Here are some valuable lessons, more relevant than ever, albeit we have to deal with much worse conditions in terms of unity nowadays (when powerful East Africans Muslims States incorporated different races, ie Adal Sultanate, we are reduced today to competing sub-clans): 1-Due in part to their hatred against Islam as well as politico-economic motivations, ie an outlet to the sea for trades and internations relations purposes, Christian abyssinians were determined not to let stability arise in Muslim lands. 2- Such perfid stance was uncritically supported by other Christian imperialists who provided any needed wherewital. 3-Muslims were divided into small, inefficient and rival "emirates", based on kinship and competing for the colonists'little favors devised to keep them fighting each other. 4-The Abyssinians colonists never missed an opportunity to appeal to "Christian solidarity" (albeit violating every and each tenet of that religion through their pagan superstitions and oppressing other Christian sects). 5-The only Muslims' success were achieved through Shariah discipline and Islamic principles, ie under the charismatic Imam Ahmad Gure whose forces were majoritarily non-Somalis(possibly not Somali even though he was extensively connected to Somalis).

Many eye-opener details in this quite interesting, audio refreshner lecture on our enduring struggle against colonization througout centuries (notice how perplexing is the historical pattern still unfolding these very days): From www.addacwah.com, click on "HALGANKA GEESKA AFRIKA" by Sheikh C/Raxmaan Abyan. PS: you can add to your knowledge of Islamic History through the other, not less capturing lectures...

This biography of an English-speaker, Western Islamic preacher may seems long but is quite worthwile and relevant for everyone, especially for those in the diaspora, if only by the implied lessons... ......................................................................................................................... Dr. Bilal Philips “There is no time for holidays”, says Bilal Philips, “when you realise how little time there is, and how much work has to be done for Islam.”Bilal Philips, once a Christian, is now an Renowned Islamic scholar. He received his B.A. degree from the Islamic University of Madina and his M.A. in Aqeedah (Islamic Philosophy) from the King Saud University in Riyadh. His deep study and understanding of Islam has won him the respect of ordinary Muslims as well as many learned scholars of Islam. Born in Jamaica in 1947, he comes from a family of educationists. Both his parents are teachers, and one of his grandfathers was a church minister and Bible scholar.Bilal came from a broad-minded family, and though he went to church regularly every Sunday with his mother, he was never forced to go. He says: “Going to church was a social event, more than a religious one. What was being taught went right over my head.” When Bilal was eleven, his family migrated to Canada and for the first time the sensitive boy began to feel that all was not right with the world. “Most of the Canadians at that time were Euro-Canadians”, he says, “and the Europeans, of course, had an idea of their own superiority. They had gone around and smashed up everybody else's society, so they had to justify the destruction of human civilisation by promoting their own superiority over others. Those feelings are expressed in much of their literature, in films, on television and so forth.” Growing up in an environment where one is different from everyone else and trying to rationalise it was hard for a little boy. Little discrimination hurt more as he became a teenager. “Later on”, he says, “my parents told me about the struggle they had to go through; they had to face much more in society than I had to as a child at school.” Bilal's first contact with a Muslim society came when his parents moved to Malaysia in the capacity of teachers and advisors to the ministry of education under the Canadian Colombo Plan.Though much happier there, Bilal hardly noticed that he was in a Muslim country. The British had been in Malaysia and had left their traces behind. His friends were either Euro-Asians or anglicised Muslim Malaysians. Bilal formed a rock group and began to play the guitar professionally. He had a motorbike and was quite popular and consequently his A-level studies suffered. While in Malaysia Bilal's parents adopted an Indonesian boy who happened to be a Muslim. Mrs. Philips was quite aware of Islam and made it easy for him to fast and pray. Bilal understood that this boy was different once when opening the door to his new brother's room and he bumped his brother on the head as he prostrated himself in prayer. Not being interested in religion at that time, he did not pursue the issue. Bilal's parents felt there were too many distractions in Malaysia for him, so they decided to send him back to Canada to the Simon-Frazer University in Vancouver.Back in Canada, Bilal stepped right into the volatile student movements of the late sixties and early seventies. The drug culture and hippy movement was being propagated by such prestigious persons as Allen Ginsberg and Timothy Leary. In certain classes the lecturers would pass marijuana cigarettes to the students. They would smoke together and then start the classes.At this time Bilal's goal was to become a medical artist and thus combine his love for science and art. To this end, he had taken up biochemistry and had also received a scholarship from an art university. Before he could fully pursue his goals, he found himself getting deeply entrenched in student politics. The seed sown during his childhood, the idea that something was amiss with Western society and things needed to be changed, bore fruit now. He began to get involved with student movements. There were sit-ins and strikes, sometimes there were more violent protests and the police would be called in.Professors were introducing socialism into their classes. Impressed by this, Bilal began a detailed study of the work of Marx, and soon considered himself to be a Marxist-Leninist. “Socialism was presented as a programme for change of society”, he says “rectifying injustices and making sure there are equal rights for all. This change was to be brought about by revolution.” His search for a political solution led him to California. Here he worked with black activist movements like the Black Panthers. “These movements were all black movements, the figures in the forefront were mostly blacks. Since the blacks were the most oppressed group at that time, naturally their voice was the loudest. However, they were widely supported by white college kids. Eventually everybody got on the bandwagon. There was a women's liberation. Soon disillusion set in. “Many of these people were deep into drugs. They collected money for what they called defence committees and used much of the money to pay for their parties, their rents and their drugs. They were like leeches living off the people's donations.” During this period there also existed a “black movement known as the Nation of Islam” or, more popularly, the Black Muslims, founded by Elijah Muhammad, who concocted a religion called Islam but which was totally different from the real thing. He taught that all black men were gods and all white men were devils. There was one major god who had come and taught Elijah, and Elijah was his prophet. At that time the autobiography of a former follower of Elijah, Malcolm X, was very popular. Malcolm X had left the Black Muslims after being its leading spokesman and had found real Islam. He was assassinated within six months of his conversion and had little time to use his rhetorical skills to promote the real Islam. Thus only a few who read his autobiography grasped the significance of his journey. Bilal, who had read Malcolm X's autobiography, visited one of the temples of the Black Muslims. Though impressed by their organization and the fact that their women dressed modestly, he found their ideology useless.After the death of Elijah Muhammad in 1975, many fundamental changes were brought about by his son Imam Warith Deen Muhammad. These gradual changes transferred the organization from a nationalistic cult into an Islamic movement close to the mainstream Islam.Finding the movements in the States not relevant to the goals which he had in mind, Bilal returned to Canada. By now he had dropped out after completing only two years of university and had linked up with a socialist-oriented group in Toronto. In the early seventies there was an influx of blacks from the States and from the West Indies into Canada. Bilal and his group were trying to educate the blacks as to their position in society and motivate them to make efforts to change the laws on discrimination. Bilal taught African history and social movements in the community centre organised by the group. He used his musical abilities to collect donations for the center. His art too followed the direction in which he was heading; he drew political cartoons for movement newspapers and posters for rallies. In accordance with his desire to help society, he took up a job as a councellor for delinquent children. At the same time, the young idealist was getting deeper into communism. The prevailing political theory at that time was that in an industrialised country like North America the revolution would have to take a different form from that of China and Russia. In these countries the impetus has come from the countryside and was composed mainly of peasants. But in North America the struggle would have to come from within the city and take the form of urban guerrilla warfare. To be successful as an urban guerrilla warfare, one had to develop cells within the city and be mobile. In this kind of warfare the car was an essential instrument, and thorough knowledge of its working was a must. To this end, Bilal went back to a technical college to learn car mechanics. Bilal's parents were opposed to the political direction in which their son was going and he and his father had many heated discussions about politics while his mother tried to keep the peace. Bilal, who had been staying temporarily with his parents, moved out and started living in a commune with like-minded youths.After sometime he began to see a difference between himself and the people he was working with, and these differences were mostly in moral concepts. They wanted to build a new society but were not willing to change themselves.Certain questions about socialism were beginning to trouble him, especially its ability to build a new society. “There seemed to be no moral foundation for communism and socialism”, says Bilal. “If the masses of the people consider alcoholism, homosexuality, child abuse or whatever to be moral, then it is okay. In New York, it is now legal to possess marijuana, although its sale is still prohibited. In England homosexuals can now marry, this bothered me.” At this point Bilal contemplated going to China to learn guerilla warfare. But he learned that one of the ladies in the central committee of the group to which he belonged, who had been a very hardcore Communist, had accepted Islam. As Bilal had been an admirer of her previous Marxist-Leninist convictions, he decided to study some books on Islam to see what had swayed her. The first was ‘Islam, The Misunderstood Religion’ by Muhammad Qutub. Muhammad Qutub was the brother of Syed Qutub, one of the leaders of the Ikhwan movement of Egypt. This movement had come in conflict with Gamal Abdul Nasser and his Socialism. Nasser hanged Syed Qutub and other Ikhwan leaders for their Islamic beliefs. Many other Ikhwan leaders fled to Saudi Arabia and settled in Makkah and Madina. “In fact”, says Bilal, “many of the Islamic scholars in the universities of Saudi Arabia today come from that era.” Muhammad Qutub is at present teaching in the University of Umm-Al-Qura in Makkah. Muhammad Qutub's book was a comparison of Islam, Socialism, Communism and Capitalism from a social, economic and moral point of view. For a more spiritually-minded person it might seem a bit dry, but since Bilal was politically oriented it was right for him. He became convinced that Islam was the best way to bring about an economic and social revolution in Western society. As he avidly read all that was available on Islam in English, another point began to impress him the revolution began not with the toppling of the existing socio-economic order but with the change of the individual himself. Bilal had decided that if he became a Muslim he would do so totally; there would be no half measures for him. “My life at this time was already quite restrained, and the discipline of Islam did not present a major problem. However, it is standard that before one converts, Satan makes a great effort to dissuade one. By this time I smoked and drank only on rare occasions; however a voice inside me would say, ‘are you ready to give up all these pleasures, you mean to say you'll never touch them again?’ This put doubts in my mind and made me hesitate to declare my conversion.” From a political point of view Bilal was convinced, but from a spiritual point of view he found the idea of God, jinns and angels difficult to accept. “In my heart a vague idea of God was still there”, he says, “though it had been crushed by Communist philosophy, which demands total denial of God's existence. My scientific background also tended to hold me back from really accepting the concept of God.” Then Bilal had what may be termed as a spiritual experience. “I was lying down in my room and some friends were sitting at my desk reading. I was half awake, half asleep and then I began to dream. I dreamt I was riding my bicycle into a warehouse. The further I went inside, the darker it got. I began to get worried. I felt I had gone as far as I could. When I turned around I couldn't see the exit. I was in total darkness. At that time real fear came over me, a feeling of fear I had never experienced before. When I look back at it, I realise that it was the fear of dying. The feeling was that if I didn't get out of here, I would never get out. It was the end.” “I began to scream, help! Help me! I tried to shout at the top of my lungs, but the words would not come out, they just gurgled in my throat. My mind was screaming, there were people sitting in the room, yet nobody heard me.” “I continued to try for a while, until I realised that there was no hope. There was no one to help me. At that moment I gave up and resigned myself to death. When I gave up I immediately woke up.” This dream left a heavy impression on Bilal's mind. “Nobody could have taken me out of that situation, it was only God who took me out of that state of absolute despair, and brought me back.” Later he found confirmation of his belief when he read the following verse in the Noble Quran: “He is the one who takes your life in sleep. To some of you he gives it back when you awake, to some of you he does not.” The dream left a strong impression on Bilal that God was real, and he consequently accepted Islam in February 1972.He stopped playing music and gave up art, and went full-time into the study of Islam. He began the study of Arabic and soon learned to recite the Quran.Bilal now began a study of Arabic and Fiqh (Islamic Law) with an Egyptian whose father had been a scholar and a follower of the Ikhwan Muslimoon movement.Bilal had picked up so much information about Islam from different directions that he was confused and in order to resolve this conflict of information he decided he must go to the East, to the actual source of Islam, and immerse himself in Arabic and Islamic studies.So he applied for a scholarship from the Islamic University of Madina. He was accepted and left for Saudi Arabia.Living conditions in the University of Madina were quite primitive at the time. The students lived in abandoned army barracks. There was no hot water in the freezing winter and no air conditioning in the blistering summer. Twice Bilal was bitten by scorpions. He put his trust in God and went on with his studies. From the point of view of learning all aspects of Islam, Bilal had come to the right place. “In terms of Islamic knowledge, the education in Madina University is more extensive than at any university in the West”, he says. “In the west the method of education emphasises understanding, research and interpretation, whereas in the East emphasis is placed on memorisation and verbatim quotation.” For six years Bilal studied in Madina. The first two years were spent learning Arabic. He also gave lessons in English and in karate to Arab students.In his final year he saw an advertisement for teachers at the Minarat-ul-Riyadh International School and sent a cutting to his parents, who had recently returned to Canada after teaching in South Yemen. They applied and were immediately accepted.After completing his B.A. Bilal applied to the King Saud University in Riyadh for his Master's program and was accepted. As most of his classes were in the evening, he began to teach Islamic education at the Minarat-ul-Riyadh school's English section.It was suggested that he translate the curriculum used in the Arabic section, but mere translation was not suitable as it was based on learning by rote. Most of Bilal's students were from a Western background and they questioned everything. He wanted to provide material based on reasoning and investigation in order to attract the students to Islam. With this in mind over the following years he wrote five textbooks.This was the first attempt to make a curriculum for Islamic education in English. The need for it was urgent because of the large number of Muslim expatriate children in the Kingdom who could only be reached through the medium.Though the basic syllabus consists of Quran, Fiqh, Hadith, Tafseer and Tawheed. Sometimes Bilal spends three-quarters of his class discussing questions, which are of great importance to a young Muslim generation caught up in the mores of the West. The young students want to know why dating, drinking and dancing are okay for their counterparts in the West but not for them. Bilal then uses a relevant Quranic verse, Hadith, statistics and logic to explain the Islamic stand.“About 15 to 20 percent of my students graduate seriously committed to Islam. They go back to Pakistan, England or the States and do serious work for Islam.” Some of the boys he has taught were confirmed atheists, although from Muslim homes. It is gratifying to Bilal when these boys later, through teaching, become very active Muslims. “This makes all the headaches and trials of teaching worth it”, he says.Bilal has translated three books on Shiism from Arabic to English because he feels that there are not enough books on the subject in English from a Sunni point of view.He has co-authored a book ‘Polygamy In Islam’ because he says, “This is an area in which non-Muslims often like to criticise Islam. Also many Muslim modernists, due to the influence of colonialism, deny this aspect of Islam. In fact, in some Muslim countries there is legislation against it.”He has also written a ‘Tafseer on Soorah-ul-Hujuraat (No. 49)’. Among his works under publication is ‘The Evolution of Fiqh’ about the historical development of the different schools of law in Islam, the reason for their differences and how may they be resolved. Another is ‘Usool At-Tafseer’. He is also pondering another refuting the theory of Rashad Khalifa that 19 is the miraculous numerical code of the Quran. Under revision is a book on Tawheed (Islamic unitarianism).His interest in art has again surfaced and he has begun to explore the world of Arabic calligraphy. Bilal feels there is still a lot of work to be done for Islam, especially in the West. His summers are spent teaching Islam and Arabic in the U.S.A. and Canada. He has also travelled extensively in Central and South America and the West Indies to teach Islam in the many Muslim communities scattered throughtout the region. Bilal feels that Muslims can safeguard themselves and their religion in the West by setting up their own Islamic schools within Islamic communities. These days most Muslims in the States are busy chasing the American dream, their children are going to public schools where indirectly the principles of Islam are constantly under attack. Very few children, probably less than 10 percent, who go through the American school system remain practising Muslims. Hijra (immigration to a Muslim environment), he believes is compulsory for Muslims if they cannot live like Muslims, and to stress this point he quotes from the Quran: “Those who died in a state of self-oppresion, the angels asked them, ‘well, couldn't you migrate? Allah's earth is expansive’, and these people will go to the hell.” “The priority of every Muslim”, he says, “should be not where can I best find work, but where can I best practise Islam and find work.” Bilal's goal is still to change society for the better but the revolution must come through the spread and practise of Islam by each individual, and to this end he has devoted his life. Source: Saudi Gazette Personal website: http://www.bilalphilips.com

Apart from the moral viewpoint one may take against secular warlords and their associated opportunist politicians hosting a "Somali reconciliation process" in the shade of Ethiopian tanks or wether some may excuse the whole farce in the name of "pragmatism", it seems clear that several current issues raise legitimate questions that can only be overlooked thanks to our all too common clannish vindictness: A- The Conference Issue: Apart from the 36 $US millions requested, what does this incongruity of "clans reconciliation" means? Do we have pious muslims and patriots of every single clan being offended of the recurrent "Al Qaeda label" accompanying the US sponsored destruction of a nascent Islamic State via its Ethiopian proxy or "rivals clans fighting each other" (why? where?)? B- The disarmamnent Issue: How could one enforces a selective disarmament between "fighting clans", moreover before their "effective reconciliation", especially when most Somalis view the TFG troops as being mainly composed, wether exaggerately or accurately, of A. Yusuf "nephews"? C- Indiscrimite Firing of Heavy Artilery in Densely populated Areas How could the mortars and tanks fire be justified?

Dji-Somali, i must ask you this question. Do you think Djubuit should join and me part of Somalia? Second is how the political and social case of your nation, are there free rights for everyone, are their free speech and movement in Djubuti? First of all, Djibouti is mainly an Afar Territory as up to two-third of the country is their ancestral land. Somalis may represent now between 60 and 75% of its population (partly thanks to immigration); however, we have to convince both Somalis and Afars should any union be realistic in the futur. Of course, a union with Somalia is a better option than being incorporated into the Ethiopian empire for reasons of economic sustainability and strategic security; indeed, not only Addis economy regularly register an estimated 8-10% growth but also its population increases exponentially...

Here is the secession apologetic, Ayann Hirsi-like, blasphemous Bashir Goth* who has finally seen the light when fellow collegues were thrown into jail (although now slightly more realistic, he has long been a dogmatic proponent of "Somaliland" recognition as an "idyllic, Western-friendly, Democratic State", bulwark against "Wahhabi extremism"). ............................................................................................................................. Awdalnews, 2006 Editorial - Somaliland people will tolerate no more Somaliland is often marketed as the darling of Africa; an oasis of peace and stability in a volatile region; a unique example of a homegrown democracy; and a country of resilient people crying for international justice. As true and uncontestable as this may be, it represents only one side of the coin. The other side of the coin, often hidden from the outside world and often denied by Somalilanders themselves is an ugly one; a bitter reality that any visitor will notice at the first glance. The government is a lifeless scarecrow. Only the structure exists, but nothing functions. Many of the ministers, parliament members and senior officials are alien scavengers who carry foreign passports. Having lived many years in Canada and Europe as jobless refugees, they found the Somaliland project as manna from heaven. They left their families in secure environments living off western taxpayers charity and flocked to Somaliland with only one objective in mind to rob and run. Riding on the wave of the people’s yearning and wish for change and equipped with few political sound bites borrowed from western political rhetoric, they portrayed themselves as apostles of democracy and good governance and won the names they coveted for by ingratiating themselves to the President and unassuming clan elders. Teaming up with equally power hungry former rebel fighters going by their popular name of Mujahideen, they created one of the most corrupt systems in Africa. They live off the meager revenues collected from the country’s limited income sources and international assistance. They roam in the streets of Hargeisa, Borama and Buroa with brand new SUVs among hungry populace. Each of the three bodies of government, the judiciary, legislative and the executive, smoothly fall into the greased grooves of this slimy jigsaw. Members of the elected lower house of parliament are opportunistic liars who took advantage of the people’s trust to grab their stinky share of the rotten and meager national cake and the elected President sits on top of the stenchy system that stands on collapsing pillars of corruption, nepotism and favoritism. The opposition figures are also scavengers waiting for their turn and share of the national booty. At the bottom of this rotten heap are the people of Somaliland struggling for air and sunshine, always trusting this bandit government with their lives, their hopes and their dreams for independence, sovereignty, prosperity and recognition. The government amuses them and lulls them like children with the song of “Somaliland’s Recognition.” The people are good citizens. It is they who keep the peace and stability not the government; they and not the government who reclaimed Somaliland’s sovereignty; they and not the government who sleep hungry every night and tolerate grinding poverty in order to achieve their goal, an international recognition for their country. The people, however, are suffering greatly. The country’s public hospitals are in a pathetic state, patients are thrown like astray dogs on stinky beds with blood soaked linen, doctors are scavengers who suck the poor people’s blood by charging exorbitant fees in their private clinics, schools are used as cash squeezing machines for hungry teachers, city streets are punctuated by potholes, water is so scarce that the residents of Hargeisa are lucky to bathe once a week. Public services are non-existent, garbage dumps grow into mountains at every corner, airports are filthy, sewage water is dumped in the streets, the economy is at shambles, livestock have no markets and there is no system of accountability in place for the tax levied on people. Nomads who represented the backbone of the economy over decades have become endangered species; they have no where to graze their animals as the grazing areas shrink by the day due to illegal land grabs by greedy individuals, the country’s ports are abandoned due to mismanagement and corruption. Most of the Somaliland people survive by the remittances sent to them by their sons and daughters living in the diaspora and humanitarian assistance from the international community, while the rest are fed by women selling Kat or other goods under the scorching sun. Tens of thousands of Somaliland's youth are loitering in the streets without any chance of employment in the horizon. To add insult to injury, Somaliland’s territorial integrity is at peril. Somaliland government literally rules only the regions of Hargeisa, Sahel and Awdal. Sool and Sanag regions are internationally seen as contested regions and Togdheer is hanging in the air, still using the old Somali currency and relying on former Somalia for its economic survival. The country is internationally isolated, remaining as a pawn and playing to the tunes of its powerful neighbor Ethiopia that will not hesitate to sell Somaliland for a song to its stooges in Mogadishu. Being good citizens, the Somaliland people have been patient until now. But not anymore as the government has taken their silence for ********* and decided to drive them like a donkey. Knowing Somaliland people, they can survive without food and shelter but they cannot tolerate to survive without dignity. The illegal imprisonment and harsh treatment of the Haatuf journalists is the latest signal of the government’s misreading of the people’s patience. Previously the government banned all kinds of public gatherings, government representatives attend clan meetings to witness and report back and people’s loyalties are won by threats and arm-twisting. Well, the government of Somaliland should know that the people’s patience has a limit and by silencing the free press, banning newspapers and imprisoning journalists it has invited people’s anger. And people’s anger will be ruthless and unforgiving when the time comes. So we tell the government, the parliament, the judiciary and the opposition to be forewarned and heed history. We also tell them that they are all guilty of the press-silencing act either by direct action or default and no one can use the Haatuf predicament as Othman’s blood soaked shirt. *: Not only is Bashir Goth an avowed secularist, but he also busies himself by regularly relaying anti-Islamic myths and fairy tales as a freelance writer (where he disclosed his nostalgia for our womens' tradition of nudity, his abhorence of the "Wahhabi veil & ideology" a la neo-cons ect).

Who propagated this incongruous rumor of "conflict over business" between Hargeysa and Djibouti, while also encouraging the mutual destruction between Hargeysa and Garowe through exorbitant military expenditure and hatred propaganda (Addis train or arm both militaries)? Why doesn't Addis switch to Berbera if they could, indeed, afford it and by doing so weaken Djibouti's economy, an avowed rival? Last but not least, what reward Hargeysa gained from Addis other than witnessing its territory invaded recently by Ethiopian military under the guise of "acting on the demand of the TFG", the pretext being an imagined ICU retreat to Zeila? .................................................................................................. Ethiopia: A Fight Over Sweet Business The Reporter (Addis Ababa) January 13, 2007 Posted to the web January 15, 2007 After Saudi Arabia last month surprisingly lifted its damaging 2001 ban on the import of livelivestock from the Horn of Africa, a lucrative export trade has been revived. But this has sent Djibouti and non-recognized Somaliland into a new fight over becoming the region's leading export harbor, with Djibouti even expelling Somaliland diplomats. Apart from Djibouti, Somaliland's city of Berbera is the only port on the northern coast of the Horn able to serve land-locked Ethiopia, with its large trade on a regional scale. The small state of Djibouti - which has its greatest revenues from its port facilities - is best connected to the Ethiopian hinterland by road and train, but relations between Djibouti and Addis Ababa are not always at their best. With the December lift of Saudi Arabia's 5-year livestock import ban from the Horn region, trade passing through the ports of Djibouti and Berbera are expected to boom. Before the ban was announced in 2000, livestock was among the main export goods from Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia/Somaliland. As soon as the ban was lifted, Djibouti authorities announced that their diplomacy had played a vital part in achieving this aim. The Saudis and other Arab nations officially had imposed the ban in 2001 after an outbreak of Rift Valley Fever among cattle. But critics claim that the outbreak had never occurred on the Horn. Also the exceptionally long ban indicated that it was rooted in protectionist policies. Several diplomatic efforts to have the ban lifted failed throughout the years, creating a crisis for the regional livestock industry. Livestock constitutes the backbone of the Somaliland economy and is essential to most rural communities in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia, with Saudi Arabia historically being the main market. Djiboutian diplomats claimed they were to be thanked for the lifting of the Saudi ban. Djibouti had launched several proposals to safeguard animal health for exports to Arab nations. Therefore, the nation's foreign ministry said in December, that other countries in the region should reward Djibouti by using its port facilities to export livestock. Djibouti would now become a regional "hub for livestock exports," the Ministry said in a statement. At Djibouti port, the Ministry claimed, quality would be assured due to the August 2004 establishment of a quarantine centre with a veterinary clinic and laboratories. These modern US$ 6 million facilities would assure that another regional livestock disease would be avoided in future. Shortly after these statements, President Ismail Omar Guelleh inaugurated a new port terminal worth US$ 40 million, mainly aimed at serving Ethiopia's trade. Neighboring Somaliland, however, for long has been suspicious on Djiboutian efforts to secure a monopoly situation for its port. Two years ago, Somaliland authorities accused Djibouti of trying to control its economy following a proposal by Djibouti aimed at making its ports a gateway for Somaliland's livestock exports to Arab Gulf countries. Somaliland's Berbera port is seen as the country's greatest potential for economic development, and only last week, port authorities disclosed they had made a purchase of US$ 640,000 worth of dock-loading and stacking equipment used for lifting goods and container freight - one of the first major investments for around 20 years in this port. Answering the Djiboutian initiative to capitalize on the lifting of the Saudi ban, Somaliland authorities in December banned the sending of home-grown cattle to Djibouti for re-exportation. Somaliland livestock heading towards Saudi Arabia was to be shipped out from Berbera, authorities ordered. With its modest investments in the Berbera port, Somaliland also hopes to gain a part of the Ethiopian livestock export market. Ethiopia is not uninterested, as it currently has better ties with Hargeisa than with Djibouti, following the latter's low-profiled support for the defeated Somali Islamists. Underlining the seriousness in the harbor fight between the two neighbors, Djibouti immediately expelled Somaliland diplomats in what has been described as a tit-for-tat reaction. No country, not even Djibouti, officially recognizes Somaliland, which nevertheless has diplomatic stations in most countries of the region. Indeed, without securing transit revenues from other livestock exporters, Djibouti is to gain little from the Saudi ban-lifting. The Djiboutian livestock industry is in a deep crisis after years of drought. According to the US agency Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS), the 'Heys/Dada' rains - which are essential for the viability of coastal dry season grazing areas - performed poorly also in November 2006. "These rains serve a vital function in the migration cycle of pastoralists," the latest FEWS report on Djibouti warned, noting that pastoralists were facing a crisis. "Successful recovery for pastoralist communities requires prevention of distress livestock sales and continued restocking over several consecutive seasons," the US agency added. Also in Somaliland and Ethiopia, the last few years have not been the best for pastoralists, but in large parts of these two countries, relatively sound stocks of livestock are still present, ready for exportation to the Saudi market. Exports of Somaliland livestock has started already. In late December, the first consignment of over 400,000 livestock heads were supposed to be exported to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, to coincide with the Hajj, whose rituals require that every pilgrim kill one sheep as a sacrifice. Reportedly, almost a quarter of these sheep had, however, been smuggled to Djibouti for re-export to Jeddah. Berbera port authorities have yet to report how many went through their facilities. Also Djibouti port authorities rapidly reported cattle export successes after the ban was lifted. Only four days after the lifting, over 10,000 livestock heads - of unclear origin - were shipped to Saudi Arabia. The port has been made ready to receive "thousands of animals on a daily basis originating from bordering countries," Djibouti port authorities state optimistically.

Bossaso's port seems more competitive than Berbera given that some "Somalilander" Businessmen prefer it for its lower charges and Puntland leadership appear less negative when it comes to its relations with Djibouti (albeit a most repugnant one given its active collaboration with Addis against the Islamic courts). Somalia: Puntland And Djibouti Sign a Business Deal Shabelle Media Network (Mogadishu) March 9, 2007 Posted to the web March 9, 2007 Aweys Osman Yusuf Mogadishu The vice president of the Somalia's semiautonomous regional government of Puntland, representing his state has had business deal with Djibouti on Friday. Hassan Dahir Afqura, told the press Friday that Puntland and Djibouti signed a trade deal. "Puntland and Djibouti will have different trade relations as I officially announce before you , the press, today the two states have signed a business deal," he said. Afqura pointed out that the livestock exported from Basaso seaport in Puntland would undergo Djibouti's Jabal Ali Company, which controls Djibouti seaport. Although the deal would affect many Somali traders from southern Somalia who were in business relations with Puntland, sources close to Puntland said Djibouti would play a crucial role in checking the health status of the animals exported from Somalia to Emirates. Countries that imported Somalia's livestock banned Somalia's farm animals after they were detected with diseases many times in the past. Countries, which are much interested in Somalia's farm animals, are Saudi Arabia, Emirates and others. Somalia has had no affective central government since 1991 when warlords toppled former president, Siad Barre.

Well, given that we have to explain how the universe came into existence and only then the appearance of life, evolution is not really that significative a debate, albeit an emotional one. In that context, even if some so-called evidence was presented (obviously, a scientifically irrefutable one is yet to be found), it wouldn't really matters in the big picture as atheists tend to eschew the much more fundamental questions (what is life? its origins? what about the universe within which it appeared? the mystery of mind or consciousness? ect). For the time being, physical theories keep on changing as more and more sophisticated new research centers are developed in an endless and ultimately futile quest as every equipment has, precisely, its own physical limits...

Ethiopians are not the problem as a people nor is political opportunism from some leaders that surprising; however, the fact is that pushing Hargeysa into an union with the warlords who re-captured Muqdisho through the barrel of Ethiopian tanks would, by no means, be a small endeavour. How could you unite people when their only significant common denominator (Islam) has been replaced in favor of secular opportunism (not even a regular secular "democrcay"), involving the very warlords who terrorized Somalis for almost two decades? What appeal could have institutionalized nepotism and corruption when these very factors triggered the clan conflicts which resulted in the genocidal situation experienced by Somalis accross the country? Yet, recognition would be a scenario for renewed disaster as most of the involved clans are, at the very last, rather ambivalent about the secession project and would probably start or continue to enjoy Ethiopian support as to prevent any glimpse of Somali cohesion (a recognized, viable Somaliland is certainely not an option for Addis due to many inherent risks). Therefore, a pragmatic alternative may be for Hargeysa to forsake its quest for recognition within the old colonial borders in favor of a more productive relationship with its Somali brothers while empowering local clans to run their own affairs independently if so they wish...

Actually, it has been proven by scientists that Nomadism in those regions was the most efficient and sustainable economic modele. At the same time, nothing prevent us to diversify our economy, apart from corruption and nepotism, whereas it goes without saying that the clan- based, foreign sponsored TFG will only further excacerbate the situation through renewed tribal conflicts and international troops involvement. Obviously, Shariah implementation offers the only realistic way of preventing corruption, nepotism and the associated clan rivalries, hence its opposition by Somalis ennemies...

Jazakallah khayran Paragon, Actually, I wouldn't mind the level 2 Ibn Jabal course and will consider it as an alternative. What is harder to find is intensive practice as I've already been thaught formally some grammar as well as basic Arabic and you can learn more at mosques (the Somali mosque in Tottenham is excellent too). The courses delivered by Islamic centres are great for theory but the practise is often limited unless you take private lessons. One have also to take the motivation factor into account, which explain why I didn't progress rapidly with my self-teaching despite decent materials and some experience. Certainly, some sacrifices are necessary if one wants to progress seriously instead of proscratinating indefinitely...

Here are the opinions on the BBC "Have your say forum": Can peacekeepers succeed in Somalia? Should the African Union continue deploying peacekeepers in Somalia? A cargo plane transporting Ugandan soldiers to Somalia's capital caught fire as it landed in Mogadishu, officials say. A Somali Islamic group has claimed it shot at the aircraft, but Uganda's army spokesman told the BBC investigations so far suggest a technical problem. AU peacekeepers are in Somalia to back up Somalia's transitional government. Can AU peacekeepers bring stability to Somalia? Will the current attacks and threats jeopardise the planned deployment? Should the troops’ peacekeeping role and duties be re-assessed? Considering that the AU mission in Darfur is failing to halt the violence there, do you think that they can succeed in Somalia? .............................................top most recommended opinions.................................................... From what I've seen of 3rd world police forces and military organisations, (which is fairly extensive with my job) I have to say that the level of training and discipline among such groups is rather shocking. They are often corrupt, incompetent and possess a tendency to 'rush-to-judgement' administering summary executions and other brutalities. I hope I am wrong but for now I remain sceptical that a multi-nation African force will have enough control 'on the ground' to get the job done. Johnathan Collins, Lincoln Recommended by 41 people .................................................................................................. nope. Islamists don't like peace. See Iraq. Rob, London Is that the same Iraq that was invaded by Christians twice in 15 years? Islam IS a religion of peace. (Did The IRA's Eniskillen bomb represent Christianity?) Study The Crusades and look at the dignity with which Saladin tried to deal with the treacherous invading Europeans. Muslims are no more violent than Christians! If you wish to find mistrust (which leads to conflict), look in the mirror! colin colin, United Kingdom Recommended by 35 people .................................................................................................. Let the Somalis sort out their own country. Let everyone sort out their own country. England did, US did, etc. Peter Hyde, Toronto, Canada Recommended by 27 people

Having received positive feedbacks about this renowned Arabic learning private institution and considering the modest fees and cost of living in the Egyptian capital, could ex-students and others share their experience? http://www.fajr.com/

Emperor, without being too abstract, i think that being born in East Africa leads any intelligent soul to many fundamentals analysis about how uncoherent and self-destructive Humanity could be and how one could help mitigate such hypocrisy and cruelty. Consequently, this do help in strenghtening your Eemaan, not least when we have now clear evidence that our creator laws, ie Shariah, are the only coherent system of justice, in the general sense of the term, wether at home or abroad where moral degerescence is by no means any milder...

Somalis are certainely courageous and resilient but they would have overcame foreign ill-will have they been loyal to their faith instead of "nationalism" and return to clannism when they failed to repair the colonial injustices...

There is a Somali Mosque in Tottenham that organized one for the drought victims last year and it was a relative success given their means. At any rate, men and women mixing is unislamic, whatever the pretext may be; besides, they can just leave their details for people willing to contribute. Let's hope other Somali communities abroad will show some organization skills for once to face this crisis...

President Gelleh: "No al-Qaida terrorists or sophisticated weapons had been found[...] There was a possible justification (for the ousting of the Islamic group), but we have not seen the evidence yet,". (Source: AP, Mar 05, 2007) .......................................................................................................................... Sudanese, Eritrean and Qatari leaders during a three-ways summit: On the situation in Somalia, the three leaders agreed on the necessity that feuding Somali factions should settle their differences through peaceful means without the intervention of any other party so that peace, security and stability would be attained in the country for the good of the brotherly Somali people. (Source ::: QNA, 3/7/2007)

Uganda: Somalia - Hell On Earth (8) The New Vision (Kampala) March 3, 2007 Posted to the web March 5, 2007 Kampala The New Vision Chief-Editor, Els De Temmerman, shared with the Somali people the most dramatic events in their recent history. She was there when dictator Siad Barre was ousted and the country plunged into chaos. She was there when the US army intervened and retreated in defeat. She went back when the warlords were in full control and Mogadishu was dubbed the world's most dangerous city. And she returned when the Islamic Courts had taken over most of the country, restoring some kind of law and order by imposing Sharia. For the first time, her recording of a unique part of African history is published in English. This week we bring you the eighth part of her diary Mogadishu, September 18, 2006 I am sitting in the restaurant of my hotel, waiting for the political leader of the Union of Islamic Courts. It is 7:00am and already hot. Sheikh Aweys is joining me for breakfast. This time, my friends tell me, I need to wear my scarf. Aweys has been on the US list of most wanted terrorists since the attacks on the World Trade Centre in 2001. A former army colonel, he used to head al-Itihaad al-Islamiya, an Islamist militant group accused of having links with Al-Qaeda in the 1990s. His group is also accused of being behind the terror attacks in East Africa. The US believes the Islamists sheltered, armed and trained those responsible for the bombing of the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, and the suicide bombing of an Israeli-owned hotel near Mombasa in 2002. But at that time, the warlords were in power, not the Islamists. And without central authority in Somalia, anybody could have purchased weapons in the open arms bazaar in Mogadishu, set up camp in one of the country's sparsely populated areas or bought their passage. I am willing to give Aweys the benefit of the doubt, more so as I have been impressed by the Islamists' achievements. In the past four days, I toured the countryside, driving all the way to Brava, 250km south of Mogadishu. Two things struck me during the long hours and days that we battled with the country's ferocious roads, moving at such a snail's pace that the nomads with their herds of goats, cows and camels could easily overtake us. The first was security. Wherever we went, the Islamists had removed road blocks, manned by the notorious militias, and brought back a sense of peace and relief. Trade had resumed. Trucks full of passengers and merchandise bypassed us, equally battling with the ferocious roads. And the guns and 'technicals', which had become an all too familiar sight in Somalia, had disappeared. The second was beauty. The picturesque sand dunes, the magnificent beaches where herders led their camels to drink, the primitive dhows cleaving the Indian Ocean, the Arabic coastal towns where time had stopped centuries back, and the stunning women in their colourful dresses: they were like scenes from another world. Even when our four-wheel drive vehicle got stuck on the beach in Brava and the sheikhs were sweating to pull us out, I was so taken up by the landscape that I wished we would be stuck forever. Ironically, Somalia, which has been hell for its trapped population for most of the past two decades, is also one of the most beautiful places on earth. But it was the Islamists' commitment to get their country back on its feet that moved me most. In every town we stopped, the sheikhs would take me to a dilapidated building and beg me to open a school. Somali curriculum, English curriculum, Arabic curriculum, it did not matter as long as their children were off the street and on the school benches. Illiteracy in Somalia is the highest in the world. Only 15.7% of all children go to school in the south and central part of the country, and only 11.7% of all girls. "We shall give you all the security you need," the sheikhs promised. "We shall mobilise funds to renovate and furnish the buildings." And, noticing my fascination with their coastal line, they added: "We can even give you a house on the beach!" But then, upon my return to Mogadishu, that dream was shattered again. I was meeting a member of the transitional parliament in a restaurant in town when hell broke loose. The man had told me interesting things: how the CIA had paid the Mogadishu warlords $1.8m per month between January and June to have the sheikhs arrested and how the militias of the warlords refused to obey the orders and defected in great numbers. He also told me about the manoeuvres that had been going on in Nairobi to have Yusuf elected as President and Gedi appointed as Prime Minister. Reluctant MPs, he said, had been paid between $5,000 and $10,000 each to vote for Yusuf, while one MP had been bribed to step down and give way for Gedi. The money had been provided by Ethiopia, Kenya and Italy. But our conversation was interrupted by heavy machinegun fire. It took us a while to find out what was going on. Some youth on their way to the cinema had thrown stones at a passing vehicle of the Islamic Courts militia, thinking they would close their cinema. The militiamen fired in the air to disperse the crowd, and later did close the cinema. In the evening, news of another incident reached me. An Italian nun and her bodyguard were shot dead in broad daylight, most probably in retaliation for the Pope's remarks about Islam. In a speech in Germany, the Holy Father had cited a Byzantine emperor criticising some teachings of the Prophet Muhammad as "evil and inhumane". Considering that I had not seen any other white woman in five days, and presuming that I was now the only one left, I dreamed of angry militias invading my hotel room and making me pay for the Pope's remarks. But Sheikh Aweys reassures me. "We will provide you with all the security you need," he says after taking his place across me at the breakfast table. The declared international terrorist is not the kind of man one would expect. He does not seem in any way aggressive or imposing. Instead, he is a soft-spoken and friendly elderly man, smiling a lot through his red, henna-stained beard. "The killing of the Italian sister was a purely criminal act," he explains as he invites me to serve myself. "We have arrested the culprit and are establishing the motive. It could have been an internal dispute, a politically motivated act to demonstrate that we are not in charge, or a reaction of individuals to what the Pope said. When the verdict is out and it is proven that the killing was intentional, the perpetrators will be executed or ordered to pay blood compensation, depending on the family's decision." Aweys strongly denies his organisation is harbouring or training terrorists. "We don't have those people. We don't have those links. We don't train Al-Qaeda," he says firmly. "But I understand their concerns. Because we are devout Muslims, they suspect us to be bad guys. The problem is that they don't know us. They have no communication with us. Yes, we want to protect our religion. Our religion is our culture. But we also want good relations with the rest of the world and do business with them. We need the international community to help rebuild our country." When suggested that people in the West might be abhorred by the Sharia, the Islamic court which orders stoning people for adultery, stabbing people to death for killing and chopping off people's hands for theft, Sheikh Aweys defends this kind of penal system. "The objective is not only to punish, but to send a strong message to the masses that we shall not tolerate killing or stealing. It is meant as a deterrent, to restore law and order and to save the society. As the head of prisons in the former army, I have experienced that secular laws cannot fully stop criminality. One person can kill up to 100 people and he cannot be stopped. Each community has its own ways of dealing with crime. In Kenya, they lynch thieves. In Saudi-Arabia, where the Sharia is in place, people can go to the mosque for prayers and leave their shops open." Asked if they would agree to power-sharing with the transitional government, holed up in the town of Baidoa, or continue their advance, Sheikh Aweys smiles. "If we have restored law and order, what is the problem with us extending our rule to other areas? Why does the international community not want that? What is there to share, anyway, with a government which is sitting in a small enclave and has done nothing for the people in its two years in power?" "On a more serious note," he continues, "for us it is not about power but about principles. Our country has been undermined and cut into small fiefdoms by the political elite, by neighbouring countries and by the international community. Our demands are unity, security, no foreign interference and a principle-oriented programme. We don't even mind the transitional government being in charge as long as we agree on these principles." The Islamists are strongly opposed to the deployment of a peacekeeping force. "Our reaction is no to foreign troops. I really don't see the need for them. We have been against the deployment of foreign troops even when the situation was much worse. Now that most of the country is secure, there is no reason for it. If they come, we will have no choice but to fight them. We will consider it an invasion." He believes Ethiopia and the US are pushing for the peacekeeping force. "Because of their fears of us supporting terrorists. Ethiopia has its own interests: to have access to the sea and to solve the problem of the ******. Our neighbour does not want a strong, united Somalia. The transitional government is just a small baby in Ethiopia's pocket." Asked how they managed to push out the heavily armed warlords, he concedes that it even took them by surprise. "The warlords were so powerful. They were supported by the US to arrest us, the sheikhs, and hand us over to the Americans. We were basically defending ourselves. When we engaged Kanyere, we only had seven rusty 'technicals', but captured 35 from him in just one day. Our swift victory was because of the support of the population and Allah's power." He stirs his tea. "The militias of the warlords did not know what they were fighting for," he goes on. "This was not another clan attacking them. No, they were ordered to capture their own sheikhs. The warlords could not convince them. Many of their militiamen joined us. They are currently undergoing training and will be merged into the Islamic Court militia within 40 days." It is almost 11:00am when Aweys leaves me. We have been talking for almost three hours. His aide hands him his mobile phone: "17 missed calls," he notes. When I arrive at the airport, the bearded men with Palestinian shawls are glued to their radios. President Yusuf has just survived a bomb attack in Baidoa, I am informed. A suicide car hit his convoy and exploded, killing his brother and four bodyguards and wounding 18 others. The international community is quick to blame the Islamists. And I wonder: would their leader be leisurely taking breakfast with a white woman while a plot to kill the president is being carried out? As I get up at Mogadishu Airport, I realise with painful certainty that the present peace is only a temporary relief. The Islamists will never be allowed to rule this strategic country in the Horn of Africa, bridging Africa and the Arab world. For its trapped population, it will be back to the warlords and the anarchy and the powerless government, back to hell on earth

How to blame the individual committing suicide independently of the society which pressurizes him to do so? Japanese tend to see themselves as an unseparable part of a group high on materialism, hence their very raison d'etre is jeopardized by a failure to comply with these all pervasine unwritten rules, from a Japanese individual point of view that is. Of course, mentally ills and traumatized Somalis do commit suicide too, albeit not necessarily for the same reasons. The cult of perfection (perfect body, pseudo "dream life" characterized by polluting SUVs and other futilities...) doesn't help either. At any rate, suicide would have been unimaginable before our acculturation when our Nomads forefathers were satisfied by their relatively stress-free, frugal life in accord with natural laws...

Xiin, I do share your concerns and it is obvious that just too many things went wrong, or were so from the beginning; what I was focusing on was the final outcome instead. Nevertheless, I've enumerated Bid'a groups such as Sufis, who disregards even basic Tawhid more often than not, Qutbi influenced individuals with Qutbi being accused of not placing Ibaada as the supreme duty of every living soul in contradiction with the Ayaa that says "I didn't create Jinns and Humans for any other purpose than to worship me " and finally takfiiris "everyone-is-kaafir-save-us" who won't pray behind you, as the main non-Salafis forces (from salafs, which means followers of the salafs or early followers of the prophets scw, so Salafi are sinonymous with Sunnist or the prophet's Sunnah observers). Of course, underneath the Islamic reasons of the disaster, we can examine the practical causes, namely dissensions in terms of both vision and strategy which resulted in conflicting leaderships, impulsivity, ect with all its consequences on the negociation process or ultimately battlefield. We can comment for a long time on all these causes: in psychological terms, a group take more risks than separate individuals as it is inherently convinced that the "group can't be wrong" (japanese during the Second World War, for instance) or maybe that Indhacade was suffering from ADD hyperactivity syndroms with his rather impulsive ultimatum to Addis. Of course, it doesn't take an expert also to know that an organized army is more efficient than heterogeneous groups with, moreover, internal dissensions ect Sometimes, I wonder how with such fundamental differences and dubious associates, the ICU could actually have achieved more...

Not bad really for a bilingual, especially a Canadian On a more serious note, I couldn't care less about Guelleh or "democracy" as long as Djiboutians get the leadership they deserve and there is no worthwile alternative. In fact, I think they even don't deserve him, somehow, as he seems more religious and intellectual than the average Djib and has devoted much energy to the Somali despite all the local security and development challenges. As for the cattle export dispute, shouldn't "Somaliland" authorities grab this golden opportunity to lift the embargo with both hands, if they are indeed committed to alleviating their people's plight? All we are used to is pure rethoric and paranoia-mongering against Djibouti, Puntland, "Southerners" and other terrible devils plotting tirelessly, a most futile excercice that can hardly improve the lot of Northern Somalis, deprived of the most basic healthcare and education facilities. Although corruption is an universal disaster, when it affects the only significant source of revenues for a whole downtrodden population like Northern Somalis, it become a crime against humanity. Propaganda aside, there is no way Guelleh wake-up every morning with more "devilish plots against Somalilanders"; with both his wife and close collaborators being from that region, it would have been noticed otherwise . And who is "Somalilander" anyway? If we assume that different clans are included in this denomination and that they all support secession, then both his parents' clans are "Somalilanders", and as a politician, he would have probably been a hardcore secessionist. The fact that he is not one of them, just like many other Djiboutians, legitimately raises doubts about the presumed support for secession among all the clans concerned. In fact, one of the main reasons some Djiboutians dislike him is that he's judged as being biased towards Hargeysa, if anything. So a little less paranoia and more pragmatism won't hurt Hargeysa authorities, and they should seek to emulate and negociate with the Djib government, as well, for their best interests. Let's just imagine how wonderful it would be for the local economy if Djibouti starts importing its foodstuff from Gabiley instead of Ethiopia, a move which can only strengthen Djiboutian security and independence. Concerning the alleged concurrence, It's obvious that Berbera has a different market than Djibouti, due to geographic and economic considerations, and if anything, it would have to compete now with Dubai Ports international. Ethiopia, with the Djibouti-Addis railway leased to a South African company and huge infrastructures investments in Djibouti, will be even more dependent on us given its booming economy and considerations of reliability as well as efficiency. Hatred propaganda and endless rethoric won't lift us out of misery; cooperation, instead, definitively has this potential, especially with our natural partners and fellow brothers wether it be Garoowe, Muqdisho, Djibouti or Gulf states...

It seems that Saudi protectionism is involved and they may have accepted Djiboutian offer only reluctantly. Also equally significant is that the livestock screening centre was built primarily through a Saudi company investment, which owns and manages it. Surely, we can't blame them for looking after their interests according to their preferences, although one has to admit that the centre would have ideally been built in Northern Somalia. At any rate, the amount in question was modest (about 6 $US millions maybe), and it is a pity that Hargeysa authorities didn't built it despite spending around 15-20 millions annually in military expenses, especially given the central importance of livestock export to their economy. What does ruthlessness, greed and other Djiboutian "evil intentions" (whatever that may means) have to do with our endemic plagues mismanagement and corruption? Shouldn't "Somaliland" authorities be pragmatic for once and privatize national assets for instance instead of mobilizing the masses agaisnt fantasmed plots?

Islamically jaahil and repugnant, he must surely epitomizes megalomania and others psychologic disturbances as well...not only historians but psychiatrists, too, may well be interested in analyzing such self-centered, ruthless psychopath!

First and foremost, the most positive ICU legacy is that now everyone can compare for himself the ICU and post-ICU period, the latter characterized rightly as a return to the chaotic devolutionary cycle (warlordism, opportunism, corruption, divisions along clan lines ect). Hence, Muslims (and even non-Muslims), accross races and countries, have witnessed for themselves the incalculable benefits of Shariah rule. In that light, Ethiopian occupation coupled with the return of warlord terrorism and corruption could actually be the most potent mean of mobilization against the anti-Islamic forces. Furthermore, the war exposed the true intents and agendas of everyone concerned, thus clarifying things for the ignorant mass manipulated by clanish propaganda. That is why I conclude, too, that nothing went wrong in final analysis...