kudos to Nigerians. for sure they are creative when it comes to money scams.

Wyre, that must be Sheick Ayoub, going to Umrah.

I attended a hearing at the ICC just last week. And the month before a testimony of a witness against Karadiz at the Jugoslavia tribunal. I hope Somalia gets its own tribunal one day.

Waryaa Ngonge, the guy has a party base which you can't say of Shariif. And Farmaajo's party, still don't understand what they belief in except in an particular clan coalition. Kacaan 2.0

NGONGE;849700 wrote: He knows the theory? Farmajo knew the theory too and look what happend to him! Marka, what makes this Samatar person better than Sharif who has been on the job (and did the practical) for more than three years? Who says Farmaajo knew the theory. Have you read his thesis. Sxb, Shariif doesn't know how to manage a process. Just look at this whole constitutional farce. Even you admitted the process was managed wrong from the beginning.

Only way to get over a girl is hooking up with anotherone. Else you will become a bitter and broken. So its definetly a good think to get married right away, when your heart is broken.

No, he has run a faculty. That is more management and governing experience then most others have. And besides he has (academic )knowledge on governance.

Hilarious.

One of the best wadani songs I have heard this year!

Xisbiga Hiil-Qaran oo madaxweynenimada Soomaaliya u soo sharraxay Prof. Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar (SAWIRRO) http://hiilqaran.org/news/item/23-xisbiga-hiil-qaran-oo-madaxweynenimada-soomaaliya-u-soo-sharraxay-prof-axmed-ismaaciil-samatar-sawirro.html Isniin, July 09, 2012 (HOL) — Xisbiga Hiil-Qaran oo ka mid ah asxaabta siyaasadeed ee ka jirta Soomaaliya ayaa maanta ku dhawaaqay in Prof. Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar oo ka mid ah mas'uuliyiinta xisbigaas uu yahay murashaxa uga qayb-galaya doorashada madaxnimo ee Soomaaliya oo dhacaysa bisha Ogoosto ee sannadkan. Prof. Samatar oo munaasabaddii murashaxnimadiisa ka hadlay ayaa sheegay inuu ka shaqeynayo sidii dalka horumar uu ku gaarsiin lahaa haddii xilka madaxweynenimo loo doorto, isagoo sheegay in sababta uu Soomaaliya u yimidna ay tahay inuu uga faa'iideeyo aqoontiisa dadka iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed. "Anigu lacag ma soo doonan ee waxaan halkan u imid sidii aan inta cimrigeyga ka dhiman uga faa'iideeyo aqoontayda iyo kartideyda shacabka Soomaaliyeed," ayuu yiir Prof. Samatar oo soo dhaweeyay horumarrada dhinaca nabadda ah ee ay ku tallaabsatay Muqdisho sannadkii ugu dambeeyay. Sidoo kale, Prof. Samatar wuxuu sheegay inuu kobicin doonno haddii uu xafiiska ku guuleysto sidii uu u hormarin lahaa, aqoonta, caafimaadka, waxbarashada iyo dhaqaalaha dalka. Murashax Prof. Samatar wuxuu ballanqaaday in maalinta uu xafiiska ku fariisto uu ka shaqeyn doono sidii uu dib ugu mideyn lahaa Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya, isagoo sheegay in wadahadallada u dhexeeya Soomaaliya iyo Soomaaliland u soo dhaweynayo. "Madaxnimada waxaa saldhig u ah sida aan qabo saddex qodob oo kala ah: inuu ku yimid mas'uulku doorasho xalaal, inuu karti u leeyahay howsha dusha laga saarayo iyo inuu cadaalad wax ku maamulo," ayuu yiri Samatar oo sheegay inuu intaba ku dhaqmi doono. Guddoomiyaha xisbiga Hiil-Qaran, Prof. Ibraahim Macallin Mursal oo isaguna goobta ka hadlay ayaa sheegay in Prof. Samatar uusan isagu dooran inuu u tartamo xilka madaxnenimo ee Soomaaliya, balse ay u doorteen xubnaha xisbiga. "Xisbiga Hiil-Qaran wuxuu u magacaabay Prof. Samatar inuu uga qaybgalo tartanka doorasho ee dalka ka dhacaya," ayuu yiri Prof. Mursal oo hadalkiisa raaciyay in qorshaha xisbigooda uu yahay inuu dalka ka badbaadiyo dhibaatada muddada dheer soo jirtay. Sidoo kale, Xamdi Cabdulle oo ka mid ah mas'uuliyiinta xisbiga oo iyaduna goobta ka hadashay ayaa sheegtay in Prof. Samatar ay aad u taqaanno uuna yahay mas'uul hoggaamin kara dalka. Ugu dambeyn, dadweynihii munaasabadda kasoo qaybgalay ayaa waxaa la yaab ku noqotay hadal uu sheegay Prof. Axmed I. Samatar oo ahaa inuu ku shaqeyn doono haddii uu madaxweyne noqdo ha dollar oo keliya, heshiiska mushaarkiisana uu ku hor saxiixi doono shacabka hortiisa. Madasha lagu soo bandhigay murashaxnimada Prof. Axmed Samatar ayaa waxaa laga qaybiyay warqado ka hadlayay taariikhdiisa nololeed iyo middii waxbarasho, iyadoo dadku ay aad ula yaabeen jaamacadaha uu waxbartay iyo kuwa baraha ka noqday. Source : http://www.hiiraan.com/ Maxamed Xaaji Xuseen, Hiiraan Online maxuseen@hiiraan.com Muqdisho, Soomaaliya

From August on Somalia will need to stand o its own feet, build a system of governance and admin, pass laws, set up judiciary structure, a real foreign policy based on geopolitical reality, central, regional and local administrations. It's hugh daunting and complicated task. No other Somali (candidate) has as much knowledge and experience on this issue then the Professor. Those who oppose him should atleast mention their candidate of choice!

In short, considering the ambiguity of wording, the deliberate obfuscation of the meaning of : "to clarify their future relationship", the sheer absence in both talks for so bold of a text stating the case of what Somaliland is seeking from these talks even if you immediately contrast that paragraph as to what TFG in their end want, the absence of the time-line in which this these talks are supposed to be done and dusted with, the lack of defining the number of times in which these talks must be had in-order to get the "clarification definition", and finally the inherent open-ended meaning of these talks, all led me to believe that Somaliland has sold themselves short in here. Particularly in both talks so far. And in effect they have allowed the TFG to be the partner in the talks with a "veto power" when it comes to what to discuss, when to discuss things, and in what order of sequence to do so, and whether the agreed mutual cooperation - as stated by both talks - comes first or second than the promise to "clarify" their relationship going forward. And this, in my view, sadly is an impeachable offense on the part of Somaliland's delegation, who signed this document. Furthermore, now that the two presidents gave their impromptu endorsement of this deliberately ambiguous agreement, without bringing a needed day-light to the inherent ambiguous sense of the original Chevening 8 points agreement, particularly in the manner in which we have been led to believe by a various Kulmiye's mouth-pieces in the media. Then this also means, that the president is constitutionally culpable for this "gathering crime" against the very public oath of office to which he took when he assumed the presidency of the Republic. Given the fact, that, the oath of office that he took deliberately sets out the scope of "constitutional fidelity" to which he must uphold it. And furthermore, that same constitution he was tasked to uphold call for the protection of the very existence of Somaliland in any bilateral agreement with another party; which sadly, in this instance, he flagrantly disregarded it in this Dubai Statement as well as endorsing the previous Chevening agreement that had white-washed Somaliland's position in these talks However, whether this impeachable offense in which president Silanyo have committed it is a consequences of "deliberate commission" on his part. Or whether it's to do with a touch of a tardy understanding of what he was signing on. Or even whether it was to do with a lackadaisical read of what the agreement he was signing may have been purporting to mean in his mind (both in explicitly as well as implicitly), will be a matter time alone will furnish a decent answer for all of us. And, Finally, and in a sense, you could say, that I am deeply dishearten for being a bearer of bad news to the readers and for my people alike. Although, to be honest I am less incline as it is to worry about being accused of having a particular "axe-to-grind" against the current elected government. For I consider my duty to sound the alarm in boldness in here so that I can bring the real "state-of-play" to far outweigh of any other consideration. For in the final analysis our duty as a Somalilanders is to be, as they say in certain part of US: "Trust, But Verify". And, in that sense, we must ask our leaders to be certifiably accountable to us. Particularly, when they do enter on our behalf an international agreement in which it's purported meaning or the larger political imprint it can have is at best "decidedly and deliberately ambiguous". Or at worse, it could mean nothing less than Alice-in-wonderland retort of saying that words means no less than what I want them to mean regardless of how that is fanciful to anyone else. Hence, it will be a historical tragedy on our part, if we allow this state of affairs to continue without knowing what sting in the tail it will herald for us as a country and as a people in going forward. Regards, Ibrahim Ismail ibrahim_ismail@yahoo.com

A Comprehensive Analysis Of The Two Talks between Somaliland And Somalia. Written by Ibarhim Ismail ** Jul 04, 2012 at 12:54 PM Now that we see the white-in-the-eyes of the agreement the two presidents reached in Dubai as well as the previous agreement in London in Chevening House. Then, the question becomes, as to how to read and reason with such a "deliberately cryptic" documents? And, furthermore how to do one-over of a decent analysis to these two agreements? Firstly, in here before we begun lets stipulates that one needs to be brutally honest. As well as be frank with reality in which however much one may wishes it to be others, still, nevertheless it seems to be transpiring in front of our eyes, like so much of a seductive strip-tease of one garment-at-the-time sort of final denouement. Secondly, in order to do justice of the talks so far, one also has to take the two communiques together so that one will be able to read back-and-forth between them. Now that we have set the stage of what we seem to have in this Dubai Statement And Chevening House Communique, let's turn our gaze on to the reality of the situation as well as what they likely will purport in the future. Consequently, in here the first thing to say is that, as I expected, the London's Chevening House 8 points agreement is the basis in which the future talks between the two sides will be conducted with. As was agreed by the two presidents in their Dubai Statement. This means the presidential agreement between the two presidents merely and formally endorses that "curtain-raiser-agreement" as the "cornerstone" of any and all future talks between the sides. Hence, it will be, in short, the "legal frame-work" in which all subsequent talks between the two sides will be based on. And, therefore, that means, procedurally and operationally, any argument (championing by any side, for example) which could be outside of the "scope" of that Chevening house's 8 points agreement is effectively, null-and-void. Which means, that each party has the right to call out as an "off-side" action, if the other party were to try to sneak in the future talks between the two sides anything that is not within the "precisely-defined-remit" of the agreed-and-endorsed document. Subsequently, the up-shot of this way of reasoning things means, that Somaliland's hands are tied to discuss only the agreed point in the Chevening 8 points agreement. And, also, TFG (or its successor) will have legally endorsed statement that says that, if Somaliland brings on the table anything that is outside of those agreed points, then, she and her representative have the right to say that is outside of our agreement. And, the IC will be legal-bound to side with them. Thirdly, at this point, some of you may wonder as to how come I am reading the Chevening 8 points agreement to be a legal document that restricts the elbow room of Somaliland, which I presumed some of you may already notice it. And the answer is that document (at least in its bold written text) doesn't at all say anything about the legal issue in which Somaliland is arguing for. Other than vaguely referring back to London agreement of 23rd February. In other words, as London's February agreement hold, to say two parties should clarify their future relationship could mean one and a thousand sense of legal meaning. And that would be from complete re-union to a complete separation and all that is between them. Hence it was incumbent on the negotiators from Somaliland to have defined in so precise manner what the call for clarification is meant to be understood it in the agreement. Or at least how they interpret that meaning. Or failing that, then there should have been stand-alone clause (or even addendum) within the agreement the says: Somaliland's position in so far as the notion of calling for the clarification of her future relationship with Somalia means this precise wording. And, then to make the text a very neutral document, you immediately contrast that with the version in which the TFG understand the meaning for the call to clarify her relationship with Somaliland ought to mean, in the sense of adding to it. And, you do this way in-order to have the beginning of a talks without prejudicing any one position, but at the same time not leaving any ambiguity as to what each side is saying or for that matter not allowing no side in saying our definition for clarifying our relationship is the one that should take precedence over the other one, for we are recognized or even UN's endorsed government. And, therefore, to preempt any endless dance around of what each party is contending on here, one has to be so straight forward in the way in which both parties can have their meaning of this word "to clarify" set it out in a clear stall of plain language. Of course, the whole purpose of the discussion will always hinges on whose definition prevails. But, by the same token, those two competing terms ought to have been given a legal force in the agreement, and therefore, they ought to have been stated exactly in a precise wording, so that what each party is bringing to the table is clear for the mediators and protagonist, alike . This means, to belabored the point further, within the agreement you must so categorically state the main and firmly held position of each party. And you do this so that the future talks will be clear of what they ought to mean in legal sense. Or at least it will be clear as to what their main thrust will be gears towards it. Of course, the TFG may not have signed any agreement that calls for the clarification of the future relationship if the text of that agreement boldly were to have stated what the Somaliland's position is and what she means when she call for clarification. Even if you also add at the same time and in the same page what in turn the TFG was also minding to mean when she herself assent for the need for the clarification of both parties future relationship. But, still, be that as it may, the benefit of doing things this way, would of have been is that it would have allowed the future talks to be based on the reality - in explicit sense - at least in so far as Somaliland is concern, precisely what is calling for, as she enters these talks, and they will be marker for the mediators to know, not as a publicly stated letter from the president. But, as a legal document in which without it, Somaliland would not sign any document omitting her position of the talks. And, of course, it follows, that will also leave no room for doubt as to how to measure the outcome of these talks. Which is much more of a preferable method than this way of relying on ambiguous phrases that could mean one thousand and one thing to all and sunder. Fourthly, the up-shot of this is that we have a "legal outcome" in which that deliberate obfuscation has resulted it so far, inadvertently or otherwise. Since, the future talks could not touch - at least legally - anything of the argument that is of Somaliland central argument. And, furthermore the TFG could have anyway it wants to "interpret" the meaning of the word "clarify" their future relationship. Given the fact there is no precise meaning of legal sense in which both parties had agreed in which this word mean or ought to mean; or even, what range of possibilities this word - "to clarify" is encompassing in here. But all that said one have to acknowledge particularly with frankness and with boldness that the current "Dubai Statement" seemed to be "cementing" a rather nasty piece of under-hand political work against Somaliland. And, also it's in here that one has to say that the Chevening 8 points agreement is the culprit that started the whole rot. Consequently, taken together, these two talks, so far, are nothing but a tragic course of action for Somaliland and her indefatigable people when it comes to what their leadership seemed to have wrought in their name. Lastly, but, not least, seeing what seems to be transpiring in here (with a too-clever-by-half-agenda on the part of the current leadership, as I have suspected all along) then, it's incumbent for all Somalilanders in everywhere in the world, regardless of party or any other secondary affiliation that they may have to take all necessary action in correcting this "gathering crime" against the very existence of their Republic while still the day is young and matters still rest in their hand. And, furthermore, they should pay no heed at all to any seductive talk about how the current leadership is playing a "clever long game" with Somalia. For the sort of standing skulduggery - of the kind that is of playing the clever long game against your opponents - may be the sort of passing arguments that cuts much ice in the ever feuding party-politics of Somaliland. But in the spheres of the international agreements and the legality it enforces, what matters are the signed and the agreed document. With it's precise and deliberated wording. This means, anything that is not nailed down to a bold precise text or even to a so defined in so precise formulation, or at least at minimum, defined in a addendum to the main agreement, does not get to look in by those who you will need to interpret for you, namely the mediators who will assumed the role of arbitrators, if and when those agreements becomes a bone of contention between the parties that are signatory to the original document.

It's definetly a good idea Somaliland to support Somalia security wise. Rather a Somali doing the job, then a Kenyan, Burundese or Amisom/Unosom.

Puntland suffers the consequence of the pirate presence in their areas as calculated assassinations to government officials and to prominent community elders and spiritual leaders and foreigners by armed gang oven took place for reasons connected to piracy associated with some political and tribal retaliation in Puntland towns. However, if this practice continues it will invalidate the fair stability that exists in Puntland. As a rival economical and political region to Somaliland, the Puntland administration devised a destabilising strategy for Somaliland by claiming Sool and some parts of Sanaag regions, an area that Puntland is much interested in to get hold of it simply because of an ancestral link rather border connection as of colonial borders in Africa. In addition, Puntland has a potential interest in drilling nugaal valley well located inside the border of Somaliland which first drilled by ConocoPhillips in 1989 by giving a concession to Red Emperor Resources along with Dharoor well in Puntland.This is the root cause of the dispute between Somaliland and Puntland. The Abdullahi’s federal governments of Somalia (October 10, 1984 - December 29, 2008) put into effect that strategy of detaching Sool and Sanaag districts from Somaliland for reasons that can be associated with mineral and petroleum interest for Puntland benefit as Abdullahi him-self was the founder of Puntland administration in 1998. However, this border dispute tact was a tool for Puntland and Somalia TFG, though with different aims but analogous to have a case in suspension for a possible recognition of Somaliland or by creating insecure environment within Somaliland for political reasons. A similar tactic was adopted by some close regional governments, as in the case of Ethiopia, to disturb the new government of Somaliland lead by Mr M A Mohamoud Silaanyo for a minor rift or temporary misunderstanding between the two the administrations In Hargeisa and Addis which is now restored. The Ethiopian government through the Somali Self Governing administration in Jigjiga supported and offered a facilitation and security arrangements to some high profile diasporas members who hailed from Sool region and Buhoodle district of Togdheer region to convene at Taleh village of Somaliland in January 2012 and announced an administration named Khaatumo state of Somalia which the Somalia’s TFG also had a hand on the establishment of this group as this group opposes both Puntland and Somaliland claims of Sool and Buhoodle. At the time the TFG and had some issue with Puntland regarding with Somalia’s political roadmap. However, this group who mainly consists of diasporas individuals is now seems withered by the Somalia-Somaliland dialogue as Somaliland government has now changed its previous strategy of segregating itself from interacting with Somalia’s political discourse. Nevertheless, the international community was also less generous to the case of Somaliland, they have only offered a cold shoulder and left the Somaliland’s bid for recognition to decide by the African Union who have their own internal problems and some of them even have an interest on Somali people’s untidy political affair or may not even like seeing an internationally recognised Somaliland next door as it might be a threat to their economical position in the Horn as in the case of Djibouti, though it has shown now some leniency to Somaliland case and some co-operation begun between the two governments. On the other hand, the world has kept Somaliland in a corner until recently in terms of the magnitude of financial assistance that the donor countries and the UN organisations spent to Somalia for the past twenty years with little improvement on ground. Somehow, Somaliland has strived with this financial negligence by the international community and, with little in the budget; the people of Somaliland did mind their business and built their own country both in the public and the private sector inferstructures. The people of Somaliland not only helped their country but participated in the assistance and the reconciliation of the conflicts in Somalia. It is worth to mention the efforts that Somaliland made when the power clash erupted in Puntland between Jama Ali Jama the late President Abdullahi Yusuf of Somalia TFG - then the president of Puntland who completed his term in November 2001 and recaptured the power from Jama Ali Jama in May 2002. The forces of Jama Ali Jama and Gen. Ade Muse Boqor who came from Canada to support Jama were defeated and Gen, Ade and his men fled to Somaliland. With hospitable treatment, the then president of Somaliland, Mr Daahir Riyaale gave the Gen Ade and his men a refuge before they returned to Puntland with the help of Somaliland arbitration by sorting out the difference between the general and Abdullahi Yusuf who finally agreed to form a power sharing government in Puntland in May 2003. Somaliland only did this charitable decision Just to uphold the stability in the Horn. Mr Ade later became the President of Puntland after Abdullahi won the presidency seat in the transitional government of Somalia in Nairobi in October 1984. However, neither Gen. Ade nor Col. Abdullahi returned the due favour to Somaliland people; instead they did the opposite to Somaliland: Armed the Sool and Buhoodle community against Somaliland. Similarly, Somaliland gave a home to a large internally displaced people from the South of Somalia who fled from the surging wars in their regions. Moreover, it donated nearly one million dollar to the drought and famine stricken people in Mogadishu and Dhadhaab (Kenya) refugee camp in September 2011. A Somaliland delegation consisting of government ministers and civilians has taken that assistance to Mogadishu and Dhadhaab for distribution. In fact, many Somaliland poor families were in need of that assistance but justly those in Mogadishu were lacking of security and shelter more than those in Somaliland and that is why the people of Somaliland and their government took that timely decision. It was a wise decision which has captured the attention of the world which usually reports a help from external donor to Somalia but not ever reported a help from Somali people to Somali people of that magnitude as in this case. After 21 years, Somalia and Somaliland sit together, face to face, at a technical level and discussed to clarity their future relations without the presence of a third party during the course of the discussion in Chevening House, UK, on 21 June 2012. Within two hours of the meeting the two sides reached an agreement that the facilitating committee were not expecting, in fact the notion that was in place was an expectation of confrontation by the two sides and that was proven wrong. The outcome of that meeting was again ratified by the two presidents of Somalia and Somaliland in a similar setting in Dubai on 28 June 2012. A new lesson that the international community learned from the Somali people: With their own affairs they can agree if the platform and the opportunity are given to them. However, everything has a secret ingredient that makes the taste and the texture of the matter in question; the secret ingredient that restores Somalia’s existence is with Somaliland. Now, it seems that Somaliland is ready to participate in all the political discussions that could rightly shape the future of the Horn of Africa. Therefore, can the international community empower Somaliland to help Somalia? Somaliland has the experience, the venue, the security and it can commit itself to find out a lasting solution to Somali problems. Mohamoud H Arrale Arrale3@yahoo.com

Can The International Community Empower Somaliland To Help Somalia? Written by Mohamoud H Arrale ** Jul 09, 2012 at 06:33 AM On the onset of the article, I would like to highlight briefly, to my best recall, the melt down of the Somalia dignity and an unprecedented events that unfolded after the late Siyaad Barre’s regime has got ousted by the rebel forces in 27 January 1991. The collapse of the Somali Government in 1991, regardless of the past, was the eventual upshot of the country’s disintegration into several, mostly clan based, administrations with conflicting political aspiration - the footprint of a failed state: first Somaliland (former British Protectorate) broke away from the rest of Somalia (former Italian colony) – not without a reason. Just after the late president, Mohamed. S. Barre, was thrown out of Mogadishu, Mr Ali Mahdi took the opportunity to grab the vacant presidential seat - a preset operation - without being elected by the general public or the leaders of armed rebel forces of SNM (April 1981), USC (1989) and SPM (March 1989) who literally forced Siyaad Barre to flee and toppled his regime after their meeting at Balliguble, the SNM base, on Aug 7, 1990. Mr. Ali Mahdi’s inapt and hustled action has enraged the people in the North (Somaliland) and the leaders of the rebel forces, notably General Aideed, and thus further contributed to the escalation of the war in Mogadishu, after said Barre’s flee. It has also prompted Somaliland to disaffiliate from the South without waiting further development of the situation in Moqadishu. At this point the country took two different and opposite directions. On November 17, 1991, The south which was relatively stable prior to 1991, (Somalia - as it was called before 1960) begun to follow to a turbulence path which displaced millions and claimed the lives of thousands of people as well material damages and resulted in famines and diseases that could be blamed to all actors that involved in the confrontations in Somalia, whether their intentions were sinister or sound act. The military operations by the UN, the AU and neighbouring countries until present and the numerous reconciliations held for Somalia as well as the lavish financial aid by the west and the other international community including the Arab countries to Somalia (the South) proved ineffectual and have achieved little to change the course of Somalia. Those efforts, despite proven ineffective, still are being continued in Somalia with the same strategy that based with external influence to nurture the same mayhem that always takes a different shape and breeds a different and new adversary to fight with. - A rolling program of the initial problem. In fact, the direct involvement of the Somalia’s affairs by the International Community or by any stakeholder only extends the problem within the Somali Society. If the problem in Somalia is left to the Somali people without interference, they could decide their way out in a reasonable time may be with less human cost than we experienced now. The UN and the African countries intervention to Somalia is a project with many beneficiaries which has no specific completion date, because of the financial gains for those involved outweighs the real solution. The people in the North (Somaliland) took different approach than the Southern Somalia by a) reconciling the clans in the North-west of Somalia, after years of civil war prior to 1991, and b) declaring on 18 May 1991 their withdrawal from the Union of Somalia that had unconditionally happen in 1 July 1960, after Ali Mahdi has announced his government in Mogadishu. The people of Somaliland, now around 3 million, formed a government with a constitution, parliament, house of elders, new currency (Somaliland Shilling) and flew its own flag - satisfies all the requirements of a sovereign country. The successive Somaliland administrations systematically started, despite some hindrance, the process of stabilizing the country by demobilizing all armed militias and forming a national army and a police force as well as fostering the democratization process that the country is going through now. Since then four presidents were replaced of which the last two were democratically elected by the people and the power was transferred smoothly by the incumbent presidents to their successors. As Somaliland is not yet recognised by the international community and it cannot secure proper economical and political relation with the other nations, It has been reliant on its limited resource with the minimal external assistance for the past two decades of its being, unlike Somalia, by achieving its physical development that has fascinated the international media and given the commendation of being a model of hope in Africa. In contrast to that positive image of Somaliland, the Southern Somalia has plunged into troubled water as further divisions of the country surfaced in the form of fiefdoms based on tribal influence or warlords. One of the first tribal based administrations that split from the south in 1998 is the semi-autonomous administration of Puntland (******teenia in territory wise). Puntland is a stable area, to a certain extent, although it has infested by pirate operations, a major financial source to that area in terms of the scale of ransom received by the pirates for their catches, or the financial aid to the authority in Puntland by the donor community for fighting the piracy in their coasts. Besides that, Puntland is far better than the rest of southern regions in the development aspect. The maritime piracy hosted by this enclave costs nearly 7 billion dollars to the international trade according to a report by One Earth Future in 2011. This cost is footed by consumers of the commodities (including the Somali people) that transported via on this risky route as the price of commodities, transport charges and insurance of sea transport on the high risk waters went sky-high not because of the current financial crisis in the world market but mainly of the piracy in the Horn of Africa. As reports cited, the Somali pirates operate in the Gulf of Aden, the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea, the Indian Ocean, and off the coast of Oman.

An arab-Somali making his own food. Ngonge, ma jariyadii aya ku bartay bariga Sacuudiga joogtay.

Sheick Ayoub, shame on you for this smear campaign against the Professor. Atleast, Admit he is the most capable and most educated candidate so far. Hardly any other candidate has studies and written about Somalia as Prof Samater did. @Ngonge, the Professor visited Muqdisho number of times. He was even there recently.

It's true Somalilanders love hadal, muran and kaftan with complete strangers.

AYOUB;849575 wrote: I'm sure he said he will never run for office but let the likes of MMA and A&T do it on behalf of his party. Maxaa is baddalay? When did he say that. Arent you confusing Abdi Ismail Samater with Ahmed?

Tootsi waa Tol.

Jacaylbaro;849525 wrote: I still think Carafaat and Burahaadeer have some scriptive relationship ,,, JB, qof kasta oo buur saaran ma danyeerki tolka ayaa mooday.

Kolay Ayoub iyo Africaown waa isku xisbi. Xisbiga seef la boodayasha.

*Blessed;849558 wrote: I miss... My family - the sheeko, debates and laughs. The madness of H-town's buses and central suuq. . Waali, Buuq iyo muran ayaa u xiistay?

This is what I eat on daily basis voor lunch and breakfast. Ngonge, you see there is no somali makhayad here like everywhere in uk.