Wafdi uu hogaaminayo wasiirka difaaca Somalia C/xakiin Xaaji Fiqi oo saaka ka dhoofay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa gaaray magaalada Kismaayo ee gobolka Jubada hoose oo ay ka jiraan xiisado siyaasadeed iyo kuwo milateri oo u dhexeeya maamulo iska horjeeda oo halkaas looga dhowaaqay. Wafdigan uu wasiirka difaaca C/xakiin Xaaji Maxamuud Fiqi ayaa waxaa ka mid ah wasiirka wafaafinta, boostada, isgaarsiinta iyo gaadiidka C/llaahi Ciilmooge Xirsi iyo Wasiirka Cadaalada, garsoorka iyo Owqaafta C/llaahi Abyan Nuur. C/xakiin Xaaji Fiqi iyo wafdigiisa ayaa waxaa garoonka dayuuradaha magaalada Kismaayo ku soo dhoweeyey taliyaha ciidamada XDS Jen. Daahir Indha-qarshe iyo xubno ka tirsan guddi dhowaan xukuumada Somalia u magacowday xal u helida gobolada jubooyinka oo horey ugu sugnaa halkaas. Ma cadda illaa hadda in wafdigan ay kulamo la qaadan doonaan dhinacyada isku haya magaalada kismaayo hase ahaatee ujeedada socdaalkooda ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay dib u habeyn ay ku sameynayaan ciidamada dowlada ee jooga magaalada Kismaayo, iyo sidii kulamo la xiriira sugida amaanka ula qaadan lahaayeen saraakiisha ciidamada Kenya ee magaca AMISOM ku jooga Kismaayo. Wafdiga wasiirka ayaa waxaa la sheegay in loo gudbiyey gudaha magaalada Kismaayo ee gobolka Jubada hoose iyadoo la dejinayo hotel magaalada ku yaala oo ilaalo xoogan ay ka hayaan ciidamada Kenya. Wasiiradan ayaa lagu waday iney Kismaayo gaaraan maalintii shalay hase ahaatee dib u dhac ayaa ku yimid. Safarka wafdigan ku tageen magaalada Kismaayo ayaa ku soo aadaya xili Axmed Madoobe oo ka mid ah shanta madaxweyne ee maamulka Jubba-land uu sheegay inay ka warhayaan dhibaato uu sheegay inay magaalada Kismaayo ka wadaan wafdiyo isdaba joog ah oo oo ka socda dowladda Soomaaliya, wuxuuna tilmaamay in dowladdu ay amar ku bixisay in ciidankeeda ku sugan Kismaayo ay magaalada dagaal ka ridaan, isagoo intaasi ku daray markale inay ogyihiin in madaxda dowladda Soomaaliya ay Jubbooyinka ka wadaan qas aan qarsooneyn. Xiisadaha ka dhashay cida maamuleysa magaalada Kismaayo iyo gobolada Jubooyinka ee u dhexeeya siyaasiyiinta iyo beelaha dega goboladaas qaarkood ayaa maalin maalinta ka dambeysa cirka isku shareereysa, waxaana laga cabsi qabaa dagaalo Xafiiska Warqabadka Dayniile.com Webmaster@dayniile.com Tafatiraha Wabka Dayniile.com

They were somalis and selling drugs, use your passports to move around laakin beenta isga yareeya, yall somali especially in such situations. Reminds me of france in the 80's when ever yannick noah won a tournament in tennis it would be "the frenchman noah has won the paris open" when he lost " the camerounian yannick noah comes up short"... I realise that some of you guys are really deeply offended, but I laugh.

Sheekh Axmad Maxamed Islaam (A.Madoobe) oo magaalada Kismaayo dhowaan loogu doortay Madaxwaynaha Maamulka Jubbaland ayaa ku eedeeyay Dowladda Soomaaliya in xadgudbyo toos ah ku hayso Gobalada Jubbooyinka . Waxa uu sheegay in dowladda Soomaaliya ay wado qorshayaal ay ku doonayso in Colaad ay kaga huriso Gobalada Jubooyinka si mar kale dib ugu soo laabataan dagaaladii Sokeeyo . Axmed Madoobe ayaa sheegay in xukuumada Soomaaliya ay dusha saaran doonto dhibaatooyinka ka dhaca gobalada Jubooyinka hadii ayasan joojin hurinta colaada Gobalka ka dilaaca . Wuxuu intaa raaciyay Axmed Madoobe in ay la kulmeen gudi ay soo dirtay dowladda Soomaaliya laakiin aysan ka war hayan marka ay imaanayeen waxa uuna sheegay in gudigaa ay ku qanci waayeen waxyaabaha ay u socdeen . Madaxwyanha Maamulka Jubaland waxaa uu sheegay in wada shaqayn la,aan xaga Dowlada Soomaaliya ay jirto islamarkaana waxa uu sheegay in wakiilo ay soo dirteen ay ka bilaabeen Kismaayo in ay kala fur furaan ciidamada Dowlada hoostaga ee Kismaayo jooga Madaxwaynha Maamulka Jubaland waxa uu sheegay in Maamulkiisa uu ka war hayo in dowlada Soomaaliya ay dabada ka riixayso Kooxa mucaarad ah oo Maamulkiisa ka soo horjeeda sida Bare Hiraale. Dhanka kale afhayeen u hadlay Jubbaland ayaa sheegay in go,aanadii ka soo baxay Uruur Gobaleedka IGAD ay yihiin kuwo meel uga dhacaya jiritaanka maamulka dhawaan looga dhawaaqay magaalada Kismaayo . C/naasir Seeraar oo ah afhayeenka ururka Raaskambooni ayaa sheegay in hadaladii ka soo yeeray wasiiradda arimaha dibadda Uruur Gobaleedka IGAD uu yahay mid abuuraya kala fogaansho ka dhax abuuranta Dowlada Soomaaliya iyo Shacabka goabalada jubooyinka . Hadlka Madoobe ayaa ku soo beegmaya xili kulan xalay ka dhacay Magalada Adis Ababa Uruur Gobaleedka IGAD ka soo sareen in shir dib u heshiisiin ah lugu qabto Magaalada Muqdisho si mamul loo dhan yahay loo dhiso. Calanka.com: Isha wararka xaqiiqda

Ciidamada Siralyoon oo ka mida Amisom ayaa dhawan fariisinkoodii ugu horeeyay ka smaeystay Halka lagu magacaabo Taabte oo u dhaxeysa Afmadoow iyo dhoobleey oo ka wada Tirsan Gobolka Jubada Hoose. Caro Tuur laga buuxuyay Jawaano ayey Ciidanka Siralyoon ka smaeynteen Wadada Daafaheeda mana jirin wax iska caabin ama weerar ah o ay kala kulmeen Alshabaabta ku dhumaaleysaneysa Deegaanadaasi Ciidamadaan ayaa Gaaraya 850 askari waana ciidanka ay dowlada Siralyoon ay Markaasi dooneyso inay uga qeyb qaataan Howlaha Lagu Sugayo Nabad Ilaalinta Soomaaliya. . .www.qaranimo.com

Mooge iyo Xiin hahaha those are merely the puntland rats abandoning the sinking ship and leaving the old man with the fantastic ideas they implanted in to his head to flounder about, if you listen hard enough you hear the soft plonk of mammalian bodies falling in water....and he is doing the only thing he knows how and that is be a warlord and make as much noise and threats as he can.

Because it is the capital of the republic and far away from the emotions and insecurity of kismayu.

Sabti, May 25, 2013 (HOL) — Madaxda dalalka ku bahoobay urur goboleedka IGAD oo shir socday illaa xalay ku yeeshay magaalada Addis Ababa ee dalka Itoobiya ayaa isku raaceen in dowladda Soomaaliya ay Muqdisho ku qabato shir maamul KMG ah loogu sameynayo gobollada Jubbooyinka. Go’aanka madaxda IGAD ayaa ka dhashay warbixin ay u gudbiyeen wasiirrada arrimaha dibadda ee IGAD oo kulan ka horreeyay midka madaxda ururka ku yeeshay Addis Ababa, waxaana tallaabaan ay meesha ka saarysaa dhismaha maamulka Jubaland oo madaxweynaha loogu doortay Sheekh Axmed Madoobe iyo mas’uuliyiin kale oo iyaguna ismagacaabay. “Waxaan isku raacnay in dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ay Muqdisho ku qabato shir Qaran oo dib u heshiisiin ah oo ay kasoo qeybgalaan dadka ku nool Jubbooyinka si loo sameeyo maamul KMG ah oo ka shaqeeya sidii loo dhisi lahaa dowlad-goboleed waafaqsan dastuurka dalka,” ayaa lagu yiri war-murtiyeed kasoo baxay shirkii madaxda IGAD ee Addis Ababa. Shirkan ayaa waxaa Soomaaliya ug qaybglay madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, isagoo khudbad uu shirka ka jeediyay ku sheegay in guddigii IGAD ee loo dirtay xal u helidda Kismaayo ay wax badan uga qabsoomeen howshii loo xilsaaray.

Wasiirrada Warfaafinta iyo Gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya oo u Ambabaxay Kismaayo iyo Maamulka Axmed Madoobe oo Hanjabay Sabti, May 25, 2013 (HOL) — Wafdi ay hoggaaminayaan wasiirka warfaafinta, C/llaahi Ciil-mooge Xirsi iyo wasiirka gaashaandhigga, C/xakiin Maxamuud Xaaji Fiqi ayaa maanta aaday magaalada Kismaayo ee xarunta gobolka Jubbada Hoose; iyadoo maamulka Axmed Madoobe ay sheegeen inay iska difaaci doonaan cid walba oo duullaan ku ah Jubbaland. Maamulka Axmed Madoobe ayaa la sheegay in xubnihii horay dowladda uga socday ee ku sugnaa Kismaayo ay wadaan abaabullo ay isaga horkeenayaan beelaha gobolkaas ku nool, ayna iska dhicin doonaan cid walba ama dowlad ha ahaato ama cid kale oo doonaysa inay dibaatooyin abuuraan, iyadoo shir maanta ka dhacay magaaladaas lagu cambaareeyay siyaasadda dowladda ee ku aaddan Jubbooyinka. Ilo wareedyo ka tirsan xafiiska ra’iisul wasaaraha ayaa u sheegay HOL in wafdigan ay u tegi doonaan halkaas xoojinta wafdigii dowladda ee horay ugu sugnaa Kismaayo iyo dib u habeynta ciidamada dowladda ee ku sugan Kismaayo. “Wasiirradu waxay garoonka diyaaradaha ee Kismaayo kula kulmi doonaan saraakiisha ciidmada Kenya ee ka tirsan AMISOM, qorshahooduna waa xoojinta wafdigii dowladda ee horay u joogay Kismaayo,” ayuu yiri sarkaal sare oo ka tirsan xafiiska ra’iisul wasaaraha Soomaaliya. Warar kale ayaa sheegay in wasiirka arrimaha gudaha iyo amniga Qaranka, C/kariin Xuseen Guuleed oo la filayay inuu wafdigan raaco uu ka baaqday, iyadoo magaalada Kismaayo ay ku sugan yihiin wafdi ay dowladdu u dirtay, kuwaasoo sheegay inay jirto wadashaqeyn la'aan u dhexeysa iyaga iyo ciidamada AMISOM ee ka socda Kenya. Xildhibaan C/raxmaan Xoosh Jabriil oo ka mid ah wafdiga dowladda eek u sugan Kismaayo ayaa BBC-da u sheegay in ciidamada Kenya ay ku war-geliyeen inaysan ammaankooda sugi doonin, balse ay markii dambe u yimaadeen ayna u sheegeen inay ammaankooda sugayaan. Wararka laga helayo magaalada Kismaayo ayaa waxay sheegayaan in magaaladaas ay ka taagan tahay xiisad aad u weyn, iyadoo maamulka Axmed Madoobe uu si toos ah uga soo horjeestay dowladda Soomaaliya. Isbedelka mowqifka maamulka Axmed Madoobe ayaa yimid kaddib markii ay madaxda IGAD isku raaceen in maamul u sameynta Jubbooyinka lagu ixtiraamo dowladda Soomaaliya, ayna kala shaqeynayaan dowladda Somalia sidii loo qaban lahaa shir-weyne lagu dhisyo maamullo KMG ah oo ay yeeshaan gobollada Jubbooyinka. Magaalada Kismaayo ayaa waxaa bartamihii bishan lagu dhisay maamul loogu magac-daray Jubaland kaasoo ay ruux sheegeen in loogu doortay inay madaxweyne u noqdaan, iyadoo aan la ogeyn halka uu xaalka Kismaayo ku dambeyn doono. Maxamed Xaaji Xuseen, Hiiraan Online maxuseen@hiiraan.com Muqdisho, Soomaaliya

Ottawa-raised sisters Ilwad Elman, 23, and Iman Elman, 21, pose inside the Elman Peace Centre, a rape crisis shelter in Mogadishu. Ilwad works at the centre, while Iman is a commander in the Somali military.

Barfasoor iyo datoor Haddaad wada doorataan Dowlad wada karaani ah Dunidaba ma joogtee Dadka yaa hagi doona Dalka yaydiin dhisaaya?. Fatahaadda sheegashada dhaqtarnimo. Dhaqtarnimadu ma sahlana oo waa howl barasho u baahan, laakin hadda waxaad moodda in ay jiraan rag hawada ka bowsaday, maxaa yeelay nin walba oo wax duri kara amaba wax dhayi kara, wuxuu sheeganaya darajada dhaqtarnimo, iyada oo aanay jirin cid ku la xisaabtameysa gabbood falka uu sameynayo, xataa waxaa suura gal ah inuu sameeyo qalliin bowsi ah iyo leylin lagu kor sameynayo qof nool oo ku soo eegaya, kaasoo haddii uu dhinto aan laga wada hadleyn illeyn waa dhaqtarkii reer hebele, sidoo kale meel walba isbitaal iyo farmashiye baa ku yaal aan la garaneyn cidda iska leh iyo dhaqaatiirta ka howl gasha in yar oo fara ku tiris ah mooyaane!. Daawada nuuc walba ayaa qofka loo qoraa oo rag baaba sidii raashinkii oo kale uga ganacsada qeybaha daawada bukaankuna wuxuu ku qanacsan yahay wax walba oo wata magaca “daawo” taasoo naftiisa dareensiineysa nasiino dhanka maskaxda ah, waxeyse mararka qaarkood keenta masiibo isu rogta cudur cudur la kor saaray, xaalkuna hadda wuxuuba marayaa “ in nin bukaan ah oo ka cabanaya malaariyo ama kaneeco, in la siiyo dawada haweenka foolanaya” taasoo ay keentay aqoonta daawada loo leeyahay oo aad u yar, haddaba farriintu waxey noqoneysaa “ inta aysan wax dhicin ka hor dhaqtarka iyo dhib keenaha aan kala garanno!”. Aan soo geba gebeeyee, inta aan farta ku soo fiiqay ee xilligan la maareyn kari la’yahay xalkoodana aan laga maarmin xildhibaanow waa culeys ku saaran ee gudo waajibkaaga hana noqnin mid had iyo jeer u taagnaada is xag xagasho iyo qalalaase natiijo la’aaneed. Mudane madaxweyne dhibta aan soo sheegaye aan laga indha qabsan karin ka tala bixinteeda iyo maareynteedaba iyo siyaasad ahaan sidii loo fur furi lahaa dunta miliqday waa howl qaran oo aad u soo dhaaratay xil gudashadeedana lagaa wada sugayo. Mudane ra’iisul wasaare adiga iyo xukuumaddaadaba inta aan farta ku fiiqay ee ay farriinteydu idiin tilmaantay u howl galkeeda iyo agaasinkeeda guud inaad ka talo keentaan ayaa leydin kaga fadhiyaa ee ha noqonina kuwo dhibbanaha oo soo jeeda hurdo ay ka soo dhacdo!, waa iga dardaarane inta aysan faraha ka sii bixin xal iyo tanaasul ha loo helo fatahaadda ficileysan. ( Farriin qaran nin u qalmaa qaata). Nin lagu seexdow ha seexan Xil baad siddaaye ha seexan Soo jeedoo si weyn u feejignow. Bashiir Cali Xuseen. Barbaariye@hotmail.com

Farriin qaran: -Xal ha loo helo fatahaadda ficileysan! Dalku waa wada madaxweyneyaal iyaga keligood is caleema saaray!. Dalku waa wada dowlad goboleed dustuur iyo calan goonni ah leh!. Dalku waa wada dekedo iyo garoomo diyaaradeed caalami lagu sheego!. Dalku waa wada jaamacado loo abuuray hinaase iyo ficiltan qabyaaladeed!. Dadku waa wada PhD, barfasoor iyo datoor aan aqoonsigooda la hubin!. Dadku waa wada dhaqaatiir iyo kaaliyayaal ay daweyntoodu shaki leedahay!. Ciidanku waa wada derejo marshaal, jeneraal iyo korneyl miiran xanbaarsan!. Dadku waa reer magaal wada ilbax ah oo aan badow iyo galti macruuf lagu arag!. Mas’uul sare iyo mid hoosow, madax iyo majo aan kala maarminow, waxaan farta idiinkugu fiiqayaa amaba ay farriinteydu idiin soo tabineysaa qiima kororka siyaasadeed iyo sicir Bararka isdaba joogga ah ee sida daadkii meel walba uga soo fatahaya, taasoo u baahan wax ka qabad xakameysan iyo xeerar leysku raacsan yahay oo dib u soo celiya waddadii saxda aheyd iyo addimadii tiirka u ahaa ee uu qaranku isku taagi lahaa!. Fatahaadda sheegashada magaca madaxweyne:- Mudanayaal sida aad ka war qabtaanba, waxaa meel walba ka soo yeereysa sheegashada magaca madaxweyne, kaasoo mudnaa in la dhowro maqaamkiisa qarameed, waayo waa astaan qaran oo matala dhammaanba jiritaanka magaca ummadda soomaaliyeed, laakin hadda waxaad moodda inuu sicir barar ku dhacay, sababata oo ah waxaa jira ugu yaraan 40 madaxweyne oo intooda badan ah rag qurbaha ku soo raagay, kuwaasi oo uu mid waliba sameystay calan iyo dustuur beeshiisa ka turjuma, taana waa dib u dhac keeni kara khilaaf iyo qaran jab hor leh, waxaase lagaga gudbi karaa sida aan qabo “xal dowladeed xurmeysan iyo xaq dhowr bulsho oo is waafaqa”. Fatahaadda sheegashada darajada ciidamada:- Tuba tukalaa ka sii darane, dhammaan ciidamadii qaranka soomaaliyeed nuucii ay doonaanba ha ahaadeene maanta waxey isugu soo wada urureen jeneraal iyo korneel miiran, waxaana meesha ka baxay dableydii, alifleydii, xariglayaashii ilaa kabtan laga gaaro is daba tixnaan jiray, waxaadna moodda ciidanka iyo saraakiishiisa in ay isla egyihiin, maxaa yeelay gobol kasta isaga ayaa dallacsiinta ciidankiisa bixiya oo darajada ku tixa, si aysan reer hebel uga saraakiil badinin, taasoo iyana rabta caqli wax kala miira oo damiir iyo danqasho soomaaliyeed leh, si uusan u lumin xaqa askariga iyo sarkaalka saxda ah ee darajada ciidanka aan daaqadda laga siinin!. Fatahaadda Garoomada diyaaradaha iyo dekadaha:- Garoomada diyaaradaha iyo dekaduhuba, waxey ka sii abuurmayaan weli gobol walba iyo tuulo kasta iyaga oo loo dhisayo hinaase iyo ficiltan qabiil darteed, waxaadna 50Km aad ka heleysaa garoon diyaaradeed lagu magacaabay geesiga reer hebel iyo dekedo xeebaha oo dhan daadsan, taana waxey halis ku tahay amniga iyo nabad gelyada dalka maxaa yeelay, waxey fududeyneysaa soo gelitaanka sharci la’aanta ah ee ku soo xad gudbaya dhul weynaha soomaaliyeed ee berri iyo biyaba leh, waaxaana koontaroolka uu ka lumayaa oo aan ciidan ilaaliya loo heleynin is dhaafsiga nuucyada maan dooriyayaasha ah, hubka suuqa madow, iyo wax walba oo dowladda laga la dhuumanayo khatarna ku ah jiritaanka dowladnimo, sababtoo ah waaxda socdaal iyo jinsiyadaha iyo kastamadaba maaha mid ay maaro u heli karaan, haddii aan si guud oo waddaniyad leh loogu guntan xakameynta fatahaadda nuucan ah!. Fatahaadda waxbarashada:- Dhinac kale haddii aan ka eego qaabkii waxbarashada dalka oo dhan ayuu sicir bararku saameeyay, sababta oo ah qof kasta oo afar qol oo bannaan heli karayba, wuxuu ku magaacabay iskuul ilaa heer jaamacadeed ah oo aan manhaj mideysan laheyn, isaga oo ka shidaal qaadanaya ficiltanka beeshiisa, isla markaana leh “ reer hebelba jaamacad bey furteene annaga maxaa noo diidaya?”. Daadka waxbarasho waxuu gaarsiisan yahay meel halis ah oo fara ka bax ah waxaana weheliya shahaadooyinka jaamacadaha aan soo sheegay oo suuqa looga iibinayo qof aan weligiiba nasiib u helin inuu macallin soo hor istaago, gaar ahaan qaar ka mid ah inta siyaasadda hor boodda ee dhaqaalaha heysata, maxaa yeelay iyaga oo gurigooda jooga ayey jaamacadda ka diiwaan gashan yihiin, iyaga oo aqlkooda jooga ayaa imtixaankii loo galayaa, iyaga oo xafiiskooda fadhiya ayaana shahaadada la guddoonsiinayaa, sidoo kale waxaa sanadkiiba soo qalin jabisa arday kumayaal kor u dhaafeysa, taasoo xad ka bax ku ah tayeynta waxbarashada iyo doorkii xirfadeed ee dalka lagu dhisi lahaa, maxaa yeelay ardaydu, waxey soo wada bartaan Computers iyo dhaqaale kaliya, taasoo muujineysa iney dhammaantood wada rabaan in ay xafiisyada un ka shaqeeyaan.

A few months after my first visit to Mogadishu in 2011, I met the Somali writer, Nuruddin Farah, who predicted that I would try and return there because “once you have tasted the water of Mogadishu, you always go back”. An opportunity to do so presented itself last week when the mayor of Mogadishu, Mr Mohamoud Nur, invited me to his city to launch the book, Mogadishu Then and Now, which I co-authored with Ismail Osman and Mohamud Dirios, Somalis based in the US, who have been yearning to go back home since they fled the country at the start of the civil war in the 1990s. (Osman finally returned to his beloved city early this year.) It was a dream come true for all of us. Mogadishuans have not witnessed a book launch, and certainly not a book about their own city, in decades. Most of its current youthful residents have no recollection of the city when it was a beautiful cosmopolitan metropolis. Mogadishu Then and Now aims to restore the lost glory of the capital city in the Somali people’s collective memory. I think the book and the accompanying photo exhibition succeeded in doing that. I was moved to tears when a young woman came up to me and thanked me for showcasing her city before it became “the world capital of things-gone-completely-to-hell”, as one academic put it. The mayor said I was the first foreigner in two decades to showcase the good, rather than the ugly, side of Mogadishu to the world. It occurred to me then that I had inadvertently become a goodwill ambassador for both Kenya and Somalia, just like the many Kenyan hotel staff who now work in Mogadishu’s growing hospitality industry. Residents of Mogadishu have gotten used to the Ugandan and Burundian African Union forces that can be seen in various parts of the city, but their encounters with Kenyans have not always been pleasant. As refugees in Kenya, they are often discriminated against and physically abused. Suspicions abound on both sides. Somalis don’t trust Kenyans and Kenyans are generally distrustful of Somalis. (Hopefully, the situation will improve now that the Foreign Affairs ministries of both countries are headed by ethnic Somali women.) Kenya’s foray into Jubbaland in southern Somalia has not eased suspicions either. On the contrary, it has confirmed what many Somalis believe — that Kenya has a hidden agenda and that its intentions are to exploit the natural resources and agricultural potential of Somalia’s breadbasket. How the port of Kismayu is managed by the Kenya Defence Forces (now re-hatted as Amisom) remains a mystery to most Somalis, and is a cause for concern to the new government of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Many Somalis believe that the Kenyan forces have outlived their welcome and should go back home. Things may change in the near future as more Kenyans interact with ordinary Somalis in Mogadishu and other cities. A Kenyan waiter I met in Mogadishu (a Giriama from Kenya’s coastal region) is among the most loved people at the hotel where he works. My own experience with Somalis has taught me that they will trust you when you accept them on their terms, not on terms set by outsiders. The fundamental flaw in foreigners’ relations with Somalis is that the former treat the latter as if they had no history or culture prior to the civil war, and that even if they did, that history does not matter. Mogadishu is a much changed city. New buildings are coming up and damaged ones are being rebuilt and rehabilitated. Cafés and restaurants have sprung up all over the place and the sound of gunshots has almost disappeared. There are fewer men carrying guns, and women and girls are now donning colourful Somali attire, rather than the drab black hijab preferred by Al-Shabaab. Boys are playing football on the streets and on the beach, something unheard of just a few months ago. If Mogadishu continues on this trajectory, it will soon be competing with Nairobi, Mombasa, Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, Kampala and other cities in the region as an important commercial centre and tourist attraction. rasna.warah@gmail.com

That is the reason they are against this Jubbaland. Every time someone from Gedo mentions Kenya, they don't really mean Kenya. Actually they love Kenya. Majority of the half million in Dhadhaab refugees are from Gedo. I have seen them myself. Gedo has a lot of appreciation for Kenya, they know Kenya is not trying to take over nor rule their land. . Walaahi dhaba*****niimo is a genetic trait to be sure. Brother Zack o thou of the hot air, Gedo will be a part of a free fair and re conciliated jubbaland state, tell that to your other Kikuyu butlers and shoe shiners, maybe they will believe it coming from one as afflicted as they are.

“We do not rule out that such acts can happen,” says Mr Hassan. “They happen in Kabul, Baghdad, Mogadishu, many parts of the world. It’s a real threat but one we’re living with and working on to eliminate.” The president is frank about the links between militant ideology in Somalia and terror threats in the wider world. “The al-Shabaab ideology is an imported ideology, it has been brought by foreign fighters who came here or Somalis who went outside and came back. This ideology of extremism is a virus, it goes everywhere. “Many of those young boys who became suicide bombers, they came from the West. They went there while they very young, or even they were born there. Some of them are of Somali origin, some of them are not Somali. They took the virus while they were there in London, in Washington, in Toronto, in Rome.” For a man recently named by Time magazine as one of the world’s 100 most influential people, Mr Hassan cuts an unlikely figure. He is far from presidential – without the arrogance of power, even if his entourage puts on a good show. Warm and welcoming, the 57-year-old president struggles with the levels of interest in his personal life, acknowledging that his life “has become a public domain”. He smiles easily, a sincere and sometimes mischievous grin, but looks a little uncomfortable when everyone in the room jumps to their feet as he enters. Mr Hassan’s formal political career began only two years ago, and his time in public office in August last year. Unlike many now at the top of Somalia’s politics, he stayed in the country throughout the conflict, working as an academic and civil society activist. He turned to politics after years of frustration trying to shift the mindset of Somalia’s politicians. “I was well paid, I can say I was one of the highest paid people inside Somalia,” he said, referring to his roles as a university dean and deputy director of a research institute. “But I decided to drop everything and stand for politics. I decided that I would change myself so that then I can pursue the change I want to see in Somalia.” The election by MPs of Mr Hassan - the country remains too unstable for a full election - was welcomed both at home and internationally as marking a turning point for Somalia. But the country remains some distance from being able to hold a nationwide poll. While the government may now be in control of Mogadishu and other key cities, bolstered by military support including from its neighbours Kenya and Ethiopia, al-Shabaab still holds sway over large swathes of the country. And ongoing disputes with semi-autonomous regions over their status mean that plans to hold a general election in 2016 seem particularly ambitious. “Somalia is a country that has been exposed to anarchy for over two decades. One thing is very clear that Somalia is fragmented into pieces,” Mr Hassan said. “Reversing all that has been happening in the past two decades is a very tedious work that requires some time.” But the significant number of foreign-based Somalis returning home to invest their time or money in the country reflects the confidence that many have in the president – who is attempting to overcome a politics previously dominated by clan – and the new era that many believe has begun. And Somalis in Britain, of which there are over 100,000, are central to that. “They are the front-runners who come early, who have started the reconstruction of Somalia. Today in Mogadishu, new hotels, new restaurants, new supermarkets are established, all of them established by the diaspora people. Those in Britain are very important and I’m going to meet them when I go to London,” he said. The president expects non-Somali British firms to follow hot on their heels. “The environment is not conducive enough for heavy investment. But so far what we are seeing, the people who are approaching, who have very clear proposals, who already come making assessments for the investments, many of them are British and we are expecting that there will be a lot of British investment in this country.” Despite much well-placed optimism, Somalia’s quiet but determined president is facing an onerous task. Domestic and international expectations are high, peace remains fragile and potential pitfalls clutter the path ahead. But, as he puts it, firmly: “It is critical for Somalia. This is the right time.”

'The future of Somalia is at stake', says president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the president of Somalia tells Zoe Flood that although things are getting better in his country, there is a huge amount at stake. He darts through the city in a convoy of armoured vehicles, teams of bodyguards bristling with weapons and alert for suicide bombers. The war ravaged streets of Mogadishu have been cleared for him to pass safely. It is too dangerous for him to leave his home without days of planning. And yet Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the president of Somalia, will arrive in London this week to tell David Cameron that things are getting better. Now we’re moving from one stage to another,” he told The Sunday Telegraph in an interview, sitting in dappled sunlight outside his official residence. “All our plans are based on moving the country from emergency to recovery, and from recovery to development and reconstruction.” Mr Hassan, a former academic and the country’s first president elected on home soil in decades, has found a vital ally in David Cameron, with whom he will on Tuesday co-host an international conference in London to boost support for his country. When I was elected I was attacked within two days, and there were suicide bombers in every corner of my hotel. There are threats against me all the time — I receive a lot of alerts that an attack on me is imminent,” he said. But he promises that the situation is improving – and that it is essential not just for Somalia that it does. “There is a huge amount at stake in Somalia: the future of this country, the security of the region, the removal of the piracy stranglehold,” he said. “David Cameron is investing political capital in supporting Somalia. People may ask if it matters at this time, but he understands that the cost of Somali insecurity to global business – at a time when Europe is trying to recover from the recession – is too much to bear. The threat to national security from home-grown extremists is also too much to risk.” Britain’s support for Somalia has been particularly visible in the lead-up to the conference. William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, last month opened Britain’s new embassy in Mogadishu, 22 years after diplomats fled chaotic fighting in the capital. The British ambassador to Somalia, Matt Baugh, who will nonetheless continue to spend most of his time in Kenya’s capital Nairobi, told The Sunday Telegraph that “real security gains” were among the reasons that Britain has formally returned to the country. The Somali government is looking to Britain to help convey the country’s needs and priorities to the world. Mr Hassan, who works 20 hour-days and looks confused when asked how he relaxes, promises that they will be presenting “very clear plans” including on security sector and judiciary reform, as well as on the management of public finances. In return they are hoping for funding, technical advice and diplomatic support, from Britain and others. Britain has its own priorities in Somalia, which include tackling conflict and countering terrorism and piracy. To this effect, it is expected that Britain will pledge tens of millions to build up Somali security forces – forces that Britain already helps to train. Somalia is used to needing all the help it can get. One of the world’s most dangerous countries, the Horn of Africa nation is known for war, pirates and famine rather than its miles of pristine coastline and centuries-old literary tradition. Since the government’s collapse in 1991, it has been shattered by conflict and most recently a violent insurgency by al-Qaeda-linked militants. But a gruelling military operation by African Union and Somali troops has pushed al-Shabaab – which the president describes as having a “proven” link to British extremism – out of the capital, driving up hopes for the future. Mogadishu is without doubt undergoing a massive transformation. The city streets, largely deserted just over a year ago, bustle with hawkers selling cigarettes, girls walking home from school and men gathered for coffee. Bombed-out ruins are being rebuilt and opened as hotels, shops and restaurants. Residents of the city recall that not long ago mortar shells fired by al-Shabaab fell into the gardens of the presidential compound Villa Somalia, where Mr Hassan now lives. Last week he made a rare visit to speak to the people he leads – travelling a few minutes from Villa Somalia to visit a fish factory and speak with the workers. During a short stay at the facility, he managed to exchange a few words with several men packing fish, while his unsmiling bodyguards formed a permanent barrier around him. At home, security around the president is just as fierce: to get into the official residence requires passing through at least six checkpoints, several involving body searches and fierce questioning. These rings of steel around Somalia’s mild-mannered and erudite president are understandable. Al-Shabaab has carried out a deadly campaign of suicide bombings and targeted assassinations since it declared its withdrawal from Mogadishu in August 2011. Last week the capital was under lockdown for some 72 hours, with major roads closed and military out in force while a major operation hunted down al-Shabaab leaders. Three weeks earlier a coordinated attack on the capital’s courthouse, claimed by al-Shabaab, left at least 19 dead.

Remains of civilian car caught up in the blast..

Authentic census of the Somali population; The creation of political subdivisions (region, municipality, village, township etc., based on population size and free from clan-based gerrymandering; Equal representation of all citizens in the regional and national parliament and ridding the nation of the disgraced 4.5 system; Limited number of parties at the national level so as to discourage clan inspired political rivalry; Limited number of federal regions of--say maximum four to five super regions, with clearly defined boundaries, clan-diversity, economic viability, access to sea and water resources and genuine grassroots participation among all inhabitants; and A sound strategy to devolve power and resources from regional capitals to municipal authorities and smaller locales. Given the constitutional mandate that Somalia is a Federal Republic, even though this is by no means a fait accompli in the absence of a national referendum, and given that a return to a unitary state at this stage is unlikely even though it is much more practical and suitable for the country, I would then put forward the following compromise proposal as an alternative to clan-based federalism for all sides to consider which is the establishment of super regions within the federal mandate. The creation of super regions instead of clan-based regions will help bring back necessary societal cohesion, coexistence and collaboration in the reconstruction of a robust and stable region and state. Super regions will naturally encompass vast territories of land inhabited by diverse communities with full access to sea and water resources and are as follows: South : Lower Jubba, Middle Juba, Gedo, Bay and Bakol; Central: Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle and Hiran; Short North: Galgadud, Mudug, Bari and Nugal; North: Northwest, Awdal, Togdheer, Sool and Sanag. Mogadishu: Federal Zone. Acceptance of such a proposal requires a genuine national reconciliation effort that paves the way for the collective desire and readiness to heal past wounds and forge ahead a new social compact that is fair and just for everyone. In accordance to Article 49 of the constitution, the Somali parliament is mandated to undertake the process of developing such criteria. The sooner the parliament fulfills its constitutionally mandated responsibility the better the opportunity for striking a middle ground and establishing viable regions that can function effectively and meet the aspirations of the entire Somali population. Abdinur Mohamud, Ph.D. abdulnuur@hotmail.com

What is the difference between a decentralized unitary state and a federal state? A simple definition of federalism is that it is a system in which there is a constitutionally entrenched division of authority between a central government and regional or local entities. Decentralization on the other hand describes a devolution process, even in a constitutionally unitary state, that gives greater degree of autonomy to regional entities and local authorities. The United Kingdom is an example of an effectively functioning decentralized unitary state. Much of the functions of government are done at the local, borough and county level governments. However, the real national power belongs to Westminster, the House of Parliament, and the state derives its power and international standing from the economic vitality and the unity of its member communities. On the other hand the United States is a decentralized federal union stemming from pre-existing local entities and culturally and geographically distinct states. There are real limitations on what the federal government can do to the states arbitrated by an independent judiciary. However, member states can amend the Constitution without the approval of Congress (national parliament) to make any and all changes they wish to propose. Turning to the African context Nigeria and Ethiopia provide good examples of functioning federalism in the continent, while Kenya exemplifies a newly decentralized unitary state. Both Nigeria and Ethiopia have multicultural, multilingual and diverse ethnic and religious communities that necessitated self-rule. In Ethiopia, the country is divided into nine ethnically based states and two municipalities. Each federal state is sub-divided into zones, districts and sub-districts. On the other hand a more populous Nigeria contains thirty six states with capital Abuja reserved as a federal zone. In both countries constitutional mandates for the effective separation of powers and functions do not work as envisioned initially. In the case of Ethiopia it is the meddling influence of the central authority in selecting regional leadership and wields true power while in the case of Nigeria it is a combination of the inability of federal states to maintain effective local finance and administrations independent of the oil rich federal government and the usurpation of constitutionally separated powers by the latter. Neighboring Kenya on the other hand recently devolved political power of its unitary system of government into forty seven county administrations, each headed by an elected governor and represented in the national parliament by several elected members of parliament. The effectiveness of the Kenyan system remains to be seen. The reality however is that all of the federal and unitary systems described above including those that are not optimal, maintain central authorities that project national cohesion, power and influence. Unlike contemporary federal Somalia, the citizens of all of these countries pledge allegiance to a national flag instead of a region, state or a borough. The Question of Somali Federalism By definition, communities of conflict who did not genuinely reconcile their grievances cannot be expected to build a functioning social order that is unpretentious, stable and durable. Which is why even after drafting a national constitution ratified by parliament, Somalis are seriously divided on the merits of federalism. Clan inspired tendencies for federalism earnestly began and failed soon after Somali independence in 1960 propelled by the desire of a few to increase clan/regional opportunities for power-sharing and resources. Moreover, depending on ones’ ancestral origin, most Somalis generally perceive the question of future constitutional structure from a regional/clan prism, stemming from fierce competition for scarce national resources and increased political representation at the national level, save a few. In addition, a myopic system of groupthink continues to divide contemporary Somalis as well as the intellectual community, each aligning itself with a particular group narrative and all endorsing the continuation of hegemonic claims and counter claims to power, prestige and resources. Overall, Federalism is legitimately seen in many corners of Somali society as the best option to suppress dictatorial tendencies endemic in the unitary systems of the past that concentrated power and resources in the capital city and exercised total control over the social, economic, and political interests of the larger society. Logically, most Somalis would then agree that due to that abusive past, power and resources must now be devolved and shared between national, regional and local administrations. However, sharp differences arise over the practicality of its implementation. It is critically important to remember short-lived efforts in Somalia’s past aiming at devolving national authority in the first civilian administration. In that process, the national government mandated for the creation of political subdivisions and elected municipal authorities that have full control of local administrative powers. Its shortcoming, however, was that regional governors and district commissioners were not locally elected but appointed by the central authority. The charge for local municipalities was primarily the collection of taxes and the provision of basic governmental services such as improvement of roads, street lighting, garbage collection and etc., while the central authority managed port and airport revenues to pay for national obligations. Unable to collect adequate revenues to meet their mandate, many municipalities opted to have the national government retain its taxing authority and pay for municipal services as well. Ironically, only two metropolitan municipalities were able to meet their financial and management obligations and those were the metropolitan towns of Mogadishu and Hargeisa. The barriers to establishing viable local authorities of the 1960’s remain to this day to which the Samatar brothers aptly described as the absence of necessary “local educated talent fit for the vagaries of complex times and the collective wisdom to identify and thrust a political entity forward. Without this, they contend “any community is bound to wallow in the muck of mediocrity”. In retrospect, what the advocates of a constitutionally mandated federalism fail to acknowledge is the critical need for human capacity to effectively fuel the engines of effective regional and local entities as well as cultivate a sound and reliable tax base necessary for economic vitality. Otherwise, the responsibility to meet basic governmental demands throughout the nation will naturally revert back to the central authority. Viable and sustainable regional states and municipal authorities cannot be erected from a vacuum with pride and emotions alone; it requires a balanced mix of complex ingredients including clan diversity, human capacity and economic vitality. Moreover, contemporary clan-based regions do not guarantee legitimate ownership of land and property to other citizens living in the region, while their returning kinfolk living elsewhere in the country or abroad can instantly claim their ancestral origin and get easy access to the privileges of their membership. Additionally, supporters of a unitary system of government fear that a weakened central authority characteristic of Somali style federalism may render an effectively functioning Somali union impossible. Many see clan-based federalism as a zero-sum game in which power gained by the states creates powerful clan hegemonies that exact a hefty price on the honor and overall standing of the national government. They contend that a critical review of existing regional authorities would clearly show centralized quasi-autocratic entities that are not much different in design, scope and appearance from the centralized unitary national systems they vehemently oppose. A viable Somali state, they believe, can only survive in the politically volatile region of the Horn of Africa, if it is able to project the collective will of the Somali people and can coexist in equal hegemonic terms to the strong authorities in Nairobi and Addis Ababa. Given the above and the inability of the proposed regions to attract necessary human capacity and economic vitality, it is impractical if not impossible to establish any sound federal or decentralized unitary system in Somalia today in the absence of the following:

Abdinur Mohamud, Ph.D. It has been more than two decades since Somalia failed as a state to effectively preserve strong national cohesion. Consequently, the structure of the state as well as the question of the Somali national identity to this day remains contested, diverged and unresolved. It is no secret that Somalis alone brought down their state and with it the fabric of their national identity without the explicit assistance of hegemonic foreign forces. The break-up of the nation into clan enclaves continues to seriously undermine its sovereignty and utterly dissolves basic citizenship rights, freedoms of movement and fair political representation. The purpose of this essay is to examine the suitability as well as the practicality of a constitutional federal structure for Somalia and offers suggestions for improving the hotly contested constitutional process. Maintaining National Identity With the fall of the unitary state, which was barely in existence for no more than three decades, Somalis began to consciously deflect blame of their social and political quandary squarely on the shoulders of the state, thus denying agency for themselves and absolving their clans from the collective destruction of the state. Unfortunately for most Somalis, it is always the “others” that caused the mayhem and destruction in the country and continue to destabilize it and rarely do they envision it in any other way. Responding to the absence of central authority to maintain law and order, the public began to gradually withdraw back to their ancestral communities in order to cluster around each other and perhaps establish rudimentary clan protected spheres of influence and ethnic enclaves. Even politically stable regions such as Somaliland and Puntalnd as well as less stable communities in Benadir, Kismayo, Hiran and Khatumo among others all derive their political legitimacy from clan hegemony and ideology often sidelining if not silencing the wishes of minority communities among them. As a result, Somali communities throughout the nation have been drifting away from one another eventually replacing once cosmopolitan and vibrant communities into primordial clan dwellings that are engaged in a race to the bottom and are bereft of the exuberance of a cosmopolitan community. With the prolonged absence of a functioning national government to restore public confidence and national identity to allow for unfettered mass mobility and belonging throughout the nation, most Somalis below the age of thirty today identify with, if not take pride in, regional and clan-borne narratives that are antithetical to the nationalist fervor that helped rid the country from colonial powers. How do you then restore national unity? Before embarking on the long journey of state formation, Somalis and their international supporters in hindsight failed to initiate a genuine national reconciliation process to effectively address festering past and present grievances and injustices. It is an undeniable fact that crimes against humanity of unimaginable proportions were committed in Somalia in the name of the state, clan as well as the individual and cannot be kept under the rug for so long if restoration of national unity and the stability of the state is a sincerely shared concern. One would generally contemplate that genuine reconciliation efforts usually if not always precede strategies to draft a constitution and form a representative national government. South Africa and Rwanda are among nations emerging out of protracted conflicts in Africa that continue to benefit from a genuine grassroots level reconciliation, with South Africa centering its focus on finding the truth of what happened, so that it does not occur again. Paradoxically, restoring trust and understanding between communities of conflict is an extremely difficult challenge and it may very well be the reason why the international community fell short of this valuable undertaking to cement the foundation of a stable state. Fortunately, the time is not over for a grassroots national reconciliation process to be commenced, with the likelihood of Somali clans to consider burying their hatchets seriously. Without a thoughtful reexamination of the painful past and taking ownership of what happened, the Somali conflict may continue to linger albeit verbally, thus preventing the development of vibrant social cohesion necessary for a stable state. As Professor Michael Weinstein of Purdue University eloquently observed, the development of a strong national identity and cohesion will not likely come from the international community but that it is “only Somalis [that] will be able to pull themselves out of the pit into which they are falling”. Anecdotally, Somalis are strongly divided on the suitability and practicality of either a federal system or a decentralized unitary state. Former Somali premier and experienced Somali statesman Abdirizak Haji Hussein, for example, wrote and eloquently spoke on the suitability of a decentralized unitary state and the impracticality of a federal system for Somalia. He argues that federal system will not work in Somalia for it lacks the necessary social, economic, political and civic standards that characterize successful federal systems elsewhere. He contends that a clan-based federal system will eventually lead to Somalia’s natural self-destruction. His concern and that of other scholars including Ali Abdirahman Hersi, Ahmed Samatar, Mohamed Mukhtar, Michael Weinstein and Omar Salad Elmi among others is that the current clan-based political dispensation is not only incompatible with the functioning of a modern state, but it will lead to the Balkanization of the country. A federal system for a small sized nation such as Somalia, some argue, is too costly and is bound to exacerbate clan rivalry and animosity that could further divide the country. On the other hand, seasoned politicians such as Mohamed Abshir Waldo and Dr. Yusuf Al-Azhari among other notables contend that federalism is not only good for Somalia but will give each zone (region) in the country its own right to govern itself. Mr. Waldo continues to say that a federal system of zonal self-governing is the best approach that Somali communities could, under the circumstances: a) heal and overcome the fear, hatred and distrust of the bloody civil war; b) offer a middle solution between an autocratic, centralized system of governance and outright secession; and c) that decentralization empowered district and regional communities and offered more balanced and more productive socio-economic development opportunities. Both groups legitimately and vociferously express their views publicly while the general public largely sees them as genuine, clan-inspired or completely oblivious to the realities on the ground. It is important to note that existing regional administrations have been primarily concerned with maintaining law and order and strengthening regional standing and security issues, but have largely done very little to advance social and community development.

Xinhua Saturday, May 04, 2013 There are signs businesses are getting a new lease of life in the Somali capital Mogadishu. The sheer numbers of newly-opened beauty parlors and newly erected business signage around the ruined city affirm the determination of a nation to turn a new chapter after 22 years of civil war. The financial sector appears to have thrived the most during the country’s slightly over two decades of war. The scale of the expansion registered by the locally incorporated money transfer services that have kept the country’s 10 million people going during the war is not in doubt throughout Mogadishu. Ladan Express, one of the indigenous Somali cash transfer service providers opened in 2009, is already extending its presence in the Horn of Africa country. The money transfer service firm is slowly molding into a local commercial bank, Ladan Express Bank. The others also follow suit, the Al Mushtaqbul... The long queues of petroleum tankers snaking its way to more than 2 km off the main seaport and the number of trucks loaded with freight waiting to deliver supplies outside the city is a sign of new life. “What we are experiencing is a new window,” Ahmed Abdi Kaarie, the deputy director of the Mogadishu Seaport, said in a recent interview in the capital. “You can tell that there is need for foreign investments everywhere. We need professional companies to assist us in evaluating what is required,” he added. Somali President Sheikh Hassan Mohamoud is more excited about the pace of progress, but worries that the newly found vibrancy on the streets of the capital might be lost if stability is not restored. The kind of stability he envisions is more permanent, backed by the institutions that his country is rebuilding. “We feel if we do not succeed soon to achieve a relatively secure Somalia, we might not move,” he warned. The Somali leader said a number of business laws have been presented before parliament to get the economy going after several years of inactivity. Among the laws and business legislation his administration is prioritizing are those dealing with the private sector. The government has also put before parliament a proposed petroleum law, a separate bill to govern the minerals sector and another law on the fisheries sector. “Some of these laws have been re-modeled. Some of them are new, some are law reviews and we hope that once they have been endorsed, we can move forward again,” President Mohamoud said. “We need international partners. We are focusing on privatization. The private partnership is the way forward for Somalia,” he explained. Talks are already underway with several foreign firms to secure stakes in the country’s seaport. Port officials did not disclose any names, saying the negotiations were ongoing with the government. The Somali President said apart from working harder to implement his election pledge, which comprises six pillars and which he has narrowed down to just two broad themes, capturing security and the institutional reforms, his government is also working on revitalizing bilateral ties with foreign governments. Before a meeting with the Somali president last week, he had to receive credentials from two European diplomats. In total, a record number of 30 diplomats have been accredited to Mogadishu in recent months. “We are going to make our financial sector reforms to work,” the president said, speaking of his six-pillar agenda that lays emphasis on reforming the security sector, public sector reforms and enhancing transparency in the management of the public finance to effectively deal with corruption. Somalia is casting his fishing net wider across the world. The president’s plea is for the world’s maritime giants to take advantage of Somalia’s vast maritime resources, explorers to venture into mining and for the neighboring Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, to encourage the Somali entrepreneurial acumen. “Somalia is a land of opportunities. We have 3,300 km of coastal line that gives us an opportunity to develop our maritime capacity. We have 10 million people and we have 8 million hectares of farmland. This is a very rich country. The people of this country have not benefited. We need stability,” the president said. The president’s list of pro-business law reforms run deep, but he remains upbeat that a major step towards achieving his dream of reforming the judiciary has made a big leap forward in recent weeks. “We have just completed a meeting with all the Somali lawyers and people from various sectors to discuss judicial reforms. This meeting has already proposed a list of priorities that would help us move forward with the reform of the courts and how things would be done in future,” he said.