^ leave me alone! my full Soomaalinimo and full monkeynimo has never got me anywhere in life. everything i have ever been, however little, has been through my own individual endeavours. this stuff is a waste of time, walle. like Kurtz, my belief in such shallow values, have left a hollow shell of a civilised, rational being, in my person. yet, i'm finding myself becoming more nationalistic and radicalised by the day. these days, i have a particular hatred for non-ethnic Somalis. i'm not sure why. as for the library, it's exist.

in Islam it's permitted to marry 4 wives, so he's only one more wife shy in meeting that target. i'm sure it's not easy being married to 3 wives but he's seems like he's handling it well.

<cite> @Dhagax-Tuur said:</cite> Somali iyo qabiil maxaanu ku kala sameynaa? Yaa Alle yaqaan oo ummadeena cudurkaan ka daweeya. These two young people came out to help their Somali brethren the best possible way here in Gaalo-land, yet some of you are going out of your way to even go far as saying they are not Somalis, Who the heck made you the gatekeeper? Effing couch-servers. good morning, there are far too many people with the messiah complex these days. i've been following the developments of this event very closely over the net. it's bringing together a bunch of mediocre individuals who've ''apparently'' excelled in their particular field. there are half breeds, fashion designers, hipsters and homosexuals taking part. of course, i’m pretty mediocre myself though i'm ashamed to admit it. i'm not being self-deprecating but i've never done anything that stands out as, “whoah“! certainly i’ve had some successes and some failures but never reached any of the goals i had initially set. somehow i've always slipped off along the way, off the yellow brick road, into the wilderness but you don't see me, parading my talents for all to see and gagging for attention. self-awareness is a virtue. qabil has nothing to do with this but we ought to be wary of those who taken upon themselves to civilise.

shame really. as more and more Somali people leave their land to make fortunes aboard, bantus and oromos are increasing. i was talking to my friend last week about forming a vigilante group to prey on the oromos and the bantus after dark. clearly the Kulmiye zionist criminal regime, despite their attempts to introduce biometric ID cards, aren't doing anything about the influx of non ethnic Somalis in our lands. just this morning, near my work place, this oromo woman was being beaten up by her ''husband'' in public. he asked her about the baby and she replied ''waa tii aasey'', WTF? of course, i wasn't there but my friend was saying this. they have bad dhaqan.

this seems a little far-fetched. i'm surprised she wasn't raped during her travels. 90% of women from reer Somalia have been victims of sexual violence at the hands of the fufus according to Human Rights Watch.

they're not even 100% Somali. these half breeds do not posses the legitimacy to lecture anyone.

following developments back in the UK. i vehemently support the YES vote, as it could signal a way forward for Somaliland's independence aspirations.

16 Sept 1931. the revolutionary Libyan leader Omar Al Mukhtar, was publicly hanged by the Italian colonial regime at age of 73. lest we forgot.

caadi maha.

WHAT’S IN A NAME? A BRIEF HISTORY OF "ASKARI" The Askari Monument in Dar-es-Salaam, erected by the British in 1927. Prior to WWI, under German colonial rule, a statue of Major Hermann von Wissmann stood in its place Perhaps the most iconic figure of World War I in Africa, the African soldiers who fought in East Africa are mostly known through the archives left by the colonial powers for which they fought. The Germans spun tales of their martial qualities and undying loyalty. The British sources, while offering a more mixed picture, also offered high praise for the King’s African Rifles, to whom they built a monument in the heart of Dar-es-Salaam. As Michelle Moyd argues, these self-serving European narratives undermine the violence of the East Africa campaign. They also constitute layers of mediation that make it extremely difficult to know much about the interior lives of askari, what they thought the war was about, or what they hoped would happen afterwards. There is however value in understanding how these narratives were put together, what history they draw from and which legacy they left behind. It all begins with the name these soldiers were assigned: askari, a title ubiquitous across the colonial armed forces in East Africa. The term reflects a complex cultural heritage and casted African soldiers out, marking them as distinct and different from the European soldiers. It then fell out of use, before finding new meanings as the colonial structures of East Africa weakened. Before the modern era, the Indian Ocean was one of the richest areas of cultural and economic exchange in the world. Beginning in Antiquity, the seasonal monsoons carried trade from the eastern shores of Africa to India, Persia and Southeast Asia, creating a massive region of exchange. With the rise of Islam and the subsequent spread of the Arabic language in the 7th century CE, new vocabulary and cultural norms spread amongst the trading partners, including the bantu-speaking peoples of East Africa. The language of the Swahili, literally the “People of the Coast”, absorbed many of the words of their coreligionist trading partners, including maktaba (library), kitabu (book), kahawa (coffee), and askar (army). This led to soldiers or guards being called askari, or men of the army. It was with this label that the European ‘explorers’ referred to the armed men that escorted them to the Great Lakes, the Rift Valley, and beyond. As Henry Morton Stanley noted in How I Found Livingston: I have used the word "soldiers" in this book. The armed escort a traveler engages to accompany him into East Africa is composed of free black men, natives of Zanzibar, or freed slaves from the interior, who call themselves "askari," an Indian name which, translated, means "soldiers." They are armed and equipped like soldiers, though they engage themselves also as servants; but it would be more pretentious in me to call them servants, than to use the word "soldiers;" and as I have been more in the habit of calling them soldiers than "my watuma" servants this habit has proved too much to be overcome. It was under the title of askari that the private mercantile companies of an expansionist and industrial Europe -- such as the German East Africa Company, the Congo Free State, and the Imperial British East Africa company -- began to retain these fighting men to protect their interests and to suppress the Arabic and Swahili traders and slavers that were their main competition. Despite the high-minded appeals to morality and capitalism that had initially funded them, these companies failed or were driven out of business one by one. Direct governmental oversight took over. To maintain colonial control, the new government-run colonies continued recruiting local soldiers, now organized in regular units, whose askari title remained unchanged. The Germans formed the Deutsch Ost-Afrika Schutztruppe, the Belgian Congo had its Force Publique, the Portuguese their companhias indigenas, and the British their King’s African Rifles. Being an askari brought with it decent pay, privileges and possible rewards after retirement. The average German askari started at 20 rupees per month, and could climb to 45 if he was promoted to lance corporal. This compared favorably with most other trades. Even skilled railroad workers in German East Africa made at best 17-25 rupees for the same time commitment. Other colonial forces offered roughly comparable pay grades and similar incentives, such as being exempt from the often harsh colonial taxes. This tax-free pay went even farther when the askari were on the march. In such times, the askari could demand food and shelter from other colonial subjects. Askari were allowed to order around village headmen to see that all their needs were met. When they finished their service, long-time askari, especially amongst the British, had small pensions set aside, benefited from preferential hiring into other colonial service, and sometimes even land grants to aid their retirement. However, despite the pay and privileges granted by their imperial patrons, the askari were always kept as distinct and separate units from the professional armed forces of the colonial powers they served. They were armed with older weapons, wore simplified exoticized uniforms, and were given limited technical training at best. From the formation of their forces in the early 20th century until the end of colonial empires in East and Central Africa, to be an askari was to be the Other of European soldiers. The rise of nationalism and the process of decolonization following the Second World War overturned the meaning of the word askari. To be an askari was to be a colonial soldier, not a soldier defending his own people. Portugal first dismissed the terms askari and companhias indigenas in 1951 as a part of their ludicrous attempt to pretend that they had no colonies, only “overseas provinces” of Portugal. Soon after, the Congo, Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya claimed their independence. Former colonial forces became national armies and the term disappeared from the official vocabulary. The transition to a national army was however not as easy as simply dropping the term askari: all four countries’ army experienced mutinies in the first three years of their independence. By the 1980s, only a single holdout remained. South Africa found itself as the last bastion of white colonial power on the continent where the language of colonialism survived. The term askari re-emerged at that time, but in reference to informers and African fighters coerced into working against the African National Congress. In this context, the term recalled not the askari’s military service but the oppressive role they played in supporting the colonial system, at the expense of the people. As the continent transformed and black South Africans made themselves heard, the meaning of the term had radically changed. The word has not completely disappeared. Numerous corporations and businesses use it in their names and it is still in use to refer to soldiers or more likely policemen. However, within East Africa the average soldier will more often be referred to as mwanajeshi and the police will just take the title of polisi. Askari has been and remains a term for those that retain the coercive power of violence in service to the state. As the nature of that state changed, so has the meaning of the word: from a guardian figure in a region of vast cultural exchange, to an exoticised enforcer of the colonial order, to a mixed legacy that holds both policemen and traitors accountable to the African people. ---- http://wwiafrica.ghost.io/a-brief-history-of-askari/ ---- interesting article.

<cite> @Khadafi said:</cite> The most dangerous people are those "wadaadnimada iska dhig" and who know nothing about Islam and use it to kill other Muslims. +1

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> It's really funny when you see people like Bashir Goth criticize the Khamiis and claim it has nothing to do with Somali culture (which I agree with), but yet they wear a suit-and-tie (which originated in Europe). Bashir Goth doesn't even see his own hypocrisy here. All they're doing is substituting one type of "colonialism" with another type of "colonialism". maybe we'll just be naked like the savages we are. the suit and tie is an international way of dressing. the khamiis is not appropriate in all environments. i bet you wear a suit and tie. i can't imagine you ever wearing a khaamis. get real, abti. whatever happened being a moderate. wearing what you want. why are people even discussing such trivial matters.

<cite> @Che -Guevara said:</cite> You do understand Somali culture predated Islam. usheeg the islamists who want to destroy our way of life.

so he isnt dead? that's pathetic. why would they lie.

<cite> @Tillamook said:</cite> C'mon DrKenney: Don't say anything to get our headless chicken all upset. He needs to worry more about the hedonistic khat chewing marathons at his local Hargaysa marfash and less about a few konfurian skinnies grinding it out on YouTube

The 10 Iron Laws of African Misgovernance— Law No.1 In the course of my intense study of modern African political and economic systems over the decades, I have observed certain self-evident facts or truisms that African dictators cannot ignore or may choose to do so at their own peril. There are 10 of them and the striking thing about them is their infallibility or immutability. You may call them “Ayittey’s Laws of Bad African Governance” or the Iron Laws of African Misgovernance. I often ask my students to dispute or add to them. See if you can do the same. Law No. 1: The destruction of an African country, regardless of the professed ideology of its government, ALWAYS, ALWAYS begins with some dispute over the electoral process or transfer of political power. On April 12, 1980, a group of enlisted men under the command of Sergeant Samuel Doe, a member of the Krahn tribe, stormed Liberia’s executive mansion and overthrew the regime of William Tolbert, native Liberians roared with euphoria. But it quickly evaporated. Liberians who had initially welcomed the coup recoiled in horror when Doe, an illiterate, proceeded to institute a brutal reign of terror and his own brand of tribal apartheid. All top positions in his government, the army, and his presidential guards were filled with members of his own tribe. The coup itself was accompanied by acts of savage brutality. Tolbert was murdered as he lay in bed. The soldiers disemboweled the dead leader and gouged out one of his eyes with a bayonet. His mutilated body was displayed for two days at the John F. Kennedy Hospital morgue and then buried with 27 others in a mass grave. The soldiers then went on an orgy of massacres and barbaric reprisals, killing an estimated 200 people. The chilling spectacle was televised nationwide. High government officials of the deposed regime were summarily tried and executed by a drunken firing squad. Their half‑naked corpses were then dangled from a row of telephone poles on the beach. Under pressure from the United States, Doe held elections in 1985, but they were massively rigged. When the votes were being counted and Doe saw that he was losing, he ordered the vote count halted. The ballot boxes were taken to a secret location in the barracks and the votes counted with Doe declared the winner. In December 1989 Charles Taylor, a descendant of the Americo-Liberians, set out with about 150 rag-tag rebel soldiers of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) to oust General Doe from power. Other tribes, including the Gio and Mano tribes of eastern Liberia, who were victims of Doe’s brutal tyranny, joined in, as did half of even Doe’s own soldiers, who deserted. But the objective of the uprising quickly changed. Bitter feuding emerged, even before Doe was captured and killed in September 1990, between Taylor and his commander, Prince Yormie Johnson, with each claiming the presidency. On January 27, 1996, General Ibrahim Bare Mainassara seized power in Niger. Under both domestic and foreign pressure, he scheduled presidential elections for the country on July 6, 1996 and declared himself a candidate. When early results showed that he was losing, Mainassara sacked and replaced the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) with his own appointees, placed his opponents under guard in their own houses. The other contenders’ home phone lines were also cut off. A ban on public gatherings in Niamey was announced on the evening of 9 July. Security forces were deployed at candidates’ homes and some political party offices. The floodlit Palais des Sports where results were centralized was guarded by an armored car and heavy machine guns mounted on pickup trucks. Two radio stations were stopped from broadcasting and all of the country’s international phone lines were suspended (African News Weekly, 15-21 July 1996; p.2). This crass strong-arm tactic was aped by Africa’s longest serving autocrat, President Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo. On June 21, 1998, President Gnassingbe Eyadema who had ruled Togo for 31 years, stood for re-election. His supporters, mostly his Kabye people from central Togo who back the army, the police and the bureaucracy, fudged the electoral rolls, denied the opposition access to the state-run media and intimidated opposition politicians. Still, “when the votes began to be counted, it was clear that Gilchrist Olympio, the chief opposition candidate and son of the country’s first president, was going to win. Whereupon the paramilitary police stepped in and stopped the count in Lome: ballot boxes were seized and burned. The head of the electoral commission and four of its members resigned. The interior minister declared President Eyadema the winner anyway” (The Economist, 4 July 1998, 40). The country was plunged into violence and chaos. Foreign investors fled, the European Union suspended aid and the country’s economy lay in ruins. On February 15, 2000, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, who had been in power for 19 years, asked voters in a referendum for draconian emergency powers and an extension of his 20-year rule by 10 more at the age of 75. The mad power-grab was sugar-coated by asking the people for a parallel authority to seize white farms for distribution to landless peasants. Despite heavy appeals to black nationalism, Zimbabweans resoundingly rejected the constitutional revisions by 55 percent to 45 percent. After his first defeat in 20 years of virtually unchallenged rule, members of Mugabe’s own party called on him to step down at a heated Central Committee meeting. Paranoid and desperate, Mugabe vowed retribution and played his trump card, sending his war veterans to occupy white farmlands. Over 1,500 farms were occupied, despite a high court vacate order. Ten occupied farms were owned by black opposition leaders. The police, under instructions from Mugabe, refused to evict the war veterans, who threatened civil war if Mugabe lost the June 2000 elections. On April 1, about 10,000 anti-government protestors rallied in Harare, denouncing Mugabe and the war veterans. “Say No – to threats of war, lawlessness, corruption and to willful violation of constitutional rights,” read one placard. The war veterans and other thugs beat up the protestors mercilessly. ------ continue reading here: http://ayittey1.tumblr.com/post/97363101811/the-10-iron-laws-of-african-misgovernance-law-no-1 --- excellent study.

^ maad la yaabeysa, ya? their parents have failed them. Somali parents have failed at raising their children. children must be taught to respect themselves, take pride in their indigenous culture, who they are first, before attempting to engage with other worldviews. instead they are attracted by islamist jihadisms because its seems alluring, it comforts them, gives them a rallying call, gives them a reference point to concentrate their frustrations, gives them a clear sense of themselves. our culture is to blame. it has become weak. we must strength it. a lack of principled upbringing has produced these jihadis, nothing else. their parents are the type, who backbite in front of their children, and who also wear jihadi attire in public. there is a complete moral dereliction in the Somali household. the mothers have failed, the fathers have failed, the children are failures themselves. our children are caught between the competing ideologies of the gal, the islamist and the adoon. in my days, we were Muslim at home, enlightened in public and morally flexibe in the private sphere. we called it cultural navigation. we at one with ourselves. we were content. now a days, it's all about finding the cheapest flight to Turkey, with the view of joining the global jihadi networks. i'd hate my children, if i had any, to join some islamist global terrorist jihadist network. for my little daughter to be fondled by some Arab jihadist, with nothing to live for. to be used for earthly desires. to beget jihadi offspring. for my son to be forced to kill innocent folks, rendering him to totally lose his grip on reality. for our people to be held hostage to the will of some nefarious iman. we are Somali. we shouldn't forget that. Regards, Alpha, Hargeisa Somaliland

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> Wallahi Alpha deserves to be banned for his constant displays of hatred towards Koonfurians and Muslims on this forum so....you're basically saying these immoral parties are ok, while millions of ethnic Somali women are raped by AMISOM fufus? sidaas miya?

^ but you're an enlightened HAG. why complain? it was a compliment, abti.

<cite> @Allyourbase said:</cite> **************Allyourbase, please stop the insults against Islam. You are pushing the limits of tolerance by constantly pushing Islam and Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) into every conversation. For your information, you are not allowed to insult Islam on this website. It is against the Golden Rules of Somalia Online to do so. Please respect the rules of the website and stop the trolling ************************ Admin Somalia Online Dr Kenny insults folks everyday. he even said the f-word to me and nothing was done. lets be fair, please.

^ his name is Awale Kulane, a HAG. he's the reer Somalia's ambassador to the Chinese. he's also a budding cultural critic. i admire his work. i knew him and his brothers from when i lived in the UK. he makes a good speech.

disgusting, for lack of better words. is it any wonder these people are being punished here on earth. this epicentre of the world's first failed state ought to be nuked. they need a biblical plague to wipe them out. something like ebola would suffice. Xamaris and Palestinians deserve their punishment. they are renegades.

Xamar Caddey is looking alright, you know. shame about the terrorism there, the tolerated rape of ethnic Somali women by the Bantu fufus and the constant pics/selfies of lido beach on facebook. sida kale, it looks alright. mabrook, inaar.

how can this be?