paragon – did not mean to pigeon-hole you mate as I see no reason for doing so --- and having looked back at the thread, I notice it was Maakhir who in another thread honoured us with a quandary along those lines of thinking, and not you, thusly an err on my part. I could not possibly know who is on the right at this stage for privy I am not [nor are you sir, unless of course you wish to leg it] to the contended contractual details between the disputing parties. And as any reasonable person would, one would have hoped you would not have rushed into judgment. It is possible both to be right on merit without going into technicalities and off-the-cuff type minutiae. Perhaps once the details are being had, then we could have a meaningful discussion, till then tata ... Oh, the high almighty Paragon, here is a quandary for you - if ‘the we’, our young Sakhar speaks so passionately about is so despicable in your equation, and you would not even feed ‘the we’ to the dogs, then what good is the constitution you so fervently worship? Should not ‘the we’ [supposedly the people] be more important than the ‘constitution’ [contract by, for and amongst ‘the we’]. See the knot, here old chap? ____________ Code – I am in such a cheery mood today, and wish to lend you my good ear for gentlemanly sake. What prove is there, or has come your way, to have convinced you to reach the following conclusion:? [/b]“...But I'll assure you that Cadde Muuse is on a personal treasure quest to enrich his clansmen at the expense of Reer PL as a whole.â€[/b] Please, I beg of you genuinely to see if you could convince me Adde is here for the picking! And please do not make a complete *rse of yourself in seeking refuge in the good old adage “waxaa la yidhi". For once, be good a chap and score the winning goal for the home team. Tata ...

It is almost always astounding to observe youngsters passionately wanting to engage in matter beyond their realm of module. Neither the proponents nor the opponents on this debate seem to have the finer details of the rupture so as to form informed opinions as to who is on the right or not. The latter would sling any that which might stick whereas the former willingly bears the full brunt of that which comes the way of he who is indefensible. Whether Adde is a scalawag on a robbery spree as he lines up his deep pockets and those of his kinsmen [as some incl. Paragon suggests], or Geddi is genuinely a courtly leader with the best interest of his people and country at heart [as our designate progeny Mr Wind Talker, would have us believe] shall become common knowledge in the nearest of future. Then, why not ponder over the nature of the dispute before passing on judgment as to who is on the right or not. Why the fresh, puerile 'mal' across the pond. And to the ever duly righteous Code – ever heard of the the concept of “game theory†- I shall paraphrase it here as I wish not to commit modern plagiarism ‘efforts of each in a group for the wellbeing of the whole benefits the group. Equally important is ...efforts by the one for the wellbeing of the one [and only one] benefits the whole far greater than the sum of allâ€. Look up Dr Nash in your local in the economics section for further reading on the said theory. In other words, what is against the interest of the one, is against the interest of the whole, for the whole means nothing without the one. Let me put it in a language you could relate to - ever heard of the expression “geel jire geela maalintiina waa wada jirtaa, habeenkiina waa kala jirtaaâ€. See the knot, old boy? Guess not, since the good lord has bestowed not ‘geel’ upon thy abject soul. Tata...

Baashi - try it again... or follow this link rtsp://www.radiodaljir.com/audio/2006/daljir/17May06.ram

Totally and utterly unacceptable even if the victims were NOT of Somalis. Despicable and inexcusable ...Period! More on the story and Puntland’s Minister of Finance on the issue...

My Oodweyne – here is an interesting debate very much pertinent to the discussion at hand. Questions, I have about the constitutional role of the Gurti [not what is on paper] as opposed to the MPs, ‘cos if I am not mistaken it is not quite as clear as I initially imagined, which sort of stimulates the discussion. There seem to be confusion ‘ween the judicial, political etc., roles of the two bodies? See if you could speak to the matter when you decide to stir from the self-induced hibernation. http://www.radiowaaberi.org/voice/06/05/12.ram Tata…

Remarkable!

Suladaanka – You pose questions, some valid and some not quite, but are you ready for the answers instead of spewing mal at your company. The administration in Puntland is indeed in the doghouse, as repeatedly noted, and no right thinking person, here or elsewhere could come to their defense on the case at hand. Incompetent, perhaps. Indifferent, most definitely. Short-sighted, no doubt! That being laid to rest, one ought to be examining the root cause of the problem, and such questions as: who are these people dying on the high seas, why are they fleeing from their homes, and who is to blame for their unfortunate deaths and drowning? It does not appear neither you nor your comrades giggling from Dumbuluq tussled up in good old familiar attire sank your festering teeth deep into the matter. That apart, allow me to further prick your splendid temperament for a moment with the following: why would one care for people (Somalis) who care not for themselves? Wrestle with that for a moment, will you? And do not be lancing spleen whilst you are at lest one of your comrades submits a complaint to Her Majesty’s local chancery court. Let us all agree for a moment that these are horrid scenes and ought to be stopped. How remains the question that begs an answer? How do you suggest the issue is addressed? Detain them? Perhaps…but who is to secure their wellbeing and upkeep? Ban them from coming to Bosaso? Perhaps…but how do you ban one from one’s own country? Gather the lot of them, load them onto trucks and send them their merry way back to wherever they come from. Appealing, but the trouble with that is majority of the would-be-immigrants are on home soil with the exception of Ethiopians and few others. The lad trekking from Baidaoa, Mogadishu or elsewhere in southern Somalia seeking to flee their home villages in quest of better life is at home in Bosaso, and no one has the right to tell him/her to leave regardless of his intentions. Unless of course, one is in Hargeisa deporting one’s own people …we all remember what happened last time similar acts were ventured in that god-forsaken place deracinating women and kids seeking refuge from perpetual violence who finally met their fate along the death trek courtesy Somaliland, do not we, dear lad? No doubt the pictures are horrific, the death toll is rising, and the experience has far greater damaging effect than what one could possibly imagine. It is a problem that demands serious handling beyond Puntland and its administration. So, lay the gravel on to the shoulders of its rightful ownerS, will you? Tata…

Caamir – I agree, one could not be so sure at all; just though you were a clever chap who desires to reflect upon murky affairs from afar! My dear Mr Oodweyne, Insolent conjectures are awful human blemish: a propensity awash in our shores, would you not agree, old boy? You seem to have managed to circumvent, duly perhaps, the gist of the argument put forth, unless of course you did so solely to part with forced inner particles, or perhaps were on an impulse to find space for Mr Dhimbil’s piece which I must admit is grossly short-sighted adding less value to the discussion at hand. Be brief, I shall try as I speak to the subject matter, albeit not an easy task particularly when wanting to induce purpose into engagements of this genre with blether of a chap like you…hope you shall see the comical nature of it. Allow me to reintroduce or perhaps elaborate on my original departure for not doing so would be a disservice to the dialogue, for you seem to desperately want to veer off the debate to a familiar soil. You would have noted, should you have worn your monocle to your good eye and paid close attention to my axiom on the subject of Gurti or Lords in the political system, and their differences as adopted in their respective places, that I see little value in having Gurti introduced into the political machinery. I highlighted how Somaliland’s, a replica of the UK’s grand House of Lords, appeals to me not, for the simple reason of their being unelected, thusly being accountable to no one. I further elucidated as to how the elected US senatorial system would be far more suitable model should an alternative is being sought. Further, you would have noticed had you halted for a moment for a dose of clarity that whilst desiring the introduction of neither into the political system, much favour I would the latter. Having said that, inject a foreign tradition or an ideological concept into Somalia’s brittle political assembly with no regard for the traditional forces is not an argument I wish to entertain for doing so is akin to a chap farting upwards in a windy day in the company of his would-be in-laws – put slightly differently, such practice bears the signature of Somalia’s spurious scholars who arbitrarily somersault into the political tumult with much credulity and little command with respect to traditional forces in the Somali context; thusly, be a good chap, if you will, as to reserve that tête-à -tête with the said group to which I should like to think of myself of not belonging. I shall not comment on the political concept of social contract and Somali’s experimentation with various political systems, for I trust one would not do justice for the subject matter herein as it demands a thread solely for itself. However, I do wish to shed further light as to my reservations with respect to unelected bodies such as the Gurti, and why in my view it is no different from Adde’s recently introduced government advisory committees (GAC) comprising of technocratic, seasoned politicians, or retired civil servants and former government officials with a track record of sort in administrative and government dealings, of which role is clearly defined as “… avail consultations to the administration in matters as far extending as budgetary, political or constitutional crisis, social, security and conciliatory initiatives.†Here, one would appreciate the expertise one brings in and greatly required in order to advise any government of the said matters, hence find Adde’s model (GAC) quite appealing rather than Egal’s (Gurti). One should also recount Gurti’s credulity in non-traditional matters principally involving state affairs, constitutional or otherwise, for which they [the Gurti] could hardly assume, for the said resides well beyond their simpleton stricture. And there lies my primary trepidation with the Gurti despite their being non-elected. Further, as much as I respect the role of traditional leaders (Issims) and their ancient, custom-based modus operandi in resolving conflict, reservations I have of their having political role in the undertaking of state matters or their meddling in government affairs. Grisly is a repetition of what recently transpired in Somaliland where the chairman of the Gurti openly noted that in ending the gridlock that pitched political parties in the recent parliamentary elections, they, the Gurti disregarded the constitution, thereby ruling in favour of the opposition parties. Inferred was an antecedent which preceded the said concession, in which the Gurti (by its then head, the late ina Sh Madar along with others incl. haji Warabe) ruled in favour of the ruling party in the preceding presidential election which saw Silanyo whistle to the wind with Riyale fortifying his claim to the coveted presidency. Masterly, many hailed the finale. Sunken opportunity, I viewed the anticlimax. Here, what many regard as being the honourably role of the Gurti, that of resolving all issues, I see it as a failure of the political process. I trust an opportunity has been squandered and a political experimentation had been forfeited, for a solution of political groundwork should have been sought to pacify a political quandary in lieu of resorting to the ancient, comfy traditionalist model of injecting non-political elements into the process. Equally disturbing in the case of Puntland, is Adde’s timid, befuddled advances [more like retreats] of tip-toeing between traditional methods and state driven modalities in easing political challenges put in his path. Of the said impositions, all disregard state constitution along with state agencies. Some evolution of political process, would not you agree? Many toil with the argument that Somalis trust not state institutions, thusly traditional modalities i.e. Gurti ought to have a role in the political process till comes the time. Further, others argue that the process should not be harried, rather political experimentation ought to take its course. To the former, one bellows in shame in this day and age whilst to the latter one could venture there being no genuine political experimentation on sight as much as there truly being no authentic leadership that commands the respect of the locals for such experimentations to bear attractive results. Some prospect to look forward to, eh? If it is adopting foreign political ideologies or not that which we are to prick, then perhaps one should first study the trend in Somalia’s political process as far back as the 40s to the current direction, most notably Somaliland’s adoption of the Gurti purely modelled after the ancient British House of Lords, or the democratic process that is being pursued, some more successful than others, in regions of Somalia. Aboriginal, I think none are. Worse yet, one could observe not a single genuinely indigenous political framework in application other than perhaps the use, or abuse as the case might be, of the tribal system in negotiations entailing clan power sharing where all else fails – Buroa, Garowe, Arte and Eldoret being prime instances of those. Dwell on an island, not are we; thusly one must isolate not oneself for the pasture is most certainly not greener elsewhere, and Somalia is not unique in this predicament as it is equally shared by struggling nations. And if history is anything to go by, industrial nations had gone through experimental stages modelling various formulae at one time or another; therefore to asphyxiate one whilst espousing another is a shameful arrogance only observed in certain school of thought. Further, reflect for a moment, if you will, the stimulus Rome, Constantinople, London and presently Washington, all empires at their prime times applied in seeking not only injection of own cultural stream into that of lesser nations with the object being dilution of aboriginal customs which ultimately had far greater bearings than one care to recount, but in essence ordained far-reaching effect in matters as fundamental as governance, political doctrine, lifestyle to name a few. Now, tell me, why would you not want to experiment with US’s senatorial practice (elected, mind you), yet seem so fervent of UK’s (non-elected)? Queer case of logic quarantine, would not you say, old chap? Or is yours a case of desiring to nibble Her Majesty’s ever so obsequious bosoms more so than George’s? Or had you all along convinced of yourself the Gurti is an ingenious creation of Somaliland’s? Or perhaps it is one of those customary, age old legendary folklore tales familiar in Hargeisa’s Marfishs where the congregation ever so often engages in self-aggrandising ritual dipping of braggart with relative narratives of how wisdom is of monopoly and culture is of commodities ala Somaliland, vastly scarce elsewhere in the Somali inhabited terrain, with dexterous of a leadership whilst all the while failing to observe the void in practice and emptiness in authenticity: an encore of sort as the assembly for one last round bites into the juicy fillings of bashing the ever so sufferable South Somalis [or should I say Italian Somaliland], for their inferiority in all things cultural and good judgement? I shall leave there for the day, Till then tata…

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Highly admirable symbol of moving forward ...

Dear Camir, Not trustworthy, but weak for Italy lost the war whereas Britain was groomed as the potential empire. And with that the young, inexperienced SYL and their supporters favoured Italy thinking they could easily snatch the rein should matters got complex. These are the words of one of the 2 surviving members of SYL. Nonetheless, care not I for either Italy or Britain, as neither furthered the Somali cause, not that I would expect that, with each abusing its influence at its own gain. You raise a valid point on the case of Gurti, however allow me to further comment as to my displeasure with having Gurti similar to that of Somaliland or the House of Lords in Britain in the political process of Puntland. In the case of UK, which is the prototype after which Somaliland's Gurti is modeled, successive governments, both Labour and Tories, including the current administration sought, unsuccessful thus far due to pressure from the monarchy from where the House of Lords derives its origins and influence, to minify the powers rested in the House of Lords (grand 700+/- in number). Abolished once and reinstated later for political reasons by none other the one who must be obeyed, there, to this date, are voices to rid the House of Lords or have it legitimised through the ballet box. Unlike the US Congress, of which 2 Houses [the Senate (2 per State = 100 - 5 year term) and Reps (400+/- based upon State population - 2 year term)], which is an elected body, neither the House of Lords nor the Gurti are elected bodies or true representative of the populace, thusly theirs remain of murky affair. You see, the House of Lords is hereditary whereas members of the Gurti are appointed, thusly remain allegiant to their masters, as it were, and not to the general public unlike the US Congress which is not beyond reproach should their dealings are found to be dishonourable. For instance, King Henry VIII, Edward II, and others including Elizabeth R applied the House to further own gains. Similarly, whenever the late Egal, the master who created the Gurti, found himself in the political slums, he then secured a side briefing with the Lords, thereby turning the tables on his opponents. It is that which I reject. Having said that, if one was to suggest something similar to the elected US Senate, irrespective of the number or tenure [perhaps 5 from each region or 1 from each sub-clan as one's heart desires], then perhaps I could be more in favour of a such body. I do not see that transpiring at this juncture with Puntland's current leadership with Adde/Afqudhac/Dalmar at the helm, and the roles and influence of federal government yet to be defined or determined. Now, on to the case of Puntland, I concur with the founding Issims's wisdom to exclude Issims from the political process, however keeping their influence as one of reconciliatory nature and status, for traditional forces, the most notable sectors being clan elders and religious leaders, wield more clout in present day Somalia, and whomever leader succeeds in exploiting the said influence shall lay claims, legitimate or otherwise, to the throne. Fall foul with the Lords, and you are toast. More importantly, if it is modern, secular state institutions that which is desired, then traditional forces ought be relegated to the terrace; if not, then secularity must be abolished as a political concept, thereby giving way to traditional forces to take the reins. Hope now you see my rationale for going against it in the case of Puntland. Now, allow me to further comment on the Majiyahan skirmish which pitched Adde's forces against the locals, which I trust prompted your impulse in raising the question. It should have never been an issue had it not been Adde's lack of confidence in himself and his administration, lack of respect for traditional forces, lack of creativity, and his being regarded as a stowaway from afar distant from the actuality on the ground. This is the 5th unprecedented incident involving his forces trying to assume the role previously held by traditional forces notably the Galkacyo, Garowe (twice), Bosaso and Majiyahay encounters all of which prove Adde as being a man with questionable modality and prowess in transacting in human affairs. Each of the said incidents, all of which eventually fell onto the shoulders of traditional forces who masterly demonstrated at each time Adde's shortcomings in hatching winnable resolution, could have easily been averted had it not been Adde's stubbornness and lack of tactic. Let me further elucidate as to the reasons that shall earn him this title, and shall precipitate his eventual downfall. You see, Adde and his contemporaries were cadets of the colonial legacy trained in the art of killing, but not administering, and do sustain the mindset of using force in resolving contentious issues and glutinous conflicts for their schooling dictated not process-driven negotiating modalities out of sticky situations. Worse however, is his desire of a Puntland where the rule of the law reins with government agencies setting the standards, guidelines and procedures: the only thing he knows. Anything short of that is non-governable in his mindset, hence must be eliminated; however, the situation in Somalia today is of a different genre, thusly demanding creative thinking, genius leadership and genuine autocrats none of which he acquires. Learn, the hard way, he shall. Will he, or will he not apply the ingenious maneuvering of his predecessors, Hashi and Yusuf both of whom successfully orchestrated formulae which sought to conjoin traditional forces with state institutions: the most sure thing out of this uniquely Somali quandary. Shall leave it there for the day, Tata ...

My dear Camir – Whilst I admire the role of the Issims, I am absolutely in disagreement with the introduction of Gurti into the political machination of the state provided a departure from traditional methods of running state affairs is the desired object with modern nation state institutions to be had. In its stead, I would argue for an effective constitutional High Court with jagged, razor-sharp teeth out of which even Cadde himself could not wriggle of. Allow me to divulge. You see, traditional systems, such as the Gurti derived from tribal ways of resolving and managing clan squabbles, have inherent flaws which are incompatible with modern nation state proceedings. If the state is to move forward, state institutions are to take the centre stage, and mature political system is to be had, then the role of Issims ought to remain as is. For instance, nation state requires holistic institutions whilst Issims along with their traditional modes work around the institutions. The former loses its value with the injection of the latter whereas the latter loses its worth and respect amongst the general public with the introduction of the former, therefore would go as far as to argue the two to be mutually exclusive factors. Having said that, (and I am not contradicting myself here), I trust as seen in the past, the two could compliment one another to some extent and in certain cases. Somaliland, Puntland and TFG are case in point. The former would surely benefit from the former as needed whilst the latter’s influence is being minimised; in other words whilst traditional elders’ role is being observed, but not defined, theirs should be disengaged from the wretched modern politics of the state – here you would not have Issims dabbling in the affairs of the government, and their movement and political inclinations would not be subject to government policies. The two could be informally married, as is the case in Puntland, without legitimising the former for doing so shall usher in a host of multifarious troubles unique in nature and thorny is profile. I recall, if memory serves me right, at the time of the inception of Puntland, the debate of introducing Gurti into the political process was raised by some who saw some value in it, and was tossed aside more so by the proponents of the state including the late Garad A/Qani and Islam Mohamed amongst others. The said good men did not see their role as one of muddling in the politics of the state, rather reconciliatory of the finest order and purely on need basis. Allow me to depart from the subject at hand for a moment and dispel some historical misinterpretations entertained in some peculiar seatings. You see, contrary to popular belief or perhaps what some might argue, and Mr Oodwayne springs to mind here, political systems in the former Somalilands, British and Italian were of different kind, not because the latter had been stripped of culture and deprived of tradition whilst the former sustained customary mechanism, thusly survived political bedlam in post-Somali state collapse where the latter could not. This is purely historical gaffe and factual misrepresentation of the political process and maturity between the former Somalilands. It remains a belief of mine, and many a student of history and political observers of the said regions would concur, that the disparity as to why Gurti would appeal more to the North and not to the South could be summarised as follows: the political system in the South is far more progressive and complex than that of the North, thusly a departure of traditional mechanism has taken aground in the South whilst the North still finds components of it not only applicable, but also highly attractive solely for the political process and state structure in the two regions was, remains to date, of different sort. If history is anything to go by, and one was to look back on the political processes in the said regions in the late 1800s, when Somali nationalist sentiment was at its strongest and independence movement sporadically sprung up in small pockets in the country, though Sayid Mohamed and his dervishes were gaining ground on the British in the Sool plateau, areas in Hawd and Nugal valley terrain, it was the South that conceptually formulated the nationalist standard along with nation state framework earlier on and in a far greater intensity than the North. This suggests the South to have adopted pseudo modern state configuration a lot earlier campaigning on the bandwagon of Somali nationalism; it does not however suggest the North to have lacked esteem, however theirs was not as organised, remained up until the late 50s more tribal, and leaned more towards the establishment of tribal mode of configuration with clan orientated theme discouraging modern nation state formation taking the centre stage. Modern nation state apparatus was seen as an “infidel†protocol that had no place in Islamic tradition. Things were different in the South, and it was no accident the South negotiated the acceptance of Somalia into the UN and the inclusion of the Somali state into the union of nations as early as 1954 with the proviso of the two Somalilands forming a republic. Today, the roles almost seem reversed with the pro-British regions of the North (western Somaliland) gaining ground in the formation of democratic process, the foundation for modern nation state whilst the South, including the anti-British eastern Somaliland regions, are picking on the pace, in a speedy increment one might add. Even so, one could observe how dissimilar the political process in the two administrations in the North (Somaliland and Puntland) is albeit Issims have fundamental roles in both. The latter clearly appears to want to minimise the influence of the Issims in the political system whilst at the same time having no trouble in seeking their influence not only in social quandaries but in also diffusing political quagmires. It indeed is a sign of a political body struggling with itself. On one hand, it desires to depart from traditional modes, yet recognises the flaws of its own state institutions which are partly incapable of resolving political situations. A case in point, Cadde’s primary course of action was to seek the arm of the state police to disperse armed militias seeking to disrupt parliamentary proceedings, yet when the mud hit the fun, his secondary course of action was to utilise the Issims – both courses of action are indicative of the predicament the state and Cadde himself find themselves in: a struggle with modernisation as a departure from tradition is sought. Equally intriguing is what motivated Farole to resort to armed confrontation with the state, a member of which he remained to the last moment. Yet another indication of failure of political reasoning, and the use of political force prevailing as the last resort! A good time, I say for him to bare hit buttocks lest mislead the general public in future governments. I shall leave it there for the day, Tata …

Red Sea – Whilst one rebukes abominable, illegal activities of cramming people onto wrecked dhows, at own will it must be noted risking own lives, abhors the lack of redress on the part of local authorities, from the onset one must condemn the culprits along with the authorities in charge of the seas in Puntland. The former for encouraging the poor victims, who mind you at will choose to venture at own peril, whilst condemning the latter for failing to bring an end to this tragic saga. After all, the latter bears collective onus for the goings in Puntland, thusly liable and accountable for all deeds, rightly or wrongly. Noteworthy, it is that the said dhows do not sail from the main port of Bosaso and not in broad day light contrary to popular perception; rather unguarded, natural posts along the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean as far places as Hurdiya, Sayn, Caluula, Bargal, Bitiyaalo, Murcanyo, Bareeda, Durduri, Ceelaayo etc., are being used in darkness whilst all else sheds off arduous fatigue of erstwhile days. Which one post is to be used for a particular trip, the departure schedule, the deals and monies exchanging hands are only known to the Mukhalas and their clients. Further, the presumption that the people of Puntland or the administration are, directly or not, involved in or are economically benefiting from the deaths of poor Somalis perishing on the high seas is farcical to say the least. Lander – just because you do not read about it, or hear it discussed at your locals should not be construed as to mean that people and the administration of Puntland are willing partners in the misery of the victims, and are condoning the plight of these Somalis, thusly such assumption is at best ill-conceived. On a more serious note, “Gaalka dil, gartiisana sii baa la yidhiye†instead of trying to cry foul as is the object of the referenced article, perhaps we should be looking at the root cause of the problem. Why are people fleeing their homes? And by the way, the story was first aired in early January by a local website of Puntland to raise awareness... http://horseednet.com/ Tata...

This is the future...Garowe teacher training Institute!

Paragon – hal midh ayaan kaa idhi, halna waan ka gaabsaday, halkna aan ka dabaakho. Hal midh baan kaa idhiy oo, ummad ahaan haddii aynu ka dhiidhiyi lahayn qadafka, gardarada iyo dulmiga, halkaa ma naaleen oo ardaayo ayaa u baxsan lahaa, mase dhicin oo dulli iyo daalim u hiilin ayaa ina gayaysiiyey taa. Hal waan ka gaabsaday oo, sida ragii iga horeeyey xeeriyeen, Juma waa xujoobay, caqligii xujada lagaga bixin lahaana lama solonsiin.Intaa wixii dhaafsiisan, gacma daalis iga dheh… Hal waan ka dabaakhay oo, adiga ka hor ma arag nin muddici u ah makhruun isku kaadshay oo dharaar cad afka abur uga siidaaya, una dhabidhista ku faanka silic-dilyaynta iyo xasuuqa maxaysta eebaale. Oo maandhow maxaad ku diiday in aan ka dhiidhiyo af-xumadaa – gar daroooooy, godkaa ma laguugu soo galay … “mise waxaad rabtaa inaad halkan isaga dhigtid ninka ka gubanaya nin kale af-xumadii… Dib baan u eegay sadarkaa oo taana tan ayaan kaa idhi….odhaah hore ayaa ahayd “Waad baahan tahay, badhtiga looma cuno†– maandhe ibtilaa timi, dhaqan roggan ayaa curran, kaadida looguma faraxasho – miyaan sii budliyaa? “…Sumarai, lol. 'dhaqan-wanaaggu' haduu lumo, dhaqan-xumo ayaa meesha soo gasha, af-xumo iyo af-laggaadona, dhaqan-lumay baa u qiil ah. Ee bal ninyahow sadarka hore ee aad soo qortay dib ugu laabo oo hubi hagaagiisa. Sadarada kale se isku xagla-daallin maayo, waayo waa howraar aan higsi lahayn.†Tata…

Paragon – Dhaqan-wanaag waa horuu dhumay, qiil ma noqotoaa? Waa maya. Dhaqankii biyaw e, aburka aynu baxnaanino waa gunnimo e, ma ina qabataa? Waa maya. Waa aynu jabnay e, jadiin aakhiro aynu jadiimano, ma garbaa? Waa maya – Eegey waa la qooqaa qooblay looma qoor gooyo. Waa gafay e raali ha la iga ahaado, waa xaaja rag. Waa gafay, qummanahay ayaana qoorta iigu jidhin, indha-adayg iyo camal caruureed iga dheh. Waa laga roonaaday Juma oo rag badan ayaa isku dayey in ay u caqli celiyaan, ka codsanday in uu dib isugu noqodo, raali gelinna ka bixiyo gafka, mase noqon oo indha-adayg iyo jahli gaamuray ayaa uu mciin biday – waa uu xujoobay, waana loo qoordiiday. Meel afcaashaa fawaaxishka ah lagaga dhaqmo ama lagaga sheekaysto ma arag, imana soo madhin, waana ii ugub kufsi lagu faano – malaha taas ayaa u abda’ ah in aynaan isku si u arag mashaqada iyo najaasada Juma la shir yimid. Il halaga dabto, dhagna hala gufaysto haddii ay kaa tahay, aashaa, adaana cirka roob ku og! Tata…

I most definitely concur. "...Castro: I'm afraid, with all due respect SW, such a letter of apology is not due the Admins only but all Somalis. I personally demand a formal and public apology. And that is in addition to a promise never to engage in such behavior going forward."

J B - Glad I am to learn Juma has dear ones in our midst. Pleased also one must be that you feel he is nothing in person like the man whom we have come to glimpse in his ghastly departure. Err, men are bound to; recognise theirs, a few [as the plea was to beget]; revel in their obduracy, many do [as the case was in this instance.] Speak more, my dear J B and do elaborate. “….What i´m loosing in you (Samurai) is the very deceny and spading you are demanding of Horn, me and Xarago. My dear JB- you are not suggesting I am a hateful bigot, are you? if that is what´s instilled into your mind by default(can´t just be from your normal observation) I dare suggest you are no thugs, however I am sensing a bit of “ciyaal xaafo†mores with the tendency of “caadi waaye nooh†type throwbacks where all hell breaks loose and blood is in full stream. Perhaps us folks up north are a bit traditional with custom taking the centre stage, in other words “waxaan lagu kaftamin ayaa jira, kufsiga hablahayagu (Somali) is oneâ€. Anyone who deems it as such shall not enjoy my company, if at all saved by the toll of the bell before my sword cleaves off the tandem that binds the head to the torso. So, you see my dear boy there lies the trouble with you and I as to why I miss not Juma whereas you seem to. â€â€¦Bro Samurai, Myself,Xarago, Horn and all those who would like Juma back are not a sensless thugs who enjoyed Juma´s comment n want him back,for him to make more juicy ones,dare i say.†By all means, make a case for him, plea on his behalf, - and whilst you are it, perhpas you want to have him pen a letter of apology to the Admins, and let it be. Tata…