Aadan Jugle
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Yes and that is Somaliland and that land has a goverment that was chosen by the majority and they have to respect that. If they don't and cry day in and day out Dervish this and English that and Somalia , they will be deported out of somaliland along their camels and the bricks of Taleex and the bones of Carro Seed Magan to Shangaani.
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It don't matter even if the Chines support Khaatumo nuts, what matters is if they have a legall case that merit their position which they don't.
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I can tell when I see a Khaatumo Nut, no southerners will waste his energy trying to defend the clanist Khaatumo Nuts position. Was it about their love for Soomaalinmo when they first rejected Somaliland and joined puntland in 1998??? no its all about clan , and now when Puntland kicked them in the face strangly they found a new love and that is Sheekh Shariif and his Italian Somalia. These people are Nuts simple
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farah22, I never reason with Khaatumo Nuts, you can talk till the fat lady drops dead from singing, you are driven by sheer tribal hate and i know it and you know it, Somaliland is here to stay and Khaatumo nuts can whine cry wail to the end of life on the face of earth at the end of the day you are nothing but a loud rude 1 sub-sub-sub-sub-sub-sub clan in somaliland.
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Somaliland's Last Year as a Protectorate by Sir DOUGLAS HALL, K.C.M.G The lateG overnoro f the SomalilandP rotectoratgea ve the addresst hatf ollows to a joint meeting of the Royal African Society and the Royal Commonwealth Society on December 1, 1960. Sir Theodore Pile, K.C.M.G. took the chair The Somali National League kept their thought largely to them-selves, at any rate in public, while the National United Front published their displeasure in speeches. It was not long before the new party showed signs of seeking an association with the Somali National League, and a short time before the election a formal alliance was made. This was followed rapidly by the publication of an association between the National United Front and the small number of members of the Somali Youth League. The stage was then set for a straight contest between two pairs of parties, one member of each pair being considerably larger than the other, but not a great deal of difference lying between the combined contestants. The election presented some thorny and worrying problems of maintenance of law and order. There were to be over 150 polling stations, any one of which could become a major danger point at short notice, especially if either the fall of rain or plain politics should result in last minute movements of nomads of opposing parties or tribes. Every policeman and every soldier in the Protectorate was deployed ; and I would like to pay tribute to the efforts made by the political leaders to ensure that their supporters behaved them-selves. One of our main worries was how the women would behave. They had no vote, but they were surprisingly politically-conscious, and there is nothing that an administrator dislikes more than a riot of women. However, the Somalis themselves decided that the election should be orderly, and it was. There were no incidents worthy of the name and for the whole of February 17th not a woman was to be seen. They had all been kept at home by their husbands. Nearly 82,000 men cast their votes, a number which is at least 80 per cent and probably more nearly 90 per cent of the total adult male population. The result was unusual and unexpected in detail. The Somali National League/ United Somali Party combine secured approximately 56,000 votes as against 25,000 won by their opponents. But the votes of the winners gained them 32 out of the 33 seats. It cannot often happen that a party which can claim nearly one-third of all the votes cast, gains one seat only as a result. The detailed results showed twenty seats for the Somali National League, twelve for the United Somali Party, and one, Michael Mariano himself, for the opposition. Immediately after the election, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal was formally acknowledged as the Leader of both Somali National League and the United Somali Party, and I was left in no doubt as to whom I should consult about the appointment of elected ministers. He gave me his advice on 26th February, and I appointed him as Minister of Local Government, Ahmed Haji Dualeh as Minister of Natural Resources, and Ali Gerad Jama and Haji Ibrahim Nur as Ministers of Works and Communications and Social Services respectively. I also appointed Yusuf Ismail Samatar as an Assistant Minister in the Ministry of Social Services. The first two were members of the Somali National League, and the second two members of the United Somali Party. The Assistant Minister belonged to the Somali National League. With one exception, all were fluent speakers of English and had had considerable formal education. Haji Ibrahim Nur, although not completely happy in English, was a fluent speaker and writer of Arabic and, as a successful trader, had a fund of experience which he quickly began to put at the disposal of the government of which he had become a part. It was not long before the promises about immediate independence, which had been made in pre-election speeches and in the Somali National League manifesto, began to catch up on their makers. I do not imply that there was any feeling against the attainment of Independence ; but a number of Somalis -politicians, civil servants, traders and elders-believed that there would be great advantage in a short period of consolidation and the gaining of experience before the next and the biggest step was taken. But they were in a small minority, and it was not possible for them to come out into the open with pleas for delay. I have heard it said that we officials in the Government did not know what was happening and which way the wind was blowing. This was not true. I think we saw the way the picture was forming before some of the political leaders. Events soon started moving rapidly; a motion asking for Independence by 1st July was passed in the Legislative Council and visits were paid to Mogadishu by leading political figures, who returned to Hargeisa with assurances from their colleagues in Somalia that amalgamation of the two countries was a mutual wish.
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Its wasn't a dark day, weeks or even month before the union Somaliland delegation to the south accepted all the conditions: 1- Thaat both top position will be given to the south 2- that Mogadisho will be the capital 3- the top milliteray commander will be from the south. It was us who robbed ourselves, the south didn't care much about "somaliweyn"
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There are only around 3 images or pictures of the top Dervishes only 1 image namely thats of Darwiish Cabdi Dheere a 13 years Khusuusi from 1906-1919 was used by the Kacaan in Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise's book " Tariikhda Daraawiishta iyo Sayid M.C.Xasan" These 2 images are the the other 2 , i have vainly tried to search for Darwiish Cabdilaahi Shixiri who quit the movement in 1906 after 7 years of been on of its top leaders, iam sure some where his picture can be found , he was interviewd by both Itali and the British in 1906 till 1909 , so iam sure his image are somewhere. Suldaan Nuur Axmed Amaan one of the founders of the movement 1896. The Sultan ( tall bearded man with the Spear) seeking medical help from an American expedition team in the plains of Tuuyo 1896. The tomb/shrine of the sultan in Taleex 2011 crowded by houses of the Khaatumo Nuts who were told the horse of the Mullah Dhoodi-Meer is en-tombed there by the revisionnest Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise. http://archive.org/search.php?query=mediatype%3Atexts%20AND%20subject%3A%22Suldaan.Nuur.Axmed.Amaan%22 A long buried Short history of the suldan, the Kacaan chose to for obvious clanist reasons.. Darwiish Abshir Dhoore a later top Dervish 1920.
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Simply because you hate somaliland doesn't make it a legall case, Somaliland has a goverment a goverment that was elected by the majority people and that goverment will either disolve the union or reaffrim the union regardless of the wishes of the fringe minorities. The goverment of somaliland in 1960 decided to opt for a union and that same goverment today along its people decided to go back to its status pre-July 1 1960. Now what case 1 sub-sub-sub clan has against a goverment that was elected by the majority?? nothing. I named you Khaatumo Nuts because your entire politics revolve around dead fabricated history, the AU charter supports even somaliland claim. What case you people have other then been an angry minorities who fought against the SNM and were allied with the last regime? non. Today the world recognize that Siilaanyo is the head of somaliland goverment and he repersent the majority and thats enough, the Khaatumo nuts and soo called Maakhir can wail and whine from the prepheriy but wether they like it or not Somaliland'd borders will not be altered, if they wish to be part of Maqdisho then Maqdisho is located in different country let them by all means go there.
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Whats the point?? somaliland alwas cry and whine about these things and never for once demanded the capture of Morgan, Tuke or even Samatar, whats the point?? i just never understand my pepole sometimes.. we don't need books, we know who they are and in fact recently one of the masterminders of those crimes Axmed Jeengali paased away in USA and guess what Siilaanyo sent his family a ulogy?
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The Khaatumo Nuts and soo called Maakhir need a legal case , you nuts can't just add a somaliland territory to the Italian part. You can only do so if somaliland does a refrundum and you tiny 4 viilages beats Gebilay in voting yes for another union. Or you can do it through the gun and fight it off and defeat somaliland troops using your horses and a sling-shot and recite your Mullah's diatribes.
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These pepole are out supporting what they called somaliweyn?? so that too victory for somaliland Xaaji Suufi?? waar ninkani maba miyir qabo walee.. wax kaste wuxu u arkaa Guul for somaliland xataa dad u mudaahraadaya Somaliweyn oo macanheedu yahay no-somaliland.
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