Someday the wind will change And you will see me clearly One day these dreams of mine Will bring me to my time Someday I will become What I am meant to be coming to One day, but that's a million somedays From today lately the sunshine Makes a different shape around me Lately my music Has a different sound to show me Lately I ask questions of the world But no one is listening tell me, when I go to sleep What will the morning bring me? falling, falling, falling Or am I flying? Flying, flying, flying Or am I falling?

<cite> @CidanSultan said:</cite> Wonderful news. They are starting to honour their 1991 agreements which is the ony reason for current hostilities. Welcome home.... i've been advocating for the commemoration of Garaad Abdulqani Day for a while now. it's important we celebrate those earlier figures to consolidate a future of wada jir, isku xidhnaan, wax wada qabsi, wada shaqayn, isku kalsooni, isku tanaasul and harmonious coexistence.

excellent. welcome home Garadooow.

i wouldn't like to have celebrity neighbours. you'd lose respect for them.

. <cite> @Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar said:</cite> Badowdaan yaa ka jaahil bixiyo ereyga 'liido' micnahiisa iyo meesha uu kasoo jeedo. Wali iyadoo ka timid dal aan bad iyo xeeb lahayn. Qof walba wariye iska sheegto. she's right. while y'all kill, maim and burn each other, the Africans are taking your land. it's irrelevant that you have a coastal line and she's landlocked.

let's not be too hasty to ”dad qalato-ise” this man. we've all been there but never had the guts to do the deed. years of enduring torrents of verbal abuse and undeserved criticism can drive people to kill their mother, you know. these islaamo need to chill out before they end up 6 feet below. waana iga taalo.

<cite> @Dr_Osman said:</cite> this qeybdid guy is composed. Abdi cawar is conforming to type.

this entire discussion is bias and anti-SL.

Somali literary figures continue to denigrate our collective will. titles such as ''Crossbones '' and ''The Orchard of Lost Souls'' la yaab ma leh. they are worst than the white voyeurs. this does not surprise.

<cite> @Tallaabo said:</cite> This thread is deserted like a ghost town and its golden age is well and truly behind it. Its demise obviously began when its star member and benefactor- the one and only Safferz ceased her invaluable contributions to this sad corner of SOL. To make up for the lost, Alpha then started to copy and paste YouTube music videos which no one here is even remotely interested. This thread is now an eyesore in SOL and like an old ugly crumbling building should be pulled down to make way for a better structure. I urge Libaax to spare the newbies their constant encounter with this shock and horror of a place and evict the resident squatter by the name Alpha Blondy whose photo was last taken by the newly formed campaign group called "Evict Alpha and bin this cantrabaqash". lol. what can i say eh? not much i guess.....

<cite> @SomaliPhilosopher said:</cite> walahi somalia is one fuck of a country. we are in the 19th century. lol.

lol why you reactivating this thread, abti?

awesome soundtrack.

hi y'all......maxa cusub? i've made several life-changing decisions recently. inshallah kheyr.

what's up with bow-tie? lol

hi Raage, welcome.

Downtown Hargeisa, towards New Hargeisa

Egal International Airport. Hargeisa, SL

You can't let no bitch shatter yo' dreams... (hmm...) It might not be all bad as it first seems... (hmm...) You might not have all the things you need, yeah-heh... But all you got to do is believe... I got to get my money-hey, yeah-eah... I got to get my money-hey, oh-ho... You got to get yo' money-hey, yeah-eah... I got to get my money-hey, yeah-eah... - you got to get yo' money...

Reflecting on Rwanda's Past—While Looking Ahead We put aside false divisions between Tutsi and Hutu and held ourselves accountable. After a genocide, historical clarity is an inescapable duty. Behind the words "Never Again," there is a story whose truth must be told in full, no matter how uncomfortable. The people who planned and carried out the genocide in Rwanda were Rwandans, but the history and causes extend well beyond my country. This is why Rwandans continue to seek the most complete explanation possible for the terrible events of 20 years ago. We do so with humility as a nation that nearly destroyed itself, not because we want to shift all blame onto others. All genocides begin with an ideology—a system of ideas that says: This group of people here, they are less than human and they deserve to be exterminated. The most devastating legacy of European control of Rwanda was the transformation of social distinctions into "races." We were classified and dissected, and whatever differences existed were magnified according to a framework invented elsewhere. Rwanda's 2,000 years of history were reduced to a series of caricatures based on Bible passages and on myths told to credulous explorers. Atavistic hostility between something called "Tutsi" and something called "Hutu" was deemed inherent to our nature. The purpose was neither scientific nor benign, but ideological: to justify colonial claims to rule over and "civilize" supposedly lesser peoples. With the full participation of Belgian officials and Catholic institutions, ethnicity was made the only basis of political organization, as if there were no other way to govern and develop society. The result was a country perpetually on the verge of genocide. Decade by decade, the number of victims grew. In 1994, more than a million people died over 100 days as the Rwandan state, backed militarily and politically by France, told some Rwandans that it was their duty to murder other Rwandans. Les faits sont têtus—facts are stubborn, and no country is powerful enough, even when it thinks it is, to change the facts. Africans are no longer resigned to being hostage to the world's low expectations. We listen to and respect the views of others. But ultimately, we must be responsible for ourselves. In Rwanda, we are relying on universal human values, which include our culture and traditions, to find modern solutions to the unique challenges we faced in terms of justice and reconciliation following the genocide. Early on, we made three fundamental choices that guide us to this day. First, we chose to stay together. We brought millions of refugees home. We allowed low-level genocide suspects to return home to await our form of community justice known as Gacaca. We passed a new constitution that transcends politics based on division and, for the first time, made women full partners in nation-building. We extended comprehensive health and education benefits to all our citizens. Second, we chose to be accountable. We decentralized power and decision-making around the country. We work closely with aid donors to ensure that their funds reach the poor. We award scholarships and appoint public servants based on merit, without discrimination. We sanction officials, no matter how high-ranking, who abuse power or engage in corruption. Third, we chose to think big. We made the country an attractive place to do business. We extended broadband to all 30 districts. We are regular contributors to United Nations and African Union peacekeeping forces, including in Sudan, Mali, and the Central African Republic, because our experience has taught us how to recognize the warning signs of genocide, and it has given us the determination to stop it when we have the means to do so. We may make mistakes, like every country does. We own up and learn and move forward. Our approach is as radical and unprecedented as the situation we faced. The insistence on finding our own way sometimes comes with a price. Too often, the price includes a dubious discourse in which victims are transformed into villains. But doubts about our policy choices should not make moral equivalence about genocide acceptable. We appreciate the contributions that we have received from friends and partners abroad, precisely because we do not feel anyone owes us anything. But we ask that outsiders engage Rwanda and Africa with an open mind, accepting that our efforts to move beyond the politics of division are being carried out in good faith. A few years ago I met a young man who was one of 12 people pulled alive from under 3,000 corpses in a mass grave at Murambi. He still lived nearby, totally alone. When the perpetrators he recognized came home from prison, terror surged again through his body. I asked him how he managed and he told me, "I could not do it unless I was convinced that these impossible choices are leading us somewhere." To prevent genocide, it is not enough to remember the past. We must also remember the future. Mr. Kagame is the president of Rwanda. --- http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303456104579485452584630182?mg=reno64-wsj --- interesting. A Closer Look at Kagame's Rwanda The real cause of ethnic violence or pogroms is the monopolization of power and the reluctance to relinquish or share it with other groups. President Paul Kagame is a fine soldier who saved the Tutsis from extermination in 1994 in Rwanda. But in his analysis of the genocide ("Building a Future After Rwanda's Genocide," op-ed, April 7), he glosses over some pertinent historical facts and his own appalling human-rights record. It is somewhat naive to think that the threat of genocide can be eliminated by abolishing ethnic identity and distinctions. The real cause of ethnic violence or pogroms is the monopolization of power and the reluctance to relinquish or share it with other groups. Nearly all civil wars in post-colonial Africa were started by politically excluded or marginalized groups. Rebel leaders, like Mr. Kagame, head straight to the capital because that's where power resides. Ethnicity has nothing to do with it. Worse, Mr. Kagame's nebulous policy against "divisiveness" has been used to silence and jail dissidents and political rivals. Freedom of expression does not exist in Rwanda; nor does freedom of the media. All key state institutions are controlled by Kagame's Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). There is no democracy: Mr. Kagame has won two Stalinist elections (2003 and 2013) with more than 90% of the vote. Critics of Mr. Kagame are routinely hounded, vilified, jailed and even assassinated. Worse still, Mr. Kagame has sponsored and financed three Tutsi-led invasions into the Democratic Republic of Congo that have caused the deaths of some 6.4 million Congolese. The real tragedy of Rwanda is that Mr. Kagame is so consumed by the 1994 genocide that, in his attempt to prevent another one, he is creating the very conditions that led to it. George Ayittey, President Free Africa Foundation Washington --- http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304640104579489472753712400?mg=reno64-wsj&url=http%3A%2F%2Fonline.wsj.com%2Farticle%2FSB10001424052702304640104579489472753712400.html -- George Ayittey's response to Kagame.

a series of articles marking the 20th anniversary of the Rwandan Genocide can be found on...http://www.somaliaonline.com/community/topic/the-african-century-thread/ Reflecting on Rwanda's Past—While Looking Ahead We put aside false divisions between Tutsi and Hutu and held ourselves accountable. After a genocide, historical clarity is an inescapable duty. Behind the words "Never Again," there is a story whose truth must be told in full, no matter how uncomfortable. The people who planned and carried out the genocide in Rwanda were Rwandans, but the history and causes extend well beyond my country. This is why Rwandans continue to seek the most complete explanation possible for the terrible events of 20 years ago. We do so with humility as a nation that nearly destroyed itself, not because we want to shift all blame onto others. All genocides begin with an ideology—a system of ideas that says: This group of people here, they are less than human and they deserve to be exterminated. The most devastating legacy of European control of Rwanda was the transformation of social distinctions into "races." We were classified and dissected, and whatever differences existed were magnified according to a framework invented elsewhere. Rwanda's 2,000 years of history were reduced to a series of caricatures based on Bible passages and on myths told to credulous explorers. Atavistic hostility between something called "Tutsi" and something called "Hutu" was deemed inherent to our nature. The purpose was neither scientific nor benign, but ideological: to justify colonial claims to rule over and "civilize" supposedly lesser peoples. With the full participation of Belgian officials and Catholic institutions, ethnicity was made the only basis of political organization, as if there were no other way to govern and develop society. The result was a country perpetually on the verge of genocide. Decade by decade, the number of victims grew. In 1994, more than a million people died over 100 days as the Rwandan state, backed militarily and politically by France, told some Rwandans that it was their duty to murder other Rwandans. Les faits sont têtus—facts are stubborn, and no country is powerful enough, even when it thinks it is, to change the facts. Africans are no longer resigned to being hostage to the world's low expectations. We listen to and respect the views of others. But ultimately, we must be responsible for ourselves. In Rwanda, we are relying on universal human values, which include our culture and traditions, to find modern solutions to the unique challenges we faced in terms of justice and reconciliation following the genocide. Early on, we made three fundamental choices that guide us to this day. First, we chose to stay together. We brought millions of refugees home. We allowed low-level genocide suspects to return home to await our form of community justice known as Gacaca. We passed a new constitution that transcends politics based on division and, for the first time, made women full partners in nation-building. We extended comprehensive health and education benefits to all our citizens. Second, we chose to be accountable. We decentralized power and decision-making around the country. We work closely with aid donors to ensure that their funds reach the poor. We award scholarships and appoint public servants based on merit, without discrimination. We sanction officials, no matter how high-ranking, who abuse power or engage in corruption. Third, we chose to think big. We made the country an attractive place to do business. We extended broadband to all 30 districts. We are regular contributors to United Nations and African Union peacekeeping forces, including in Sudan, Mali, and the Central African Republic, because our experience has taught us how to recognize the warning signs of genocide, and it has given us the determination to stop it when we have the means to do so. We may make mistakes, like every country does. We own up and learn and move forward. Our approach is as radical and unprecedented as the situation we faced. The insistence on finding our own way sometimes comes with a price. Too often, the price includes a dubious discourse in which victims are transformed into villains. But doubts about our policy choices should not make moral equivalence about genocide acceptable. We appreciate the contributions that we have received from friends and partners abroad, precisely because we do not feel anyone owes us anything. But we ask that outsiders engage Rwanda and Africa with an open mind, accepting that our efforts to move beyond the politics of division are being carried out in good faith. A few years ago I met a young man who was one of 12 people pulled alive from under 3,000 corpses in a mass grave at Murambi. He still lived nearby, totally alone. When the perpetrators he recognized came home from prison, terror surged again through his body. I asked him how he managed and he told me, "I could not do it unless I was convinced that these impossible choices are leading us somewhere." To prevent genocide, it is not enough to remember the past. We must also remember the future. Mr. Kagame is the president of Rwanda. --- http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303456104579485452584630182?mg=reno64-wsj --- interesting.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> It's really just a suggestion Alpha! After all, I want what's best for you If you ever need to talk to someone about your personal problems, I'm always here LOOOOOOOOOOL@i want what's best for you i've got 99 problems but blowing yourself isn't one of them.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> Alpha, do you log into SomaliaOnline due to your failed comedy career? You're actually not funny, and you attempting to be funny on this forum is gaining you nothing except pity laughs and some rolled eyes. Perhaps you should try a new field? Are you considering it? ok. lets talk about why you're anti Somaliland?

<cite> @OdaySomali said:</cite> G'devening, how are you all doing this fine evening... im tired as hell. Relentlessly busy. better to be busy than not to be not busy.