The guy looks like a hooligan. Or is it just me?

Nayruus, I see your point. It ridiculously absurd how these vermins exploit these kids in the most deceptive way. But, I wouldn't put much weight on the 250 report. It is merely the political expediency that Hiiraale is persuing on that occasion. The total death on both sides of this conflict has been disclosed to be approximately 40. As far as I am aware, there were no massacres.

Her father, who is considered by many a philosopher and a talented poet was also a radio personality during SSDF's armed struggle against Siyaad Barre's regime. He is a very religious man. Habaar waalid iska ilaaliya. Listen to him here talking about things you don't undertand. Xirsi Magan

"1994 : Was among the first SNM Members who openly stood against secession and declared their support for the National Unity in Addis Ababa together with late president of SNM Mr. Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (Tur). This move ignited the division of the (Northers" into Unionist & Secessionists." Very interesting. I didn't know this. What are his chances even though he is a latecomer?

JamaaL-11 lives in Maraykanka. Yaanu idin wareerin.

lol@shuban dhiig. I agree, number 2 is just nasty at pt.

nice avatar.

Horn, I hope Hiiraale goes to Nairobi and this fighting stops. This war is honestly useless. This region needs peace. The helpless town folks will be the only ones to suffer if this war doesn't stop.

Oodweyne has a very interesting view of things in the South. Oodweyne's exclusive or rather non-self-indulgent analysis on the south(notice he didn't mention anything about Somaliland) is sadly tantamount to saying many tribes will become slaves of their new masters. Oodweyne, the paradigm has already shifted in an interesting way, but things aren't that bad.

Burned a whole town? Walaahi that was grossly reprehensible and downright cowardly. Any nomad condoning such heinous crime is in a league with those dimwit vermins we call "warlords". What a colossal blunder!!! Nomads, does it really matter who did it? It was just heinous.

Originally posted by Sophist: Ninba ceesaantii ceel keen. "hadal nin badiyeyna ma wada odhan, nin yarreeyeyna kama wad tegin."

I am sorry Baashi, but Morgan is defeated and the helpless locals will suffer as that is always the case in a time of war. Revenge killing, looting and rape is sadly part of the game. I hope your family is doing ok. It was easily noticeable that Morgan's strategy wouldn't sync to or produce any gains and was rather suicidal. For one, Morgan has alienated his biggest ally (Abdullahi Yusuf) when he refused direct orders not to go to the Jubba region before the election. The second mistake he made was that he had no clear strategy of throwing "Jambool" for the JVA as they did to him. In other words, he had no real strategy of winning allies from other powerful militias including Hiiraale's group which is said to have offered plans to bring civilians back to the city provided Hiiraale stays the top man. Morgan refused. The only way illusive Kismayo would ever be captured by a defeated Morgan or any one else including the locals, is if this "coalition of the interest" (JVA) falls apart and that is very very unlikely for many years to come. Hiiraale made that very clear. I am getting feeds that he is re-grouping but we will see if that produces any substantial gains for his cause.

Posted on the wrong forum.

WD, Abdullahi Yusuf is a master of tribal coalition building procedures but the SRRC which he belongs to lacks any broader political influence among the MPs. Doofaareey is divided into two camps now: SRRC and (ARTA/G8/SAMATOBIXIN/JVA). When it was left on the "tribes" Abdullahi had the biggest chance, but within this week everything turned into a SRRC vs ARTA political struggle. Guess who was behind that. Some are suggesting the biggest mistake on his part was that trip he took to the UAE on the eve of the election. It left his campaign in ruins.

"waxaa loo gudbiyay xabsiga magaalada Hargaysa ...iyadoo lagu wado bareele, waxaana laga soo miiray makaankeeda dhalmada 1.2ML oo biyo rag ah, sida ay ii sheegeen goobjoogayaal aanan halkaan magacooda ka sheegayn.†This is a crime against humanity. The perpetrators of this crime should be brought to justice.

Originally posted by Caaqil: Rauli

My prediction is Addow is our next president and Abdullahi Yusuf will be the prime minister. This sudden forcast of mine five days before the election is prompted by inside information I got from credible sources close to the conference.

Yusuf: One Journalist Who Refuses to be Silenced Rakiya A. Omaar Co-director African Rights London, UK. I first met Hassan Saeed Yusuf, the editor of Jamhuriya, in Hargeisa central prison in June 1992. Since then, I have visited him there several times, most recently just over a week ago. Jailed by all three presidents of Somaliland, Hassan has been arrested 15 times since 1992. On eight occasions, he has spent time, ranging from five days to a month, in Hargeisa central prison; other times he has been locked up in various police cells. Each time, however, he has been released, for lack of evidence, sometimes aided by international pressure; no court has ever brought a judgement against him. Hassan’s latest brush with the law came just after midnight on 31 August. Policemen came to his office to arrest him in connection with an article he had published that day about the Somali peace talks in Kenya. The article quoted from interviews with Somali delegates to the talks, including some politicians who claimed that the opposition in Somaliland, rather than the government, has taken a hard-line against the prospects of any possible reunification with Somalia. Given what is at stake, the independence of Somaliland is a sensitive political topic, domestically, regionally and internationally, making it all the more important to have a robust public debate so that the public can make informed judgements. Journalists, like other Somalilanders, have the right to know what the government and the opposition are thinking, and doing, about crucial issues that affect all of us as individuals, and which will determine our collective political future. More than that, they have a responsibility to shine a search light on what politicians would often prefer to hide. If the government wanted to challenge the veracity of these claims, it has many opportunities to make its view heard. Imprisoning Hassan will only fuel speculation that it has reason to be secretive on this issue. On Wednesday 1 September, the day after he was arrested, Hassan was brought to a packed Hargeisa district court. Journalists, members of human rights organizations, of other NGOs and of the Civic Forum of Somaliland, turned out in full force. We listened as a distressed but resolute Hassan refused bail, saying that he had not committed a crime; had not been told the reason for his arrest; and insisted on his right to legal representation. He explained that he had been picked up from his office by CID officers, held overnight and then driven to the dry river bed in the centre of Hargeisa and warned that his throat would be slit if he continued to “harass†the government. According to the charge sheet presented in court, the government accuses Hassan of presenting information that is “unbalancedâ€(Dheellitir la’aan). Surprised by the rejection of bail, the judge told Hassan that he would have to send him to prison, a fate he accepted. The judge fixed the hearing for Monday, 6 September, and told the CID officer in court to produce their evidence and witnesses. Immediately afterwards, the various civic representatives called a press conference and condemned the arrest in strong terms, spelt out the wider implications and emphasized the importance of civic solidarity. Those who addressed the press included Abdi Sahardeed, the chairperson of the Somaliland Council of NGOs (Cosongo); Ahmed Mohamed Abdirahman, vice-chair of NAGAAD, the umbrella for women’s organizations; Zamzam Abdi Aden, director of the Committee of Concerned Somalis (CCS); Abdirahman Yusuf Arten, chair of the human rights group, Samatalis, and Suleiman Ismail Bulaleh, director of Human Rights Watch Committee. Ahmed Mohamed Ibrahim and Zamzam Abdi Aden, for instance, recalled Somaliland’s painful struggle against the arbitrary exercise of power, and reminded the public of the need for constant vigilance in order to remain free and to live in dignity. Buoyed by this show of support, Hassan was in good spirits when we saw him the following day, more or less at home in a prison he has come to know only too well. At 2:30 p.m., shortly after we left, CID officers came with a letter from the district court. He was taken to police headquarters to meet with the head of the police force, Mohamed Igge. According to Hassan, Igge informed him that “the President has released you.†But he told him that he must first sign a guarantee that “he would not write similar articles in future.†He refused to sign anything. “Instead, I asked him if the President had written me a letter of apology for wrongful detention.†The police commander responded by saying “we don’t issue apologies to fraudsters.†Hassan refused to leave prison “until the crime I had committed had been substantiated, adding that I would otherwise bring a case myself against those behind my imprisonment.†The argument with the commander continued and, Hassan commented, “I told him that I had been illegally arrested by police officers under his command, and moreover he had now appointed himself the judge.†Getting nowhere, Igge instructed the CID officers to drop the prisoner close to his office. They pointed out the illegality of this suggestion as the prisoner had not been released by a court of law. He then told them to return him to the prison, saying that he would telephone the head of the prison service and request him to order his release. However, when they reached the prison, the prison warden asked them to come with an official letter from the court confirming his freedom. With the imminent arrival of a British delegation led by the ambassador to Addis Ababa, the government was anxious to avoid an embarrassing distraction. On Saturday, Hassan was told by his lawyer that the CID had met the judge, telling him that Hassan had refused to leave the prison, despite a pardon by the President, and asking for a letter from the court to force him out. But the judge told the CID either to argue their case against him or to bring a letter saying that they no longer had a case against him. As scheduled, Hassan was brought to court on Sunday the 6th, but the prosecutor did not show up. The hearing was postponed until the 9th, and he was allowed out on bail by his lawyer, allowing him to be at liberty during the visit of the British delegation. Once more, the court room was jammed on the 9th, and a morning was wasted as the prosecution again failed to attend. The judge accepted the suggestion by Hassan’s lawyers to summon them in writing, and the next hearing is planned for the 16th. Though angry to be referred to as “the guilty party†without a shred of evidence, Hassan has drawn consolation and energy from the strong backing and unity shown by a wide spectrum of journalists and civic groups. This break with the past has made him, he said, “want to be a symbol of the determination to fight for justice.†Five lawyers from an association of lawyers agreed to represent him on a voluntary basis, and the Somaliland Association of Journalists (SOLJA) has publicly taken the government to task for attempting to curb freedom of expression. “Jamhuriya used to be on its own, but now people have come together and are confronting injustice as associations. As a result, we all become stronger.†A member of Samatalis himself, he has vowed to sue the Attorney-General, Hussein Abdi Qalib, who signed the original warrant of arrest, if the government cannot prove its case in court, as well as the two officers who threatened to kill him. It would be naïve to underestimate the fragility of civil society in Somaliland, to ignore external pressure and to overlook its needs and internal difficulties. The very fact that some of those who spoke at the press conference were subsequently criticized by colleagues, or summoned by a Minister, lays bare the contradictions that inevitably plague small NGOs dependent on government favour for their economic survival or for other ends. In an impoverished country like Somaliland, with limited prospects for educated individuals, NGOs, the media and international organizations offer the few existing alternatives for gainful employment. That people would hesitate before putting their future in jeopardy is understandable, but if the history of Somaliland itself teaches us anything, it shows that we swim or sink together. The illusion that a few fortunate people will continue to flourish while others languish in prison or battle a bureaucracy indifferent to human rights is just that—an illusion. Somaliland, and in particular civil society, owes a debt of gratitude to Jamhuriya, a beacon for freedom of information and expression when no other newspaper existed. Its journalists, including Hassan, have paid a heavy price for our liberty. In standing by him today, we are remembering our past, and consolidating our collective future.

Who would you elect as the president of the Somali Republic? Addow or Abdulahi Yusuf? In order to vote, you must click on the "Vote Now" icon below and select the candidate you would like to vote for. You can post your comment/campaigns on here, but if you want your vote to count, you should follow the above instructions. NB: The 60% doesn't apply. A win is a win this time. Good luck.

14 minutes left before the polling stations close. The SOL exit polls project a win(40%) for Abdulahi Yusuf. When the polls close at midnight, we will do a run-off election for the top two candidates (Addow and Abdulahi Yusuf) because none of them have the 60% needed for a clear win. 14 minutes left ............

lol@ sala calaa nabi. lol

There is only one day left before this poll expires. We will see how accurate the nomad's pick is come the 22nd.

Live from Kismyo. Audio News AllGedo.com

U.S. must encourage hope in Somalia to keep mischief-makers out Abdi Sheik-Abdi lives in Minneapolis He is a former dean of African Studies at Western Illinios University While in general agreement with the views of Sen. Russ Feingold of Wisconsin ("U.S. must develop a Somalia strategy," Aug. 19), I would like to expand on some of his points. There is no disagreement in the fact that today's Somalia is a political black hole and a breeding ground for terrorism, drug trafficking and all sorts of mischief. This is made possible by the absence of a central authority since 1991, following the fall of Siad Barre's dictatorship. At the time, we Somalis rejoiced in the fact, but what followed has proved infinitely worse. Disorder, chaos and tribal strife have reached new heights. The country for the most part is rudderless and the world has cynically turned its back on it, declaring it a hopeless case — if not in so many words. Is it a wonder that the rest of the civilized world now sees the place as a festering sore? The political vacuum there invites all sorts of mischief-makers. What if Osama bin Laden saw this golden opportunity and took advantage of it? Who was there to stop him? Since there is no economy to speak of or any semblance of civil authority, Osama's money and powerful connections in the Middle East must have been seen as the hoped-for salvation for Somalia. But Osama, under Western pressure, packed his belongings and quickly disappeared into the blue yonder. The Americans wondered: Is he in Arabia, the Sudan or Afghanistan? There are pockets of the old Somalia, which are enjoying a modicum of tranquility, especially in the north and northeast. The authorities there should be proffered every encouragement, as well as economic and technical assistance. This would make terrorism unpalatable and those regions could be turned into shining examples for the rest of this fractured land. Even tiny, impoverished Djibouti is the envy of the rest of Somalia because of its relative tranquility. No portion of Somalia could possibly do worse if order is restored. And in the event that George W. Bush gets re-elected, I would strongly advise him to pick up the challenge of reclaiming Somalia from ruin where his father left off in "Operation Restore Hope." I think most Somalis would applaud such a course of action. Pioneer Press Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Radio Daljir is making a lot of buzz. This is one of them. http://www.radiodaljir.com/audio/2004/plpictures/index.html