Dhegeyso: Share in top social networks! Maamulka iyo waxgaradka Maamulka Jubaland ayaa warsaxaafadeed ay ku qabteen magaalada Kismaayo waxay ku ammaaneen boqashada ay soo booqdeen Xildhibaannada u hoggaaminayey xildhibaan Xiddig oo noqday masuulkii ugu horreeyey ee soo booqday Kismaayo tan iyo intii dagaalkii Xamar lagaso abaabulay ee fashilmay uuka dhacay magaalada Kismaayo. Mudane Cabdullaahi Khaldaan oo ka mid ah mas’uuliyyinta Jubaland ayaa wuxuu kaloo munaasabaddaa kusoo qadday in dawladda Xamar ay weli dabada hayso fadqalaladii iyo faragelintii Jubaland. Isagoo arrntaa ka hadlayan wuxuu tusaale usoo qaatay markabkii asbuuci hore lagasoo celiyey Dawlad goboleedka Puntland ee gantaalaha colaadda xambaarsanaa in hadda loo soo jiheeyey Jubaland. Mudane ******* wuxuu sheegay in dawladda Xamar ay markabkaasi markii hore ay Puntland udirtay ay ku magacowday in saddex degmo oo Puntland ka tirsan oo kala ah Taleex. Galdogob iyo Iskushban loo diray iyadoo dawladda Puntland la baalmaray ujeeddaduna ahayd in layska horkeeno Dawladda iyo Shacabka Puntland. Waxaa nasib wanaah ah in dhamaan dadka reer Puntland soo dhoweeyeen ama ka aammuseen tallaabadii dawladda Puntland ka qaadday markabkaasi, marka laga reebo shakhsiyaad ka tirsan kooxda fitnada ku haysa dadka SSC ee la magacbaxday Khaatumo. Nasiib wanaag Isimadii *********** waxay door bideen inaanay arrinkaasi ka hadlin. Dadweynaha reer Galdgob iyo Iskushuban ee la rabey in lagu hafro arrinkaasi waxay ku ayideen dawladda Puntland. Waxaan kaloo nasiib wanaag ah dadka reer Taleex oo ku caan baxay xishood iyo Gobannimo inay iyana arrinkaasi ka aamuseen oo aanay wax cabasho ah ka muujin. Inkastoo ay jiraan shakhsiyaad aan reer Taleex ahayn oo dano gaar ah lihi oo u adeegaya Mashruuca Cali Khaliif inay soortaa dhagaraysan ee la celiyey si xun ubuunbuuniyeen.

An electoral masterstroke Through various tactics, Kulmiye has thus proven highly adept at nullifying potential opposition, with the exception of Bihi. But in all this, its perhaps most masterful move may have been its decision to permit the establishment of political parties to contest the municipal elections in November 2012. Every Tom, Dick and Harriet that harboured presidential ambitions immediately set about establishing a political party and announced that, in addition to their party contesting the municipal elections, they would be the future nominees for president of their respective political parties. Never mind that the presidential elections were some three years and two elections (municipal and parliamentary) away! For a full calendar year then, the people of Somaliland were subjected to a 'tribal' political circus wherein the vain, the deluded and the outright venal jostled and jousted for media attention and their political support. And since the newly-created parties had no political programmes to speak of and were only established as vehicles for the political ambitions of their founders, the appeals for support were inevitably based upon clan affiliation. Thus, each clan and sub-clan grouping called for and held a shir beleed in order to extract the greatest possible concessions from the prospective candidates. Kulmiye was more than happy to play this game since they had the largest war chest in the form of the government exchequer and unmatched patronage to offer. The municipal elections of 2012 enjoyed a large turnout and were peaceful. Nevertheless, there were clear instances of vote-rigging. Unsurprisingly, Kulmiye won the elections though their success was vehemently disputed in various cities and towns such as Hargeisa, Berbera, Gabiley and Borama where there were large demonstrations, some of which turned violent and resulted in civilian and police deaths. In addition to Kulmiye, UCID and WADANI emerged as the other two national political parties qualified to contest the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections, while the plethora of other parties and their presumptive presidential nominees were officially disqualified and left politically spent. Breaking the rules of non-engagement Finally, it is necessary to briefly comment upon the foreign policy of the Kulmiye government, which has embarked upon a new approach to foreign affairs, abandoning two of the guiding principles of Somaliland foreign policy since 1992. These broken rules are: 1) not to participate in international meetings convened to form 'governments' in Mogadishu, or to discuss reconciliation and the re-establishment of the state in Somalia, since Somaliland is an independent country and not part of Somalia; and 2) to only open dialogue on matters regarding separation and 'good neighbour' relations with a government in Mogadishu that is legitimate and formed by the people of Somalia through an open and representative process. Breaking rule 1), the Kulmiye government attended the London Somalia Conference organised by the UK government in February 2011. Participation at this conference, which caused a great furore inside Somaliland, resulted in a decision brokered by the UK government for Somaliland and Somalia to commence a dialogue to resolve their differences - thus leading to the abandonment of rule 2). In addition, the Kulmiye government also agreed to attend the international conference for Somalia convened by Turkey in May 2012. The first two rounds of talks between Somaliland and Somalia were undertaken with the Transitional Federal Government of Sheikh Sharifin London and Dubai respectively in June 2012. Though dubbed 'historic', all these talks essentially resulted in were the two sides agreeing to continue talking. It can be argued that opening a dialogue with Somalia is in of itself a positive step. However, the decision to commence the dialogue with a lame-duck, transitional government that had only two months remaining of its term of office and therefore could not commit to any substantive agreements did not seem wise or carefully considered. Further, the decision of the Kulmiye government to support the candidacy of Sheikh Sharif for the presidency of the new, supposedly permanent government was not only ill-advised but has proven to be counter-productive. After all, Sharif lost, and the new president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, has demonstrated his ire with the Kulmiye government by undermining them in a variety of ways, principal among which has been his repeated declarations affirming the inviolability of Somalia's territorial integrity. Mohamud has also appointed several high-profile Somaliland opponents of the Kulmiye government to his cabinet, in particular Fowzia Adan as Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. The writing on the wall After three years of Kulmiye rule in which tribalism has been given increasing prominence and clan politics has been pushed to the fore, it seems the writing is finally on the wall for Silanyo and his clique. The maturity of the people in deciding to wait out Silanyo's term rather than engage in mass protests bodes well for the survival of Somaliland's experiment in representative government. And it is likely that Kulmiye as a political party will eventually suffer the splits and demise that has befallen UDUB and that Kulmiye so cleverly orchestrated for UCID. But what does not bode well for the future, however, is the debasement and coarsening of political debate and competition that has reverted to the pre-constitution era of naked tribalism and the primacy of clan and sub-clan identity over the national imperative. ------------ Ahmed Egal was educated in the UK and holds a BA in Economics & Politics from Warwick University and an MA in Area Studies from the University of London. He has worked as an international banker in London and the Gulf Region for over twenty years, and is presently engaged as an independent financial and business development consultant. He has particular interest in Somali affairs about which he has written extensively, as well as issues concerning African political economy and international politics. Source: ThinkAfricaPress

15 Aug 15, 2013 - 2:46:03 AM ANALYSIS Ahmed Egal argues that the Kulmiye government has destroyed political opposition, undermined Somaliland's nationalist ambitions, and sown the seeds of its own demise. President Ahmed Mahamoud Silanyo of Somaliland, the self-declared sovereign state in northern Somalia, came to power in July 2010 after routing the UDUB government of Dahir Riyale Kahin in elections. Silanyo and his Kulmiye party ran a campaign that was slick, energetic and media-savvy. Capitalising upon the fatigue of the Riyale administration that had been in office for eight years and had largely run out of new ideas, Kulmiye promised the people of Somaliland a government that was modern in approach, modest in number, professional in execution, and meritocratic in the selection of its office holders. However, underneath the slick presentation and 'promise everyone everything' approach to securing support, the Kulmiye electoral campaign was characterised by a dark underbelly of naked tribalism. While a certain level of tribal politicking is inevitable in a society where the principal social cleavage is the clan or sub-clan, the 2010 Kulmiye election campaign was easily the most 'tribal' experienced in Somaliland since the country recovered its de-facto sovereignty in1991. This fact, and the Kulmiye government's role in elevating the primacy of the 'tribal' imperative in politics since the election, is evidenced by the plethora of clan meetings, or shir beleed, that have been held, and are being held, by different clans and sub-clans since 2011. This practice, whereby individual clans or sub-clans hold meetings to discuss their political and social interests, harks back to the early 1990s and the clan conflicts of that era. Such meetings had in fact not been a feature of Somaliland politics since the democratic constitution was enacted in 1997 inaugurating the era of party politics, and the decline of the shir beleed had been seen by many as an indicator of the growing maturity of the Somaliland polity. Keeping it in the clan: the Kulmiye kitchen clique Immediately after taking office, there coalesced around President Silanyo a coterie of relatives/kinsmen, mainly comprising young diaspora expatriates, that controlled access to him. Even many senior cabinet members soon found that in order to gain access to Silanyo, they had to navigate a maze of officials and assorted relations, often with little success. Conversely, those in the 'charmed circle' - whether businessmen, government officials or ordinary people - could gain access at the drop of a hat. It is common for heads of government to gather around them a small group of trusted advisors to debate sensitive policy issues. But the Somaliland clique is not a 'kitchen cabinet' of colleagues discussing policy; rather it is the operation of a narrow ruling clique that has abrogated to itself all executive power and authority. The fact that this clique is characterised in the main by blood and familial ties to the president and his family accentuates its exclusive and impenetrable nature. Soon after taking office, the Kulmiye government also wished to nullify political opposition to its rule. UDUB, the former ruling party, engineered its own collapse through internal struggles in the wake of its electoral defeat. The other national party, UCID, also emerged from the election in disarray. Its leader, the mercurial Faisal Ali Warabe, reneged on his pledge before the elections to step down if UCID were defeated at the polls. This inevitably angered many party stalwarts. And seizing upon these divisions, the Kulmiye government fomented a split within UCID by encouraging a leadership challenge by a disaffected group led by the Deputy Chairman of the party and Speaker of Parliament, Abdirahman Mohammed Abdullahi Cirro. This support even went as far as allowing Cirro's group to storm the central offices of the party in Hargeisa and lock out the group loyal to Faisal, the party's founder. The fractious dispute between the two factions of UCID ended up in court which ruled that the Cirro group could not simply oust Faisal without holding a party conference. In the end, the Cirro faction left UCID and formed a new opposition party called WADANI, which has distinguished itself by not opposing the Kulmiye government, and instead being supportive of many of its most controversial policies. Eradicating internal enemies With UDUB and UCID thus eradicated as a credible political opposition, the Kulmiye government set about removing those elements within the ruling party that could present an obstacle to the unquestioned supremacy of Silanyo. These elements most significantly comprised of the political heavyweights Mohamed Abdi Gabose, the Interior Minister, Mohamed Hashi Elmi, the Finance Minister, and Muse Bihi, the First Deputy Chairman of Kulmiye. These three figures had been crucial to Kulmiye winning the election not only because of their tireless campaigning, but more importantly, because they were able to deliver their sub-clans for Kulmiye and Silanyo. Once in government, however, these three figures - all seasoned political players -were not expected to acquiesce meekly to actions that could damage their own political interests. Nor were they to take kindly to being subservient to a group of largely diaspora-sourced kinsmen that comprised the clique around the presidency. The first of the three to see the writing on the wall and jump ship was Gabose who resigned in August 2011, after serving just one year, to establish his own party. Then, in March 2012, Elmi was fired after he refused to back down in a dispute with the Minister of Energy, Water and Mines. Bihi was a different kettle of fish. Firstly, although he was de facto head of the Kulmiye party, he held no executive position in government and thus posed no immediate threat to Silanyo. Secondly, before the 2010 election, Silanyo had publicly pledged to endorse Bihi as Kulmiye's candidate for president in the next election, scheduled for 2015, and Bihi was not going to forego that opportunity easily. From the beginning of 2011 up to now then, Silanyo and his clique have employed every tool at their disposal to induce Bihi to leave Kulmiye. Silanyo has even gone so far as to announce his support for Abdul-Aziz Samale, Elmi's replacement as Finance Minister and a clansman of both Bihi and Elmi, as Kulmiye's future nominee for president at the next election, in contradiction of his public pledge to Bihi. Yet Bihi refuses to rise to the bait and continues to bide his time.

Short-Range Forecast Whether the T.C.C. decision to support the S.F.G. in “establishing its authority in the Jubba regions” presages an S.F.G. takeover of Kismayo’s airport and seaport, and, therefore, the crippling of the Jubbaland administration; or it is yet another complication in the persisting deadlock depends on whether AMISOM deploys a multinational force in Kismayo. At present, there are several steps still to be taken if the multinational force is to come into being. Firstly, AMISOM and the chiefs of Ethiopia’s and the S.F.G.’s defense forces have to work out the “modalities and operationalization” of the force. The plan must then be approved by the Western powers that bankroll AMISOM. Finally, the plan must be implemented in the face of Kenya’s and Jubbaland’s opposition. Each of those steps is fraught with difficulties. What the composition of the force would be is unspecified. On August 6, Uganda’s New Vision newspaper reported that it would be an Ethiopian Defense Forces, Somali National Army, and K.D.F. operation, which, if that were to be the case, would place the conflict directly at the heart of its proposed resolution. As for the Western “donor”-powers, a closed source reports that Great Britain, which has taken the lead role among the “donor”-powers, is pressing the S.F.G. to stop opposing the Jubbaland administration and to concentrate instead on speeding a permanent constitution for Somalia, revealing a divergence between the “donor”-powers and the T.C.C. (Uganda). That neither Kenya nor the Jubbaland administration seems ready to concede to Uganda and the S.F.G. makes it likely that the deadlock will persist. The S.F.G. scored a diplomatic victory, but the costs of turning it into a decisive change in the balance of power appear to be prohibitive. The S.F.G. would need greater support by more external actors to make the T.C.C. decision stick. It should always be remembered that the conflict in Kismayo is likely to decide what kind of political organization – centralized federalism (S.F.G.) or decentralized federalism (Jubbaland) – Somalia will have, if any. The parties to the conflict have lost sight of its importance and are engaged in “rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic.” Report Drafted By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein, Professor of Political Science, Purdue University in Chicago weinstem@purdue.edu

16 Aug 16, 2013 - 2:52:25 PM By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein Having failed to displace the Jubbaland administration in Kismayo militarily through the militia of the ******* alliance led by Barre Hirale in July, the Somali Federal Government (S.F.G.) attempted to broaden the conflict in Somalia’s deep south by securing support from external actors. That effort appeared to bear fruit on August 4, when the heads of state and government of the troop contributing countries (T.C.C.) of the African Union mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and Ethiopia and the S.F.G. released a communique in which the principals expressed support for the S.F.G. in “establishing its authority in the Jubba Region especially its control of the state owned infrastructure including the seaport and airport.” Giving some teeth to their backing of the S.F.G., the T.C.C. “agreed that AMISOM and the Chiefs of Defense Forces of Ethiopia and Somalia … urgently work out the modalities and operationalization of an AMISOM multinational force to be deployed in Kismayo.” Were the S.F.G. to be successful in taking over Kismayo’s seaport and airport from the Jubbaland administration, which now holds them, the S.F.G. would have won the prize of the deep south and would have effectively crippled the Jubbaland administration. Whether that will happen remains in doubt. What is clear is that the T.C.C. and Ethioopia are on record siding with the S.F.G. in its dispute with the Jubbaland administration over control of Kismayo; the S.F.G. has scored a diplomatic victory that has allowed it partially to recover from its military loss. The situation on the ground, however, remains what it was, with the Jubbaland administration in charge of Kismayo and determined to stay there. The deadlock in Jubbaland between the S.F.G. and the Jubbaland administration remains in place, with the possibility that the deadlock might be broken eventually in favor of the S.F.G. by external actors. The word “possibility” must be stressed; it is not clear whether or not the S.F.G. has gained any practical benefit from the T.C.C. decision. Kenya Put on the Back Foot Pushes Back The S.F.G. was enabled to gain an opening to secure external support by its accusation that the Kenyan contingent of AMISOM that has lead responsibility for Kismayo had aided the Jubbaland administration militarily in its ousting of Barre Hirale’s militia from the city. That allegation, backed up by testimony on the ground (disputed by Kenya), allowed the S.F.G. to argue that the Kenyan Defense Forces (K.D.F.) in AMISOM were not neutral peacekeepers, much less on the S.F.G.’s side as the internationally-recognized government of Somalia; but were allies of the Jubbaland administration. Kenya’s position in the conjuncture of actors in Kismayo was weakened as a result of the perception that its forces had been responsible for the Jubbaland administration’s victory. The S.F.G.’s resistance could gain favor among external actors that had their own interests for opposing Kenya. The T.C.C. communique reflected an alliance between the S.F.G. and Uganda, which is the major contributor to AMISOM and the lead state in the mission. The communique was the result of a struggle inside the T.C.C. between Uganda and Kenya. The S.F.G., which had requested the meeting of the T.C.C. that preceded the communique, came to the meeting with a maximum program that called for the removal of the K.D.F. contingent from Kismayo. Africa Review reported that, at the August 4 meeting, Kenya “strongly objected” to the S.F.G.’s demand, and that the S.F.G. withdrew it. The diplomatic trench warfare then proceeded, with Uganda’s president, Yoweri Museveni, who hosted the meeting in Kampala, holding out for an agreement close to the S.F.G.’s demand, and Kenya’s president, Uhuru Kenyatta, pressing to maintain Kenya’s presence in Kismayo. The result was the call for a multinational force in Kismayo that would back the S.F.G.’s control of Kismayo’s seaport and airport. Kenya had won a wording that allowed the possibility that the K.D.F. would form part of the multinational force, but it had to concede Jubbaland’s control of infrastructure and its lead position in AMISOM in Kismayo. Strategically, if the T.C.C. position is implemented, Kenya would have to surrender its interest in having a buffer state (Jubbaland) on its border and a dominant sphere of influence in Somalia’s deep south. At best, Kenya had succeeded in doing some damage control, leaving the Jubbland administration in the lurch. Uganda’s interests in supporting the S.F.G. are not perfectly clear. It had an interest in having an undisputed lead role in AMISOM, maintaining influence with the S.F.G. in Mogadishu and gaining economic advantages from the S.F.G., and getting an edge in its competition with Kenya for influence in East Africa. An additional consideration was provided by an August 8 analytical article in Uganda’s Observer newspaper, which assessed expert judgments on Uganda’s position. The Observer’s angle was that the core of the communique was the “ceding” of the seaport and airport to the S.F.G., which could be construed as a cover for a Ugandan “drawdown” from AMISOM, or as a redirection of AMISOM’s forces towards a “surge” to take Somalia’s hinterland from the Salafist revolutionary Harakat al-Shabaab Mujahideen (H.S.M.). The Observer cited evidence for both scenarios; the communique asks for an increase in AMISOM forces, but there is a likelihood that the European Union, which provides the biggest share of funding for AMISOM, intends to “slush” the mission. In the wake of the T.C.C. meeting, the S.F.G.’s president, Hassan Sh. Mohamud, expressed his satisfaction at the results on his return to Mogadishu on August 6, saying, according to Shabelle Media, that the S.F.G. would now “control government assets.” He assured all the “Jubbaland communities” that they would “benefit equally” from S.F.G. authority. Kenya, however, having been placed on its back foot, immediately began to push back. On August 5, Xinhua reported that Kenya’s foreign minister, Amina Jibril Mohamed, had said that the S.F.G. “must concentrate on winning the hearts of its people and gaining their confidence so that it does not face opposition,” a veiled reference to the Jubbaland administration and its supporters. That Kenya was unwilling to accept a strict interpretation of the Kampala communique became clear on August 7. Reuters quoted Kenya’s foreign affairs principal secretary, Karanja Kibicho: “The government of Kenya is ready to handover the two ports, but it must hand over to someone and that someone must be a negotiated process. Otherwise, if (Kenya) just left, we would be sliding back to where we came from.” Kenya’s Daily Nation newspaper reported that Kibicho said that the airport and seaport should be negotiated between the S.F.G. and the leaders of “federal member states” [including, presumably Jubbaland] in line with the “Somali constitution.” The deadlock was again firmly in place and the Jubbaland administration had gotten some breathing space. The Jubbaland administration joined the Kenyan push back on August 6, issuing a Statement on the TCC Summit in Kampala that scored the T.C.C. for “completely overlooking local reality” and the “regional administrative process” that had created Jubbaland. Countering S.F.G. claims to legal sovereignty over the seaport and airport, the statement noted that Jubbaland’s control of the infrastructure follows in the line of Somaliland’s control of the Hargeisa airport and Berbera seaport, Puntland’s control of the Bossasso seaport, and the Galmudug administration’s control of Hobyo. Arguing that AMISOM had no legal authority to manage “former state infrastructure,” the statement said that the issue “should be addressed at a national level through negotiations between regional states and the national government.” The statement concluded that the S.F.G.’s move to take the seaport and airport with external support threatened “to sabotage” ongoing (and so far stalled) negotiations between the S.F.G. and the Jubbaland administration. On August 11, Shabelle Media quoted Jubbaland’s president, Ahmed Madobe: “The federal government is consulting the international disputes with foreign countries, which clearly violates the federal constitution.” The deadlock was cemented, with each side in its respective new position.

IsseRiyole, are you suggesting a military coupe?

US crime rates compared to Muslim countries.

Former Vice-President of Somaliland, Abdirahman Awcali: Aan wada hadalno waa aanu heshiino http://boramanews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1965&catid=34&Itemid=53

http://harunyahya.com/en/books/975/Existence_Of_Allah/chapter/1795 Take a look around you from where you sit. You will notice that everything in the room is "made": the walls, the upholstery, the ceiling, the chair where you sit, the booklet you hold in your hand, the glass on the table and countless other details. None of them happen to exist in your room of their own accord. Even the simple loops of the carpet were made by someone: they did not appear spontaneously or by chance. A person who is about to read a book knows that it has been written by an author for a specific reason. It would not even occur to him that this book might have come into being by chance. In the same manner, a person who sees a sculpture has no doubt whatsoever that it was made by a sculptor. And not just works of art: even a few bricks resting on top of one another make one think that they must have been brought to rest just so by someone within a certain plan. Therefore, everywhere where there is an order - either small or big - a founder and protector of this order must also exist. If, one day, somebody came forward and said that raw iron and coal came together to form steel by chance, which in turn constructed the Eiffel Tower again by chance, would not he and those who believed him be regarded as insane? The claim of the theory of evolution, the unique method of denying the existence of God, is no different from this. According to the theory, lifeless atoms formed amino acids by chance, amino acids formed proteins by chance, and finally proteins formed living creatures again by chance. However, the probability of a living creature being formed by coincidence is less than the probability of the Eiffel Tower being formed in the same manner, because even the simplest living cell is more sophisticated than any man-made structure in the world. How is it possible to think that the balance in the world came about by coincidence when the extraordinary harmony of nature is observable even with the naked eye? It is the most unreasonable claim to say that the universe, each point of which suggests the existence of its Creator, has come into being on its own. Therefore, there should be a designer of the balance visible everywhere from our body to the farthest corners of the inconceivably vast universe. So, who is this Creator that ordained everything so subtly and created all? He cannot be any material being present within the universe, because His must be a will that existed before the universe and created the universe therewith. The Almighty Creator is One in Whom everything finds existence, yet Whose existence is without any beginning or end. Religion teaches us the identity of our Creator Whose existence we discover with our reason. Through what He has revealed to us as religion, we know that He is God, the Compassionate and the Merciful, Who created the heavens and the earth from nothing. Although most people have the capability to grasp this fact, they spend their lives unaware of it. When they look at a landscape painting, they wonder who its painter is. Later, they praise the artist at length for his beautiful work of art. Despite the fact that they face numerous originals of the natural world he painted the moment they turn around, they still disregard the existence of God, Who is the only owner of all these beauties. In truth, no lengthy research is needed to understand the existence of God. Even if one of us had to live in a room from the time he was born, countless pieces of evidence in this room alone would be enough for him to grasp the existence of God. The human body so overflows with evidence that it could not be contained in many multi-volumed encyclopaedias. Giving only a few minutes of conscientious thought to it all is enough to understand the existence of God. The present order is protected by God and maintained by Him. The human body is not the only food for thought. Life abides in every square millimetre of the earth, be it observable by men or not. The world overflows with many living beings, from unicellular organisms to plants, from insects to sea animals, and from birds to human beings. If you take a handful of soil and look at it, even therein you can discover manifold living creatures with diverse characteristics. The same is true also for the air you breathe. Even on your skin, there are many living creatures whose names are unknown to you. In the intestines of all living beings are millions of bacteria or unicellular organisms that help digestion. The animal population in the world is many times greater than the human population. When we also consider the plant world, we see that there is not a single spot on the earth where there is no life. All of these creatures that are spread over an area of millions of square kilometres have different body systems, different lives and different contributions to the ecological balance. It is preposterous to claim that all these have come into existence by chance with no aim or purpose. No living being has come to exist through its own accord or effort. No coincidental happening can ever result in such complicated systems. All of this evidence leads us to the conclusion that the universe works with a certain "consciousness". What, then, is the source of this consciousness? Surely it is neither the living nor the non-living beings in it. Nor can they be the ones that maintain the harmony and preserve the order. The existence and glory of God reveals itself in countless proofs in the universe. In fact, there is not even a single man on the earth who will not accept this evident reality from the heart. Yet they still deny it "in iniquity and arrogance, though their souls are convinced thereof" as stated in the Qur'an. (The Qur'an, 27:14) This booklet is written to point out the reality from which some people turn away because their interests are at odds with it, and also to disclose the frauds and senseless deductions on which some systems of thought are based. This is why many diverse subjects are tackled in the booklet. Those who read this booklet will once more see the indisputable evidence of God's existence and witness that God's existence encompasses all things: the "reason" knows this. Just as He has created this all-pervading order, He is the One Who also maintains it incessantly.

Cambuulo, is this a HAG elder training video. Ma odayaashi ayaa la bariyaa odaynimada?

Alpha Blondy;973622 wrote: the following people are jajuus-juduses or secret agents. Maddedey Blackflash Hobbesian_Brute Allyourbase careBlacy Naxar Nugaaleed Odey_Somali Marksman please ban them immediately. waa iga taalo. p.s - 56 others have been identified pending further clarifications. These are all small fish.Che is the leader of this CIA covert operation. Pretending to be Shabaab supporter, so he can collect info from Somali young muslims who live abroad.

The crime rate among Somalis is increasing, the prisons are flooded by Somalis, Somali on Somali crime is becoming a normality. I am slowly beginning to think that we dont belong in these foreign lands an its doing more social damage to our community.

The pictures provide us with the reality on the ground so people can make up their own judgement based on reality rather the usual censured CNN propaganda. And I can understand and imagine that these pictures are deemed to be shocking and some even dont want them to be posted, specially for those who supported the military coupe and the war on muslism.

Nuune, Dowladnimadu maha wax hal jeer dadka gala, sida jinka oo kale. Wakhti ayee qadataa inu qofku la qabsado. So it will take time till Cambuulo becomes 100% demobilised and de-anarchised, but he is making progress.

So basicly, you oppose an Islamic Justice system just because there was slavery in some Arabs countries centuries ago. But then I wonder why you dont oppose the western system, havent they enslaved dozens of millions, used nuclear bombs against innocent civilians, colonized and robbed hundreds of countries, killed 6 million jews, started 2 world wars, etc, etc. Your argument is baseless.

Hobbesian_Brute;973427 wrote: Slavery exists today in many Muslim countries if your not aware. in places like Mauritania slavery still flourishes. Muslims are agitating for sharia law today, tomorrow they will demand the return of slavery. its not an academic question at all. Your fear for muslims is quite irrational and ungrounded.

Slavery doesn't even exist anymore. This is a non-issue.

Hobbesian, please provide proper backing, facts and sources to support your empty anti-Islamic statements.

Haatu;973356 wrote: The regions should be based on the sub-clan level where possible and the clan level if it's a small clan. They should each have their own local assemblies and should have a degree of power. Haatu, What makes you think that clans would be satiafied with just some local and regional assemblies? I have the idea that clannism wants nothing less then to become the Mightiest and most Supreme power of all. adigu kursi yar ayaa la rabtaa, laakinse Qabyaladu wexe rabtaa kursiga ugu weyn.

Alpha Blondy;973350 wrote: 6 months which was almost 6 years ago. playing devil's advocate is not impressing anyone, inaadeero Arafat. ka dhex bax arrimaha Koonfurian-ka :mad: What makes you think I am talking only about Somalia? As if Somaliland has a credible justice system come one inaar. The first thing Kulmiye did was to fire the Riyaale appointed Chief Judge and I am sure the next goverment will bring its own Judges as well. Talking about independent justice.

Dottore, Actually its a good idea to make Garowe a Somali capital. This has been suggested before. http://www.somaliaonline.com/community/showthread.php/61977-Somali-Capitals?highlight=somali+capitals There is no reason we couldn't have multiple capitals. In fact many countries have multiple capitals. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_with_multiple_capitals I have suggested that Garowe should become the seat of the Guurti(House of Elders) and thus the traditional capital of Somalia, Magaalo madaxda Saldalada Somaliyeed. Every Sultan, Boqor, Aaqil, Garaad, Ugaas, Islaan should make his way to Garowe. http://www.somaliaonline.com/community/showthread.php/65871-Garowe-for-Somali-traditional-Capital?highlight=Garowe+Guurti.

Thats not true. In fact it has worked. We have 6 months of proof of that, 6 months of rule and law, 6 months of justice and 6 months where trust was return in the public. Why it only lasted 6 months? Because the west supported and funded Ethiopia and mercenaries to destroy the existence of such an example. Now, you tell us one single example of how the western justice system has worked for Somalis.

Somalia, clan federalism waa wuxu Faroole rabo si u awood ku helo. oo xal uma aha dhibta Somalia iyo clannism, it only creates more confusion and enforces clannism. bal eeg Galkacyo, iyo maamul qabiilada isku heysta gobolada kale. taas ayaa kugu filan tusaale. Anigu waxaan isweydiiniyaa Qabiil maxaa lagu qanci karaa oo xaal lagu siin karaa? Ma taalo ayaa u dhisnaa, ma garoon ayaan u sameyna?

Mudug should be next. One Governor, one mayor and one police force to be based in Galkacyo.

Back to the article, the author states that Somali Clanism emerged as the sole winner of the Somali civil war. Can we conclude from this that Clan is indeed a mighty genius and thus rightly deserves its permanent place in Somali society?