Abu-Salman
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Afka Soomaaliga ma la tartami karaa afafka kale?
Abu-Salman replied to Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar's topic in News - Wararka
Originally posted by Naxar Nugaaleed: Indian words: Sabuun Kursi Sanduuq Badhasab Gaari rooti Kursi is arabic while Badhasab looks like Persian etc. At any rate, there is not any "Indian" langage since so many dialects are spoken in India. However, if you are refering to Hindi, similar to Urdu at basic/informal level, it has been propagated from the Islamization period, borrowing heavily from both Persian as well as Turkish, albeit less than Urdu does it (this latter, has in turn much less Sanskrit , the langage of Hindu "scriptures"). Back to the topic, and as a patriot, I don't think we should worry about "Af Somali" since langages adapt (eg, French and English extensive loans from Arabic, wether directly or indirectly Via Persian, Swahili, Malay etc) and crucially, the closely related Arabic is already indispensable for any deep understanding of the Deen. Furthermore, Somalis are "naturally multilingual", which is extremely valuable for many different reasons (Islamic Learning & Da'wa priorities, Academic & Research purposes, Economics & Diplomacy etc)... -
30/03/2008 - The Head of State receives a delegation of young athletes from the Somali diaspora The President of the Republic, Mr. Ismail Omar Guelleh has received this Sunday in his private residence in Haramous a delegation of young athletes from the Somali diaspora, which came to Djibouti in the context of a friendly contest with the local football and basketball teams. These contests were dedicated to the President of Djibouti, in recognition for his tireless efforts in support of the search for peace and stability in Somalia. Prime Minister Dileita Mohamed Dileita, and several eminent personalities of the country attended the interview, which was followed by a luncheon hosted by President Guelleh in honor of the Somali athletes and their supervisors. Mr. Mohamed Abdi Shil, head of the delegation and promoter of this sucessful initiative, expressed his gratitude to the Head of State and the people of Djibouti for their commitment to a lasting peace in Somalia. The Somali athletes, mainly based in Europe, America and Canada, have offered gifts and several medals to the Head of State to show their gratitude. ADI (from French)
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Well, to simplify things, I lately chose "Black African", but Somalis, and generally, East African Cushitic nations are hard to define (not that the concept of "races" is not itself a very simplistic one, at any rate). For instance, Somalis may simply be muslim Oromos ("Somalised") with an Asian element, and genetically close to Egyptians (themselve a mix of Berbers, ancient Cushitic Egyptian and Nubians, Arabs etc), Yemenites etc while many "Arabs" have been more or les "Arabized"...
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^^ I know bro. Usually, I choose "others" or precise Somali when filling all these forms... PS: I don't think most Somalis view themselves as "Black Africans" thanks to all the claims to "Quraish, prohetic ancestry" etc.
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How could one count all ethnic Somalis? For instance, Somali or Somalia is hardly mentioned in my papers, and likewise for many relatives...
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Clearly, Kulmiye seems quite a huge improvement, particularly when you take into account its promises of transparency and accountability, such as setting independent boards for Berbera port, fighting the scourges of corrupt bureaucracy as well as monopolies etc. Having said that, politics is always more about emotions than intellect, and detailed, bold plans with clear timetables on how to attain promised targets is yet to be witnessed such as, tackilng extremely high mother and child mortality & malnutrition rates through clean water & sanitation, subdisized basic commodities, clear and coherent public health program supported by a vigorous hygiene propaganda through commun, training at least 3000 nurses to obtain at the very least a ratio of 1 to 1000 locally, more widely available special nutritional formulas as well as quality generic drugs, promoting farming through sustainable technology and zero-tolerance for unproductive land speculation to achieve food security and self-sufficiency, limiting smoking, last but not least adressing endemic fundamental ecological issues such as land conservation & desertification, enacting seriously enforced environmental norms etc. Udub has had enough time to show its sheer incompetency but instilling more ethical sense into everyday behavior is well beyond the capacity of any political party bound by populism.
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Ethiopia FM: Somalia Can Not Return To The Unitary State!
Abu-Salman replied to Abu-Salman's topic in Politics
Precisely because of its marginalized Somalis (Oga-den has been described as the World Worst Humanitarian Crisis, dethroning darfur, by international agencies), Ethiopia is not interested in a functioning Somali entity, wether it be Somalia or "Somaliland", hence why the Strategic Port of Kismayo, the second city of Southern Somalia is left to another warlord, despite all the statements by the rival "president". "Les Nouvelles d'Addis" was founded by French interests, admirers of the "Christian Island", and specialize in advocating for Somalia partition as well as Djibouti's destabilization, mainly posting pro-secession "academic papers" alongside anti-Djiboutian propaganda. In this other much less formal "interview", one of their "journalists" suggests twice to a reluctant leader of the Oromo Liberation Front to cooperate with the FRUD armed splinter faction that opposes Djibouti peace agreement: Interview with the Chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front, Les Nouvelles d'Addis, Paris, March 29th, 2006. -
Ethiopia FM: Somalia Can Not Return To The Unitary State!
Abu-Salman replied to Abu-Salman's topic in Politics
In other words, the "government" is sacrificing so many lifes on both sides, just in order for the secession project, which Ethiopian leaders openly endorse, to succeed! -
There is no entrenched secular class in Somali politics. Our educated class is mostly shariicah friendly. Not only is there a secular class, but they do also enjoys blind support from many Atheist, Christian and other non-muslim "Somalis" whose primary goal is to try and avert Da'wah efforts as well as Shariah implementation at all cost. Most crucially, religious scholars as well as traditional elders, rather than warlords eligible for prosecution, should constitute the basis for a new reconciliation process, in a neutral setting (eg Djibouti or Doha), on the model of the previous Arta conference without its weaknesses.
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Ethiopia FM: Somalia Can Not Return To The Unitary State!
Abu-Salman replied to Abu-Salman's topic in Politics
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Ethiopia FM: Somalia Can Not Return To The Unitary State!
Abu-Salman replied to Abu-Salman's topic in Politics
At least 10 people have died and many have been hurt as Ethiopian forces backing the Somali government shelled Mogadishu's main market, witnesses say. The attack was launched after mortar rounds landed on the Somali president's official residence while he was holding talks with Ethiopia's foreign minister. No-one was injured in that attack, a presidential aide told Reuters. [...]It is thought that President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and Ethiopian Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin were discussing a plan to hold peace talks in Nairobi between the Somali government and its opponents when the attack on the residence was launched.(BBC News, 29 March 2008) -
Ethiopian Foreign Minister and TPLF's number 2 Seyum Mesfin: The issue of Somaliland can not be solved through force. There should be dialogue and the question of wether to reconstitute Somalia be faced. I do share your opinion that Somalia should not be reconstitued on the past model. [...]I agree with you, somalia can not return to its past state. A new reality has emerged. The different Somali regions insist in favor of devoluted state structures. Somaliland actively favors a secession. So, there is indeed a new reality in Somalia. Somalis should face it. Les Nouvelles d' Addis, excerpt of an Exclusive Interview with Ethiopian Foreign Minister in Paris, 15 November 2007: Le problème du Somaliland ne peut être résolu par la force. Il doit y avoir un dialogue et affronter la question de savoir si on reconstitue la Somalie. Je pense comme vous que la Somalie ne peut être reconstituée à l’ancienne. [...]je suis en accord avec vous, la Somalie ne peut revenir à l’état ancien. Une nouvelle réalité a émergé. Les différentes régions somaliennes insistent en faveur de structures étatiques décentralisées. Le Somaliland s’active en faveur d’une sécession. Donc il y a bien une nouvelle réalité en Somalie. Les Somaliens doivent l’affronter.
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Preventing clans competition and limiting corruption are much more fundamental than pre-electoral crowd-pleasing. Little wonder, therefore, that both Qaran and the Diaspora have been very vocal in their warnings, for broadly the same reasons Dr Gaboose previously outlined. Here, Somaliland.org Editorial raise many issues of concern we already stated: Maxay Tahay Nacasnimada Ka Dambaysa In Xuduudo Qabyaaladeed La Sameeyo?. Particularly noteworthy, locals are divided on such sensitive issue, especially in Sool & Sanaag, where they may favor local rule on the model of Maakhir administration; hence, at the very least Badhan, Caynabo and Buhoodle should be delayed, pending further investigation, as to minimize risks of tension. Last but by no means least, some declared Districts or Regions are centred around a village, and thus may lack both basic infrastructures and economic viability (with neither road nor even a police outpost!) according to Somaliland.org Editorial: Ka sokow, dhibaatooyinka aan soo sheegnay, marka gobol la samaynayo tallaabooyinka muhiimka ah ee ka horreeya waxa ka mida: Wada tashi ummadeed oo ay ka qaybqaataan aqoonyahanka, mujtamaca ku nool gobolada arrintu khusayso iyo kuwa u badan iyo kuwa laga tirada badanyahayba Baahida ka dambaysa qorshaha lagu abuurayo gobolada iyo degmooyinka iyo sida samaytoodu u xallili doonto baahiyahaas Dhibaatada ka iman karta samaynta gobollo iyo degmooyin cusub Qiimaynta xuduudaha gobolka iyo maabab muujinaya meesha ay marayaan (survey) Tirokoobka dad iyo duunyo gobolka wixii deggan Saamaynta kala qaybintu ku yeelankarto nolosha iyo nabadgelyada dadka reer guuraaga ah Daraasad dhaqaale oo ka horaysa kharashka daba socda samaynta gobolka cusub - dhaqaale ahaan kharashka soo kordhay, ee mushaharka iyo kirooyinka ama dhismayaasha xafiisyada, tababarka, gaadiidka iyo shidaalka, ugu yaraan badhasaabka iyo inta u shaqayndoonta maamulka dhexe oo ka soo bixi doonta gobolka ama khasnadda dawladda, laakiin aan gobolka wax ay ka goyso mooyaane waxba ka soo gaadhayn Iyada oo lagu guda-jiro hawsha doorashooyinka, miyaanay doqoniino ahayn in gobolo iyo degmooyin aan xuduudahooda la aqoon la magacaabo. Ma sidii hore ayay ku soconaysaa oo gobolada cusub waxay hoos iman doonaan xafiisyada Komishanku ka dhisay goboladii hore, mise waa inay dib ugu noqdaan hawlihii ay soo dhameeyeen bilo ka hor oo ay wakhtigan Madaxweyne Riyaale khasab kaga dhigaa inay xafiisyo ka wada furaan 6 gobol oo ku soo biiray 6-dii hore. Mee dhaqaaleedii?
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1- "Medicalisation" Excesses: Psychiatry's Problematic Boundaries or How To "Pathologise" Normal Behavior. And even in affluent societies anyone who has a child with schizophrenia or a severely depressed husband knows all too well that our current treatments and services are inadequate. It is now over half a century since the last genuine breakthrough, the discovery of chlorpromazine. Like it or not, the next major leap forward in the treatment of major mental disorders will come from neuroscience, and will be funded by the pharmaceutical industry. Pathologising shyness, eccentricity, or sadness does few any favours—neither those who receive unhelpful labels, nor those with major mental disorders who need all the resources and research we can muster. (The Lancet, March 2008) 2- Bioethics beyond the lifespan, Larry R Churchill (The lancet, March 2008) What are our responsibilities for a future we will not live to experience? How should we think, morally speaking, about a world that will not include us? Environmentalists are now asking these questions with regularity. They demand that we think about the severity and frequency of storms and droughts predicted to occur in the second half of the 21st century and consider which low-lying land masses will be under water if the polar ice caps completely melt—events that may occur after many of the readers of this essay are dead. Certainly many parents and grandparents think locally, if not globally, about their own demise, especially in terms of the material goods and spiritual legacy they should bequeath to their progeny. In the field of bioethics, however, thinking beyond the individual lifespan has been largely absent. The mapping of the human genome and the advent of gene transfer research has spawned a concern for possible hazards to future generations from new pathogens and germline alterations, but a focus beyond the lifespan has clearly not penetrated to that part of bioethics concerned with more routine medical practices and policies. The stories that preoccupy bioethicists about rights, duties, and responsibilities seldom move beyond scenarios of the dramatic choices of individuals and their families, frequently focused as end-of-life conundrums taking place over a time frame of days, weeks, or months. It is rare to find bioethical frameworks that extend beyond the lives of the patients, and even the health-care professionals and families who are typically engaged in deciding how much is too much and who gets to decide. The case of Terri Schiavo, the Florida woman who was in a persistent vegetative state for more than 15 years, is a good example. The very public legal, ethical, and policy debates that surrounded her death never ventured far from the proximate issues of diagnostic accuracy, feeding tubes, and decisional prerogatives. When extended time frames were evoked, they addressed past actions, for example: Had Mr Schiavo's call for emergency medical services during his wife's original cardiac arrest been quick enough? Was the testimony of witnesses about Ms Schiavo's previous wishes for care reliable? Whether the issues were couched as “right to life” or “patient autonomy” the single lifespan was presupposed as the relevant frame of reference. I am not suggesting that long-range policy implications should have dominated the decision process, but it is incumbent upon us to raise those issues now. Bioethics without a beyond-the-life-span perspective is increasingly problematic as current medical policies leave a larger and larger social footprint. Then Florida Governor Jeb Bush called a special session of the state legislature to keep Ms Schiavo's feeding tube in place, in the same legislative year in which thousands of poor children were removed from the Medicaid rolls. These children, thus barred from access to health care, will reap the consequences long after all the parties to the Schiavo dispute and the Florida legislature are gone. Beyond its obvious health myopia, a bioethics that fails to appreciate the interlocking of present medical priorities and future health possibilities is also impoverished through its neglect of some central human virtues. Perhaps the chief of these neglected virtues is altruism. Coined by the French social theorist Auguste Comte, “altruism” is generally understood to mean selfless concern for others (from the Latin alter, “other”). Of course placing the interests of others above one's own can be done with an exclusive view to the present, without any regard for a future that does not include the agent. But this limited notion of altruism seems to sap its essential meaning. Perhaps sociobiologist Edward O Wilson was on the right track when he described altruism as “generosity without hope of reciprocation”. Only after death is this hope extinguished and not a potential factor in our motives. We need not agree with Wilson about the source of this fundamental virtue to appreciate his argument that the persistence of altruism in the human species suggests it has an important survival value for us. To be sure, altruism is evident in medicine in a variety of ways that are not sufficiently appreciated by the dominant strands of bioethics. For example, the traditional ethics of medicine enjoins physicians to place their patients' good above their own self-interest. Edmund Pellegrino and David Thomasma, in The Virtues in Medical Practice, call this “self-effacement”—a felicitous phrase that highlights the suppression of narcissism in attitudes and actions focused on other people. Physicians who deprive themselves of sleep or income to attend to their patients' needs know intimately the meaning of this virtue. Yet admirable as it is, self-effacing altruism may lack the special feature of beyond-the-lifespan responsibility that concerns me in this essay. A closer approximation may be found in the attitudes of severely ill research participants in early-phase clinical trials, who often talk about their interest in finding remedies for future patients. The distinguishing feature here is the desire for a good that one will not live to see, eliminating the possibility of gratitude from future beneficiaries. Bioethics was initially concerned with decisions about the medical care of individuals, both in terms of their inherent moral qualities and in terms of whose voice would be privileged in these decisions. As the field matured, there was a gradual broadening to considerations of social justice in health policies. Norman Daniels and Daniel Callahan are among the most important contributors in the movement towards the social justice dimensions of bioethics, introducing diachronic—or “through time”—notions such as fairness across the lifespan, and the prudent use of limited health-care resources. But the implications of lifespan scarcity are often framed as intergenerational conflict, for example, how many medical resources should be allocated to the elderly as opposed to children? Rarely does lifespan thinking flower into beyond-the-lifespan thinking, in which individuals and groups are encouraged to think about their responsibilities to a future that will not include them. If as an elder I forgo solid organ transplantation so that children will receive inoculations or expectant mothers receive prenatal care, this is surely admirable but still largely a calculation based on a synchronic exchange, a present time trade off. Environmental advocates ask us to be accountable for our present carbon footprint in order to prevent the Netherlands from becoming part of the North Sea in the late 21st century. There is no robust equivalent in bioethics. Perhaps one of the barriers to a beyond-the-lifespan perspective in bioethics is that there are so few ethical theories or moral traditions that explicitly recognise it. For example, John Stuart Mill does not seem mindful of future generations when he advocates the greatest good for the greatest number. Nor is Immanuel Kant eloquent on beneficent duties to a world one will not live to enjoy. Hans Jonas is among the very few who have made responsibility for future generations a priority in his ethical theorising; he rewrote Kant's categorical imperative to read, “Act so that the effects of your action are compatible with the permanence of genuine human life…or are not destructive to the future possibility of such life”. Religious traditions may have more to teach us, especially through the recent emergence of religious environmentalism. One powerful theme of religious environmentalism is the idea that the earth is not our possession, but that we are caretakers of it, so that a major benchmark of ethics is stewardship of resources that are essentially given in trust, to be passed on to future generations. Thus, caring for a future beyond our lifespan is a way of living responsibly in the present. What would it mean to have such a moral standard in bioethics, that is, to ask about the impact of our post-mortem health and medical footprint? Returning to the Schiavo case discussed earlier, a beyond-the-lifespan approach in bioethics would mean policies that actively discourage the use of feeding tubes for patients disabled by their conditions. More broadly, a beyond-the-lifespan dimension to bioethics would also mean far less attention to medicine and far more to public health. If personal medical care accounts for only 10% of health status, and social circumstances, environmental factors, and health behaviours are far more important, then bioethics should shift its focus away from personal medical services and towards the creation of sustainable health policies. Bioethicists would then ask hard questions about the wisdom of the ever-expanding and very expensive medical systems that dominate the public budgets of most industrial democracies. Can these megatechnologies be passed on to future generations, or will they further exacerbate health disparities? What Emily Friedman has termed an “epidemic of medical indigence” is perhaps the most powerful and far-reaching legacy of current health policies, both in the USA and globally. The legacy of bioethics beyond the lifespan lies in the realisation, or the failure to realise, that health is not just about the current wellbeing of individual organisms, but population (species) survival. 3- Single Most Crucial Health Challenge Unadressed: Water & Sanitation
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Long live Tigger THE GREAT -- a new star is born
Abu-Salman replied to Caano Geel's topic in General
Aamin, may Allah protect both of you from Fitna and bless her with the Mujaahids we need. Mashallah, baryahan Sol guur iyo dhalasho kama dhamaato miyaa lol Emperor talow xaggee ayuu ka dhacey since the last marriage caano geel... -
All landers here have said that the creation of this imaginary regions in the imaginary country of sland, will have a positive effect on the "eastern regions". Who precisely uttered that? Have not "Landers" almost unanimously rejected Udub & Riyale pre-electoral plots and warned against possible inter-clans divisions? Most crucially, why adding fuel to an inexistant fire when Somalis everywhere face so many deadly and insidious, common threats (neo-colonists supported by Somali Christians & Atheits, Western acculturation & secularization, their exaggeration of clans as tool of their trade)?
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Few extremely relevant points on why changing a Degmo into Gobol and other ersatzs could only further exacerbates corruption and clans' competition: Gabiley Gobol Loo Magacaab: Gobol-nimo-se Ma Ku-helaysaa Waxay Dagmo-nimo Kuweyday? Essential Bacground Information: Gabiley, for instance, was already a District or Degmo, where was based located "Dowladda Hoose".
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^^We were watching passionately Arta Presidential Election in Arabsyo too, just outside Hargeysa. Alas, even the most ardent proponents of Unity and Greater Somalia have been consterned by the Invasion and Warlords, some supported out of sectarism and corruption, to overturn our golden opportunity to establish Shariah. However, Muslims should struggle united against Secularism and other Colonial Legacies if we are to witness the same successes as our forefathers under Imam Ahmed Gurey inshallah...
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Why the Creation Of New Regions and Districts Just Before Elections, and Given the Current Climate, Only Encourages Corruption and Competition for Already Scarce Ressources: 1- Regional and Districts Delimitations should be Preceded by Serious Preliminary Socio-environmental studies that underpin them, not least by Surveying its Practical Implications on Neighbouring Clans' Relationships. 2- Regional and Districts Delimitation in the Current Tense Atmosphere, especially in Sool and Sanaag, needed a Wide Consensus among all involved Sub-clans, Both Through Authentic Delegates as well as Mass Consultations (all the more vital in the light of our Somali Context). 3- The Administration should Proceed Coherently and According to Priorities, not least by adopting a Zero-tolerance Policy towards our Twin Plagues of Systematic, Large-scale Corruption Conjugued With Widespread Nepotism (duplicating a compromised bureaucrcay could only encourages unprecedented misappropriation). 4- The Current Political Culture means that this "devolution" will Only Create More Opportunities for Diverting Already Scarce Resources by Corrupt and Inefficient Bureaucrats, from Much More Crucial Collective Needs such as Drilling Water Boreholes and Staffing Schools. 5- The New Bureaucracy Class created only adds to the Competition for Budgetary Allocation when its Major Part is Already Diverted by the Military, leaving almost Nothing For Social Spending. 6- Any Truly Patriotic Administration Must Refrain From Cheap Populism and the Concomitant Vicious Cycle of Escalation (appealing to popular instincts and appeasing electors just before elections while risking tensions is utterly irresponsible). 7- Hardly any Reliable Report or Data concerning the Roles, Training and Productivity of Existing Civil Servants has been published; hence one can not safely duplicates at lower levels what is Primarily Considered as a Hindrance, With Neither Accountability Nor Transparency, as far as Public Services' Customers are concerned. by a concerned constituent.
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lol Geel_Jire, where is Dumbuluq, you seems more "hargeysaawi" than me. Anyway, I like the "Shacabka", "Jigjiga Yar" and "Xero Awr" areas, reminds me of the nineties' summers and the little "road" across the "State House" we used as short cut (practical if you walk from around Madaxtooyada and Wasaaradaha' area to Jigjiga Yar). My worries concerning Hargeysa' constructions are mainly that there is not a coherent urbanisation plan or seriously enforced security norms (if any), hence the health & environmental risks...
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Jac, is it close to the road that come from Gabiley, the entry of Hargeysa, where Jigjiga yar "hill" start or closer to hotel Mansur just Northward and higher? That is great news they get such Masjid locally...
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lol Cige, my relatives live there and we do have some properties in Arabsyo, Gabiley, Hargeysa etc or may even live there but I can not understand why people report about or support a regime for the sake of it. Should we not educate the masses as a priority?
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Oday Dhaqameed miyaanay wali ka talin Gurtida? sub-clans waxaan ka wada daka meesha wada degan.
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One minute, how could he creates so many regions without long parlementary debates, minitious socio-environmental studies and consultations involving all concerned sub-clans? Or is it a case of outdoing Kulmiye at all cost just before the elections?
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