^Calm yourself kid, Calaacal iyo alalaaso for Abdulahi-Ahmaar and his masters Woyane/Tigree/Beggers waxba maku keeniweeysay.... Maybe the moderators can edit your PS.

Like it or not, Cabdulahi-Ahmaars days are numbered..no save-haven even under meles pants Now lets compare these two pictures: Future defenders of Somalia.... and ???????????????????????????????????????????????

^This is a timeless piece and one that should be shared with every Somali person. Million thanks for sharing it sxb.

"this kamalu dud is nutz" Now that's understatement!!

http://allceeldheer.com/news/news1614.htm http://www.shabelle.net/2006/december/n9757.htm

I was not surprised to hear such comments from sheikhs appointed by the Woyane/Tigree dictator. Kenyan Muslims say: Kenya's Muslim Leaders Will Not Cooperate in War Against Somalia Kenya's Muslim Leaders Will Not Cooperate in War Against Somalia By Alisha Ryu Nairobi 27 November 2006 Ryu report - Download 386k Listen to Ryu report Kenya Muslim leaders in Kenya are warning the government against allowing foreign militaries to use Kenya as a staging ground for war against Islamists in neighboring Somalia. VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu has details from our East Africa Bureau in Nairobi. Kenyan Islamic leaders meeting in Nairobi say they believe the country is in danger of being dragged into the brewing conflict in neighboring Somalia and becoming another front in the U.S.-led war on terror. The secretary general of the Council of Imams and Preachers of Kenya, Sheikh Muhammad Dor, tells VOA that Muslim leaders here are particularly concerned over reports they are hearing of tanks cited near the Ethiopian and Somali border, leading to speculation the Kenyan government may have allowed Ethiopia to move some of their heavy armored vehicles to the Somali border through towns in northern Kenya. "What we are saying is that we have eyewitnesses, who saw military tanks. The tanks were in Mandera, Isiolo, Moyale and Garissa. This is not rumor," he said. Moyale and Mandera are right on Kenya's border with Ethiopia. Isiola and Garissa are several hundred kilometers south of the Ethiopian border and far from the Somali border. The sheikh acknowledges he cannot confirm that the tanks seen in northern Kenya belonged to the Ethiopian military, or that they were being deployed to battle Somalia's powerful Islamist forces. Kenyan government officials vehemently deny that the country is being used for military activity against Somali Islamists, and have cautioned the Muslim leaders here from making statements the government says are "unpatriotic" and "unhelpful" to the situation in Somalia. Since Islamists seized the Somali capital in June and began consolidating their power throughout southern and central Somalia, Ethiopia has accused leaders of the movement of being extremists with ties to terrorist groups. Ethiopia admits that it has sent several hundred military advisors to support Somalia's secular, but weak interim government, which has its headquarters in the town of Baidoa. But it has steadfastly denied Islamist and U.N. claims that Addis Ababa has deployed thousands of combat troops in Somalia to protect the government from being toppled. The Islamists have declared a holy war on Ethiopia, which is more than half Muslim and has a Christian leadership. The Kenyan Muslim leader says Muslims in Kenya will not allow their country to be used in what he describes as "Christian plans" to attack Somalia to discredit and destroy the growing Islamist movement there. "We will never support a Christian country, or a Christian army to fight against our Muslim brothers," said Dor. "We will not say how we are going to protect our Muslim brothers in Somalia, if any foreign country passes in Kenya. But we are telling you, we will definitely protect our Muslim brothers. Definitely." Muslims make up about a quarter of Kenya's predominantly Christian population of nearly 36 million. Since the September 11, 2001, attacks in the United States, tensions between Kenyan Muslims and Christians have been rising steadily, amid Muslim complaints of harassment and intimidation in the country's official efforts to combat terrorism.

Secret documents seen in 1970 showed that Kenya and Ethiopia have renewed their defence treaty against Somalia to protect themselves against Somalia's claims. Somalis must remember the speech made by Daniel Ara Mio (former Kenyan President) who said "Kenya and Ethiopia do not want to see a strong and united Somalia as their neighbour." 30+ years of strong relationship between Addis and Nairobi to deny the realization of Strong and UNITED PEOPLES OF SOMALIA!!! :mad:

Hasan-Alturabi Omar Hasan A-Bashiir

Somalia-Ethiopia, Kenya Conflict Despite the difficulties encountered in integrating north and south, the most important political issue in postindependence Somali politics was the unification of all areas populated by Somalis into one country--a concept identified as pan-Somalism, or Greater Somalia. Politicians assumed that this issue dominated popular opinion and that any government would fall if it did not demonstrate a militant attitude toward neighboring countries occupying Somali territory. Preoccupation with Greater Somalia shaped the character of the country's newly formed institutions and led to the build-up of the Somali military and ultimately to the war with Ethiopia and fighting in the NFD in Kenya. By law the exact size of the National Assembly was not established in order to facilitate the inclusion of representatives of the contested areas after unification. The national flag featured a five-pointed star whose points represented those areas claimed as part of the Somali nation--the former Italian and British territories, the *SomaliGalbeed*,Djibouti, and the NFD. Moreover, the preamble to the constitution approved in 1961 included the statement, "The Somali Republic promotes by legal and peaceful means, the union of the territories." The constitution also provided that all ethnic Somalis, no matter where they resided, were citizens of the republic. The Somalis did not claim sovereignty over adjacent territories, but rather demanded that Somalis living in them be granted the right to self-determination. Somali leaders asserted that they would be satisfied only when their fellow Somalis outside the republic had the opportunity to decide for themselves what their status would be. At the 1961 London talks on the future of Kenya, Somali representatives from the NFD demanded that Britain arrange for the NFD's separation before Kenya was granted independence. The British government appointed a commission to ascertain popular opinion in the NFD on the question. Its investigation indicated that separation from Kenya was almost unanimously supported by the Somalis and their fellow nomadic pastoralists, the Oromo. These two peoples, it was noted, represented a majority of the NFD's population. Despite Somali diplomatic activity, the colonial government in Kenya did not act on the commission's findings. British officials believed that the federal format then proposed in the Kenyan constitution would provide a solution through the degree of autonomy it allowed the predominantly Somali region within the federal system. This solution did not diminish Somali demands for unification, however, and the modicum of federalism disappeared after Kenya's government opted for a centralized constitution in 1964. The denial of Somali claims led to growing hostility between the Kenyan government and Somalis in the NFD. Adapting easily to life as shiftas, or bandits, the Somalis conducted a guerrilla campaign against the police and army for more than four years between 1960 and 1964. The Somali government officially denied Kenya's charges that the guerrillas were trained in Somalia, equipped there with Soviet arms, and directed from Mogadishu. But it could not deny that the Voice of Somalia radio influenced the level of guerrilla activity by means of its broadcasts beamed into Kenya. Incidents began to occur in the Haud within six months after Somali independence. At first the incidents were con Somalia refused to acknowledge in particular the validity of the Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1954 recognizing Ethiopia's claim to the Haud or, in general, the relevance of treaties defining Somali-Ethiopian borders. Somalia's position was based on three points: first, that the treaties disregarded agreements made with the clans that had put them under British protection; second, that the Somalis were not consulted on the terms of the treaties and in fact had not been informed of their existence; and third, that such treaties violated the self-determination principle. fined to minor clashes between Ethiopian police and armed parties of Somali nomads, usually resulting from traditional provocations such as smuggling, livestock rustling, and tax collecting, rather than irredentist agitation. Their actual causes aside, these incidents tended to be viewed in Somalia as expressions of Somali nationalism. Hostilities grew steadily, eventually involving small-scale actions between Somali and Ethiopian armed forces along the border. In February 1964, armed conflict erupted along the Somali-Ethiopian frontier, and Ethiopian aircraft raided targets in Somalia. Hostilities ended in April through the mediation of Sudan, acting under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Under the terms of the cease-fire, a joint commission was established to examine the causes of frontier incidents, and a demilitarized zone ten to fifteen kilometers wide was established on either side of the border. At least temporarily, further military confrontations were prevented. Ethiopia and Kenya concluded a mutual defense pact in 1964 in response to what both countries perceived as a continuing threat from Somalia. This pact was renewed in 1980 and again on August 28, 1987, calling for the coordination of the armed forces of both states in the event of an attack by Somalia. Most OAU members were alienated by Somali irredentism and feared that if Somalia were successful in detaching the Somali-populated portions of Kenya and Ethiopia, the example might inspire their own restive minorities divided by frontiers imposed during the colonial period. In addition, in making its irredentist claims, the Somalis had challenged two of Africa's leading elder statesmen, President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. Home Forum Games Opinion News Contact Us Historical facts about Somalia’s relationship with Neighbours (Kenya & Ethiopia) Last Updated Friday September 22, 2006 20:17:00 by A Farah (Gaabkey) The relationship between these three countries has always been one mixed with suspicion and fear. Both Ethiopia and Kenya still occupy territories which belong to Somalia and there are so many historical documents confirming the Somalia’s claim to those territories. In this article, I tried to summarise those facts to our readers so one can get the full picture of how the current political affairs in the region started and to make judgement of whether the Ethiopian & Kenyan governments want to see Somalia’s problems resolved. The Somalis, Muslims but not Arabs, appeared in the horn of Africa towards the end of the European Middle Ages and subsequently started conflict with the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia. The Ethiopia's special concern was the spread of Islam in the region. Unlike the Ethiopians, the Somalia were not only conquered by Europeans in the nineteenth century but also partitioned among them. They were subjected in the latter part of the nineteenth century, first by the French in the sixties and then by the British and the Italians (who also took Eritrea) in the eighties. The British colony of Kenya extended northwards over a predominantly Somali area, and Ethiopia appropriated in Ogden province territory to which belongs to Somalia. Relations between Ethiopia and the Somalis were therefore inherently bad and British relations with both were uneasy, since the Ethiopians suspected Britain of partiality to Somali claims against Ethiopia, while Somalis found Britain unsympathetic to their claims against Kenya. In 1935 Italians, dissatisfied with the barrenness of their part of Somaliland and their imperial pretensions in general, exploited an incident at Wal-Wal in the disputed ****** in order to conquer Ethiopia. They were suspected of toying with the idea of a Greater Somalia which would annex British Somaliland, but their defeat by the British in 1941 revived the independent Ethiopian empire (to which was added Eritrea in 1952 after a period of British trusteeship) and left the Somalis still subject and divided. At the end of the 2nd World War, Ernest Bevin proposed at one moment a Greater Somalia consisting of British and Italian Somaliland and *SomaliGalbeed*, but this notion antagonized Ethiopia without profiting the Somalis. Discussions on the Ethiopian-Somali frontier proceeded sluggishly until 1959 when a conference in Oslo with Trygve Lie as arbitrator produced a compromise agreeable to neither side. In 1960 Italian Somaliland, to which the Italians had returned in 1950 to administer a ten-year trusteeship, became independent, and as this date approached the British, who had become nervous of Egyptian interference in British Somaliland, hurried their own colony forward so that it could be joined with Italian Somaliland to make the Independent Republic of Somalia. Large but poor, racially mixed, ill prepared Somali Republic was distrustful of her neighbours and menaced by both Kenya an Ethiopia who controlled part of Somali lands. A movement in French Somaliland in favour of accession to Somalia had been circumvented two years earlier when territory's assembly voted in favour of continuing as an Overseas Territory of the French Union. At the Lancaster House conference in Kenyan in 1962 the Somalis asked unsuccessfully for a plebiscite in the Northern Frontier District of Kenya {an area of over 100,000 square miles} and its union with Somalis. Later in the same year Kenyan politicians discussed with Somalis an East African federation which would embrace not only Somalia and the British East African territories but also Ethiopia; in the event of some such development of the Kenyans made it plain that they intended to keep the Northern Frontier for themselves. In December a Boundaries commission recommended that the district be divided into two regions, both to be included in the new Kenyan state. This recommendation, which was accepted by the British Government produced riots and a rupture of diplomatic relations with Somalia. Kenya was able to get other African states led by Ethiopia on its side and Kenyan delegation walked out of an Afro-Asian conference at Moshi in Tanganyika in February 1963 when Somalis raised the border issue. At a Further conference in Addis Ababa in May a number of Africans led by Ethiopia chided the Somalis for again raising the Question. In the same year open hostiles broke out between Somalia and Ethiopia. The establishments of the independent Somali state had not immediately produced a clash; the Somalis refrained from challenging a neighbour which possessed America equipments , while Ethiopia , if it contemplated direct action, had to take into account possible African disapproval of such a course and also the consequences within its own none too homogeneous borders. But the Somali claim against Kenya alarmed Ethiopia owing to its affinity with Somali claims on Ethiopia's *SomaliGalbeed*province. Fighting developed unofficially along the borders during1962. In the next year Somali prime Minster, Abdirashid Shermake, visited the USSR, Egypt, India, Pakistan and Italy. He got little help or encouragement. at the end of that year saw also saw also the formal conclusion of a pre-arranged Kenyan-Ethiopian defence treaty, and a few months later open fighting began between Ethiopia and Somalia. The Russians offered their mediation and deputy foreign minister of the USSR went to Mogadishu, thereby evincing Russian concern, if not for the Somalis, at any rate about possible American or Chinese influence in the Horn. More effective mediation was proffered by the President of the Sudan and the king of Morocco, and after talks in Khartoum hostilities were suspended. Secret documents seen in 1970 showed that Kenya and Ethiopia have renewed their defence treaty against Somalia to protect themselves against Somalia's claims. Both countries knew that they can not win a war against strong and united Somali army. In 1977 Somalia-Ethiopia war broke out and the fairs of both Kenya and Ethiopia became reality when Ethiopia was defeated and Somalis captured the whole of ****** region and many Ethiopian towns. Ethiopia was saved by USSR army which switched sides and forced Somalis to pull back to the original borders. But the Horn of Africa remained an uneasy quarter: a meeting place of races and religions; a scene of territorial claims between rivals backed by outside powers . Since Mohamed Siad Barre (Somalia's dictator for 21yrs) was forced out of power in 1990, there has not been functional government in Somalia. Somalia's weakness has allowed Both Kenya and Ethiopia to influence the internal affairs of Somalia. They found Somali businessmen and warlords who have no political skills and no love for their own country. Somalia's current political shambles led by so called warlords or Somali district leaders including Abdullahi Yusuf (so called parliament elected President) plays into the hands of both Kenya and Ethiopia. If Somalis do not change their attitude and their current leaders, they will risk further break down of their country. They must stop trusting Kenyan and Ethiopian politician who are using some of those warlords to further increase Somalia's conflict. Somalis must remember the speech made by Daniel Ara Mio (former Kenyan President) who said "Kenya and Ethiopia do not want to see a strong and united Somalia as their neighbour." Somalis need to take a note of this statement and the fact that Kenya and Ethiopia agreed a defence treaty designed to support each other in the event of war against Somalia. There is no doubt that both countries are waging political, psychological and economical war against Somalia. For example, Kenya's drug (Qat) export into Somalia has tripled 3times within the last 15yrs. By doing this, Kenya wants to ensure that most Somalis become drug addicts. And Ethiopia went further by providing weapons to warlords in order to escalate the conflict within the Somalis themselves and they are currently sending army units inside Somalia in particular Baydabo and Galkacyo.

Kid, Calaacalki kaa dhamaa'. Some folks here will jump to hell if Abdulahi-Ahmaar tells them to do so!!! No wonder why some Abdulahi-Ahmar supported websites claim 10 Somali families left Islam, BECAUSE OF THEIR HATE OF INDHACADE CLAN. :eek: What a desperate bunch of losers.

US Spy Tapes Reveal Diana Was Pregnant by GORDON THOMAS EXPLOSIVE tapes on the secret life of Princess Diana will prove that she was pregnant and intended to marry Dodi Al Fayed, it was claimed last night. American secret agents regularly monitored Diana's conversations and collated 1,000 secret documents using its "spy in the sky", the National Security Agency. They were obtained by its Echelon satellite surveillance system and contain highly sensitive material including her marriage plans, her views on Prince Philip, who was known to be highly critical of her, and new details of her love affair with James Hewitt. Now, lawyers acting for Mohamed Al Fayed are trying to obtain the tapes through America's Freedom of Information Act. They hope to present the evidence at Diana's inquest, which is expected to take place next year. The covert monitoring was controlled from the ultra-secret NSA base at Menwith Hill in the north of England during the last weeks of Diana's affair with Dodi. A spokesman for Dodi's father, Mohamed Al Fayed, the millionaire owner of Harrods, said: "Mr Al Fayed believes that those intercepts will reveal conversations in which Princess Diana discussed her engagement to Dodi and her pregnancy.

Spies paid Paul £2,000 before Diana crash 10/12/06 EXCLUSIVE By Camilla Tominey CHAUFFEUR Henri Paul was receiving cash handouts from spymasters on the night he died, the Sunday Express can reveal. Until now, Paul’s whereabouts in the hours leading up to the Paris car crash that killed Princess Diana and her lover Dodi Fayed have not been known. Now it is thought he spent between 7pm and 10pm meeting a handler from France’s equivalent of MI5, the DST (Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire). French sources claim that Paul was paid £2,000 for information – and that he was over the drink-drive limit because he had been celebrating his windfall. He ended up driving Diana after the Fayeds changed the car and route at the eleventh hour, choosing the road through the Pont D’Alma tunnel, an accident blackspot. Lord Stevens’s interim report on the events of August 31, 1997, to be published on Thursday, is expected to debunk claims Paul had links to British intelligence, following interviews with MI6 head John Scarlett and MI5 director-general Eliza Manningham-Buller. But there is now little doubt that Paul was in regular contact not only with the DST but also the French equivalent of MI6, the DGSE (Direction Générale de la Sécurité Extérieure). According to French sources, new files on Paul have been unearthed at the Paris Criminal Brigade, revealing that he had recently started dating a new Moroccan girlfriend and had a cellar full of alcohol. After Paul’s death, French police discovered he ran secret accounts containing more than £100,000, in 14 banks across France. The source was traced but it is thought nothing sinister was found. Lord Stevens’s report is expected to confirm the 1999 French conclusion on the case, which blamed Paul for the crash because he was three to four times over the drink-drive limit and driving too fast, trying to shake off the paparazzi. Tonight a BBC2 documentary, The Conspiracy Files, will report that new DNA evidence has conclusively confirmed that blood samples from Paul’s body were definitely his. Dodi’s father, Harrods owner Mohamed Al Fayed, has always claimed that the samples showing a high level of alcohol had been taken from another person in the morgue – possibly a suicide victim. There were blunders by the French – police mixed up Dodi’s and Paul’s bodies at one stage. Stevens’s overall finding is expected to be that Diana died in a “simple road traffic accident”. But a recent survey found that three in 10 in the UK do not believe that. Mohamed Al Fayed has claimed that the Establishment killed Diana because it did not want her to marry a Muslim or carry his child. That claim looks likely to be torn apart in the report. Hospital doctors in France and her physician in Britain have confirmed she was not pregnant while interviews with friends and relatives appear to have convinced Stevens they were not engaged. The main conclusion that is likely to be drawn is that if they had been wearing seatbelts, they would have survived.

Americans were bugging Diana's conversations? Vijay Dutt London, December 10, 2006 The most sensational revelation in Lord Stevens' report on the deaths of Diana, Princess of Wales, and Dodi Fayed, which is due on Thursday, is that Americans were bugging Diana's conversations ostensibly without the approval of the British security agencies. The US security agents were even listening to her calls in the hours just before both she and Dodi were in a car crash in Paris in 1997. Dodi's father, Harrods owner Mohammad Al-Fayed who has been orchestrating conspiracy theories for the crash may well take this finding as a vindication of his belief that intelligence conspired to get Diana killed. The American agencies have assured Lord Stevens that the 39 classified documents detailing Diana's final talks did not reveal anything sinister or contain material that might help explain her death. But significantly they have not given any reason for the bugging. Norman Baker, Liberal Democrat MP for Lewes, was reported saying, "There have been rumours that Princess Diana was being bugged by the Americans, so I am not entirely surprised. But it is a major constitutional issue. The question is whether the Americans were doing it themselves or the British government had outsourced it to the Americans to achieve deniability." The Scotland Yard inquiry also bares the fact that the driver Henri Paul of Mercedes in which Diana and Dodi were travelling was on the payroll of the French intelligence. Stevens found that Paul had £100,000 (Rs 8.5 million) stashed in 14 French banks. The report is expected to also confirm that employees of the Ritz in Paris, where Diana and Dodi were staying before the crash, had passed on information to French intelligence services. However, Lord Stevens firmly rejects claims of British intelligence involvement. A senior police source played down the significance of links between the hotel and French secret agents. "I'm sure that the intelligence services have informants in the Ritz in London." Lord Stevens has not found any evidence to support Al-Fayed's belief that Diana was pregnant. He has also reportedly concluded that there was no murder arranged by British intelligence, no establishment cover-up and nothing to sustain the numerous conspiracy theories that have been proliferating in the nine years since their fatal accident. He has, instead, concluded that Diana died in a road traffic accident after her driver, who was drunk at the wheel, lost control of the car. The report will be given to Prince Charles and Al-Fayed on Wednesday, a day before its publication. Palace sources said Charles would explain the report to his two sons personally.

^It was something that has no benefit to us.

^^Enjoy the beautifull pictures of Khartuum!!!

Check out more breath-taking pics of Khartuum, Sudan: http://www.pbase.com/drshoman/khartoum_capital_of_sudan

^Hal qof oo cuqdadeeysan, jiradi qabiilka aheeydna kuraagtay, qol UK kuyaal isku soo xiray,deep depression qaba, warkiisa waxlagama soo qaado sxb, waqtiga ha iskaga dhumin.

Dec 8, 2006 Madaxweyne Bashiir: "Haddii maxkamadu magac Islaamka ku lifaaqnaan laheyn waa la aqbali lahaa" Madaxweynaha dalka Suudaan Cumar Xasanal Bashiir oo ka hadlayey shir jaraa'id uu ku qabtay dalkaasi ayuu sheegay in Soomaaliya aysan haatan u baahneyn ciidamo shisheeyo oo la keeno maadama aysan aheyn kuwa iney dhiig daadiyaan maahee aan xal keeneyn. Waxa uu si daran u weeraray gollaha Amaanka oo ku sheegay iney ku deg degeen cunoqabateyn hubka saarnaa tan iyo sanadkii 92-kii. Waxaana uu rajo kamuujiyey in markale gollaha arrintaasi si caqli leh u eegi doono. Marxaladii uu soo maray shirki dib u heshiinta dowlada Beydhabo ku go'doonsan iyo Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ah ayuu tilmaamay in rajo wanagasan ay ku dhamaadeen labadii israg iyadoo kulankii saddexdaadna ay fashilyeen dowlado shisheeye. Dhinaca kale mar uu ka hadlayey xaalka guud ahaaneed ayuu sheegay in beesha caalamka iyo gollaha amaanka ay Soomaaliya ku fiirsadeen kooxo u sheegay Tuugo iyo qab qableyaal dagaal kuwaasoo halakeeyey dalka oo dhan. In beesha caalamkana ay arrimaha Soomaaliya ka dhigto waxaan jirina waxaa uu ku tilmaamay ayaan darro, iyadoo dalkaasi Afrikaanta ah waa Soomaaliya e ay kamid tahay wadamada xorta ah una soo halgantay xornimada Qaarada. "Haddii magaca maxkamaduhu aan eryga ISLAAM ku lifaaqnaan laheyn waxey heli lahaayeen taageero dhankasta ah, waxaase muuqata in magaca Islaamka lugu colaadinayo" ayuu yiri Madaxweyne Bashiir oo hoosta ka xariiqay in dowladiisa iyo maxkamadaha ay iskaga mid yihiin diidmada ciidamada shisheeye ee dalalkooda loo rabo,isagoo tilmaamay in Darfur ciidamo la keeno aanu aqbaleyn. Xukuumada Mareykanka oo arrimaha Soomaaliya uu madaxdooda mararka qaar kala hadlay ayuu sheegay iney markasta oran jireen waa la xiray arrimaheeda loomana baahna in laga hadlo, taasoo isaga yaab ku abuurtay islamarkaasina isweydiyey sida shacabka Soomaaliyeed aysan u mudneyn in ay ka maqnaadaan saaxada siyaasadeed. Dalka iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed oo aad u amaanay ayuu xusay iney yihiin dalka Keliya ee ku yaala qaarada Afrika, wadaaga hal dhaqan, Af iyo Diin, misna diintooda ay hal madhab ka heystaan taasoo ah Imaamu Shaafi, hadana ay dagaalo sokeeyo oo qeyb ka musuubooyinka llaahey ay ku habsadeen. Isku soo duubo hadalka madaxweyne Bashir ayaa ahaa mid u ku muujinayey sida ay dowladiisa raali uga aheyn ciidamo loo dirro Soomaaliya isagoo hadaladaasi ka jeediyey shir jaraa'id kulan ay iskugu yimaadeen madaxda qaarada Afrika qaarkood magaalo madaxda dalkiisa ee Khartuum

Sudan opposes Somalia peacekeeping force KHARTOUM, Dec 8, 2006 (AFP) - Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir, a determined opponent of UN plans to send peacekeepers to Darfur, spoke out Friday against a UN decision to back a regional peacekeeping force for Somalia. Islamist officials there later said fierce fighting had erupted between forces loyal to Somalia's weak Ethiopian-backed government and powerful Islamists south of the government seat of Baidoa. "We reject any such force for the same reasons that we reject an international force in Darfur," Beshir told the closing session of a summit in Khartoum of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States. "It's an attempt to torpedo the reconciliation efforts between the government and the Islamic courts after the two sides decided to move to a conclusion at their last meeting," said Beshir, who hosted the inter-Somali talks which were adjourned indefinitely last month. "Efforts are under way to keep Somalia divided even though the country is made up of a single ethnic group," he said. On Wednesday, the United Nations Security Council authorised the deployment of an 8,000-strong east African peacekeeping force in Somalia and eased a 14-year-old arms embargo, drawing warnings of a stepped-up conflict from Islamists. Somalia has been without any central government since the overthrow of the Mohamed Siad Barre regime in 1991. A transitional government formed in 1994 has failed to establish any authority and the Islamic courts -- an Islamist militia -- now control much of the centre and south of the country with most of the rest controlled by breakaway administrations. "Heavy fighting has begun in the Dinsoor area," Sheikh Sharif Sheik Ahmed, head of the executive wing of the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia (SICS), told a large crowd in Mogadishu after Friday prayers. He said the clashes began when a joint Somali government-Ethiopian force attacked Islamist fighters around Dinsoor, about 110 kilometers (70 miles) south of Baidoa, the only town held by the transitional government. Government officials and Dinsoor residents were not immediately available to comment on the reported battle, but an Islamist commander in the Bay region, where both Dinsoor and Baidoa are located, called the fighting fierce. "I don't have the exact toll, but I am told many people have died," Sheikh Mohamed Ibrahim Bilal told AFP. "Our Islamic fighters were attacked by a combined force of Ethiopian troops and government militia." Sudan was not among a raft of foreign countries accused in a UN report of siding with Somalia's warring factions. They include Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Iran, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Lebanon's Hezbollah on the Islamist side, and Ethiopia, Uganda and Yemen on the government side.

hope we have clear winner this time around!!! You gonna wait that a long time. Very disappointed the ICU can be dragged into a war that easily. Enemies of Islam succeeded to shed more Muslim blood.

Thu Dec 7, 2006 7:45am ET By Sahal Abdulle MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Somalia's powerful Islamist movement said on Thursday that U.N. endorsement of an African peacekeeping force will "add fuel to the fire" in the Horn of Africa nation that many fear is on the verge of all-out war. But the interim government -- whose aspirations of restoring central rule to Somalia were dented by the rise of the Islamists this year -- welcomed the prospect of military support and cited resolution promoter the United States for thanks. The U.N. Security Council endorsed the peacekeepers on Wednesday to help prop up the Western-backed government of President Abdullahi Yusuf. But it also urged the authorities to pursue peace talks with their Islamist rivals. After pressure on Washington from the European Union, the final resolution barred peacekeepers from border states, whose presence in Somalia was viewed as potentially inflammatory. "The U.N. authorizing new weapons is like adding fuel to the fire," Islamist spokesman Abdirahman Ali Mudey told Reuters. Ibrahim Hassan Addow, the Islamists' de facto foreign minister, said his militarily strong movement would forcibly resist any peacekeeping forces. "Somalia is at peace now and we see this as an attack and introducing destruction back to Somalia," he said. "We see this as an invading force and we will have to defend our country. Diplomats, however, see any actual arrival of peacekeepers as still a long way off, saying the U.N. resolution may be designed more for political than practical impact at the moment. Let alone unresolved issues of funding and other logistics, fears that peacekeepers may attract foreign jihadists to Somalia may also make the African Union baulk at sending in soldiers. Al Qaeda head Osama bin Laden said soon after the Islamists' June takeover of Mogadishu that any deployment of foreign forces in Somalia would be seen as an anti-Muslim "crusade". SOMALI GOVERNMENT THANKS U.S. Government officials in Baidoa, the only town it controls in Somalia, praised the U.N. move and thanked its main backers, the United States. The government's bid to restore central rule for the first time since 1991 has been dented by the Islamists' rise and takeover of a swathe of southern Somalia including the capital Mogadishu since June. "We welcome this decision and we are thanking all the members of the Security Council, especially the American government which tabled the resolution," Deputy Defense Minister Salad Ali Jelle told Reuters. "This will bring solutions not war." U.N. special envoy to Somalia, Francois Lonseny Fall, said the east African inter-governmental body IGAD and the AU would now flesh out the plans. "All that is left is to determine the financing," he said. The Islamists and government had been due to meet in Sudan next week for talks. But that looks unlikely now due to the controversy over the peacekeeping issue. (Additional reporting by Marie-Louise Gumuchian in Nairobi) © Reuters 2006. All Rights Reserved.

Somalia's peackeeping conundrum By Joseph Winter BBC News website Thursday, 7 December 2006, 16:59 GMT The UN Security Council's resolution on sending peacekeeping troops to Somalia has sparked a furious reaction from the Islamists who control much of the country, even though there is no prospect of foreign soldiers setting foot on Somali territory for many months, if not years. Even the East African body, Igad, which originally made the request, is deeply divided on the wisdom of sending troops into a country awash with weapons and which has not had an effective national government for 15 years. The resolution, passed unanimously by the 15-member council provides for an 8,000-strong force, to be known as Igasom, to protect Somalia's weak government in Baidoa, the only town it controls. A European diplomat who closely follows events in Somalia told the BBC News website: "There's a lot of water to flow under the bridge before it's implemented." 'Invaders' Matt Bryden, Somalia analyst at the International Crisis Group think-tank, agrees for several reasons: Firstly, the resolution does not mention who would pay for the force - a key consideration. The reality is the government is deeply unpopular and the UIC has filled the vacuum they have vacated Matt Bryden International Crisis Group Secondly, states which border Somalia are excluded from sending troops, because they are seen as having their own interests in the country, especially Ethiopia. This only leaves three Igad members - Eritrea, Sudan and Uganda - and of these, only Uganda is in favour of the Somali mission. Uganda is not going to send 8,000 troops by itself, although there is a possibility that other African countries could volunteer soldiers. After the United States' debacle in Mogadishu in the 1990s, no western country is going to send troops to Somalia - and they would only further inflame the Islamists. Thirdly, the virulent Islamist opposition to peacekeepers will not encourage other countries to risk sending their troops to Somalia. Why does the UN want to go in now that the Islamists have done a better job than the UN would ever have done. "Deploying foreign forces to Somalia is seen as invading forces and the Somali people are prepared to defend themselves against aggression," Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) official Ibrahim Adow told the BBC. He said that the Islamists had succeeded in bringing peace and security to the areas under their control - most of southern Somalia. "We see this as creating instability in Somalia. Most of Somalia is peaceful," Mr Adow said. 'Fundamental misunderstanding' But the UIC have been most vocal in their opposition to Ethiopia troops, who are specifically ruled out of contributing to the peace force. Optimists hope this clause will be enough to persuade the Islamists to agree to back the resolution. The European diplomat further suggests that the peace force could deter regional states from intervening in Somalia. There have been fears that Ethiopia and its rival Eritrea could fight a proxy war in Somalia. Mr Bryden, however, says that the resolution could in fact tip the precarious situation in Somalia over the edge. "Militants within the courts could now take pre-emptive action against the government before the peacekeepers are deployed," he says. He says the idea of a peacekeeping force comes from far-away officials who "fundamentally misunderstand the situation". "From a distance, this is a broad-based government established in Somalia, which is under pressure. "The reality is the government is deeply unpopular and the UIC has filled the vacuum they have vacated." Skirmishes Other Somali observers, such as Festus Aboagye from South Africa's Institute for Security Studies, are more supportive of the UN resolution and its backing for the government. "Granted, the UIC holds sway over large sectors of Somalia, nonetheless it is not the legitimate government of Somalia," he told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme. The European diplomat insists that the proposed force is intended to provide protection for the "institutions which the international community and the UIC recognise" and to train a future national security force. He stresses that this force is not intended to threaten anyone and should be welcomed by all those who are committed to peace. The US, Ethiopia and the Somali government have accused the UIC of being in league with al-Qaeda and say they want to destabilise East Africa. The UIC strongly denies such suggestions. Despite increasingly belligerent statements and the odd minor skirmish in recent weeks, the UIC and the government are due to resume peace talks in Sudan. If that leads to an agreement, any peace force could be redirected to monitoring that deal. The effects of the UN resolution on the prospect for a deal are not clear, however. Mr Aboagye says it will reduce the military inequality between the two sides and so make an agreement more likely. But Mr Bryden says it could reduce pressure on the hard-pressed government to reach a deal. Over the past 15 years of conflict and anarchy, Somalis have grown used to seeing peace agreements come and go. The one setting up the government two years ago was wildly feted but has not brought about peace. They hope that before too long, there really will be a peace to be kept, whether by foreigners, or a national security force.

^A society that tolerates a brutal dictator is doomed to fail as we have witnessed in Iraq and in Somalia.. But seeing from the replies of some in here, I get the insight that some of us here haven't enough of destruction, displacement and anarchy! The product of 21 years of fascist dictator.

Djibouti Port, How Reliable Henceforth ? Djibouti and Ethiopia have been cozy partners for a long time. Joint meetings at which mutual economic social and political issues were discussed were common features. Leaders and officials of the two countries continually visited each other’s capitals, which to their credit they still endeavor to maintain. In short, these neighboring countries have had exemplary relations. The two countries also reached an agreement through a joint ministerial commission that met in 1999 here in Addis Ababa on port utilization modalities and tariff adjustment for goods exported as well as imported by Ethiopia via the Djibouti port. However, at least regarding tariffs, recently things did not seem as they were some months back. Ethiopia has been using the Djibouti port for nearly all of its trade since quitting the use of Eritrean ports as a result of the border conflict with Eritrea in 1998. The conflict evolved into an open war that had enormous cost to Ethiopia. But Ethiopia’s pragmatic resort to the use of the Djibouti port meant a closer tie between the two countries. Moreover, the people and Government, of course, could only be happy over the developments which enhanced trade and economic relations between Ethiopia and Djibouti more than they were at any time in the past. Land-locked Ethiopia had benefited from the services of the port, and Djibouti had a customer in Ethiopia which it cannot otherwise enjoy. This arrangement, or fate, if you may wish to call it, has been a boon to both countries. An unexpected development however clumsily crept in just a couple of weeks back. Djibouti set plans to raise tariffs on goods to and from Ethiopia via its ports, contrary to earlier agreements reached between the two countries. What Djibouti intended to impose on commercial goods through its tariffs increment was to be effective after January 15 last week. The news of tariff increment not only shocked Ethiopian authorities but also caused fear and uneasiness among the Ethiopian business community. That apparently caused some alarm here. However, Ethiopia’s reactions articulated through its Foreign Affairs Ministry that Djibouti’s unilateral toying with the tariff scheme is contrary to prior agreement reached to this end. Thus it cannot be binding having received a good ear just in time to save the good relations that has been maintained. Intentions for increment of course came following a takeover of port management by a company known as the Dubai Ports International (DPI) which seemingly explained the aim of the increment as being to compensate costs incurred by huge investment to improve port services. Be that as it may Ethiopia has had a standing agreement to be consulted before such major steps are taken; and this was what was enunciated by the foreign ministry. The good news is that last week it seems that officials of the two countries came to a temporary agreement at least to make delays in the new tariff management until some revisions could be made in the near future. This for now means that there won’t be any change in the tariffs, and if any is to be made, it is after officials of Djibouti and Ethiopian transport ministries, and the Dubai Ports International sit for a joint meeting to review tariff figures and make reasonable adjustments. What if company as well as Djibouti persist and make pressures on Ethiopia to accept their way? Could Ethiopia have any other option? Many fear negotiations may not work. Couldn’t one option alone be a source of fear and frustration? What lesson could Ethiopia draw from such discomfort? It remains a matter of serious concern to the commercial sector as well as and other activities of this country. AddisTribune.com

Aid Shipments Causing Congestion in Djibouti Port ISSUE 79 Front Page Index Headlines Addis Ababa, July 21, 2003 (IRIN) - Food aid shipments to Ethiopia are facing hold-ups due to congestion caused by the massive quantities arriving in Djibouti port. Both the UN's Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia (EUE) and the World Food Programme (WFP) said the large-scale arrivals of aid had led to congestion at the docks. At present some five ships are offloading around 128,000 mt of aid. But WFP told IRIN that the congestion was not holding up deliveries to families needing food. "This will not delay deliveries to beneficiaries," the spokesman insisted. The current aid operation to Ethiopia is one of the largest in its history. In June, a staggering 222,700 mt of assistance was brought in through the port - most of it emergency aid. This month - which is part of the hungry season when farmers are awaiting the fruits of their harvest - some 250,000 mt are expected to be delivered. "A high level of arrivals of food aid in Djibouti port has led to some congestion," EUE said in a report. "This is partially due to the diversion to Djibouti of one vessel originally scheduled to offload in Berbera in Somaliland, which is now waiting at anchor in Djibouti." WFP added: "Efforts are being made to improve the delivery to Ethiopia of urgently needed vegetable oil and corn-soya blend, which has recently arrived in Djibouti." One hundred trucks, sub-contracted from the country's defence department, are now being used to bring the aid into Ethiopia - usually taking four days to deliver it. A further 100 government trucks - each ton of food costing between US $32 and US $38 to deliver - are due to be deployed, which aid agencies say will ease the congestion. Somaliland.com