Isn't it "Ninba kiisa kaan ugu badeli lahaa, beerka ka ogsooni"?

Djibouti is our land and it must not fall into the trap the UAE wants which is to create hostility among Somalis. There is no need to strip people of their citizenship. If true, this is a stupid move.

Oodweyne, please share, unless it is a top secret of course.

Interesting observations.

Universities everywhere covet the .edu domain extension and that is what separates them from other entities. To force existing universities to use .com or .net is behaving like a police state. UOH.EDU.SO is an awesome domain.

If this is all that Mr Bihi brought back, then it is a disappointment. UAE has the biggest embassy and training facilities in Mogadishu. They have been training Puntland forces (Saracen) since Faroole time. This looks like a face-saving exercise for the UAE and Mr. Bihi

Galbeedi, you made valid points. We will wait for the details, but it seems the UAE is interested more in having a proxy base than building a port. The military base has little or no value for the average Somalilander. Few politicians will benefit from the rental fee with very little trickle-down effect. What we need is for DP World to honor its commitment and build a world-class port in Berbera, after it sorts its disagreement with the Federal government. The UAE doesn't want to lose Somalia altogether. That would be a terrible foreign policy blunder on their part and the Emiratis understand that. Mogadishu is very important in UAE's geopolitical calculus. That is why I think the dispute will end after Saudi mediation and Somalilanders will find out DP World's true colors that it never intended to make serious investments in Somaliland. Let us see what Biixi brings back.

What is the dispute between the two?

Any press release? There was a reason UAE sent a private jet to Mr. Bihi. Update us if you find information.

I learned something new. Thanks OO

It seems Puntland is having financial problems these days. Where is all the money from the big port?

Galbeedi believes DP World will make no investment. Oodwayne is sure Berbera Port will be fully developed. I am somewhere in the middle. I think DP world will spend some money on the port but not enough for the people who understand these kinds of projects to drool over. DP World will probably improve existing infrastructure, but it will not build a world-class port similar to Doraleh. That is my view. It is just too risky for them at this time.

Maakhiri, to be honest, the Farmaajo speech was terrible. I could have said the President had a bad day, but unfortunately this is not the first time. I don't know what it is, but for a man at his level, Farmaajo has difficulties with public speaking. At one point he insulted the Somalis in that speech, by twisting a sentence. He meant to say something good. I felt bad for the guy. When you are at this level, you are expected to perform. Your words carry a lot of weight and the entire nation is watching what you say. I remember Ducaale of SOL saying the other day that Cirro's Wadani supporters are very patient (waa dad dulqaad badan) because when the guy makes a speech, people fall asleep. I think Farmaajo's supporters have ten times more "dulqaad" because the only issue Cirro has with speeches is that he is very slow. Farmaajo's speeches are often incoherent.

Why is Waraabe also going there?

Notice how the maritime Silk Road encircles the entire Somali coast? The sky is the limit as to how many Somali ports can benefit from this initiative.

Hala dhuuqo miyaa?

Sometimes it is not worth to do these things. It is smart for Qatar to stay away from the little games. Play in the big league and focus on the geopolitical game.

"Dooni mayno DP World" Few months ago, people in Puntland also protested the same way with violence. There is something about DP World that makes the Somalis feel uneasy.

Ethiopia's Anti-Somali Campaign Might Make Trouble For Reagan By Jay Ross December 28, 1980 In retaliation for an arms agreement between the United States and Somalia, Ethiopia has mounted a diplomatic offensive to isolate Somalia, its traditional enemy in the Horn of Africa. The offensive could hamper Washington's efforts to beef up its military capability in the Indian Ocean, and so might offer an early test of President-elect Ronald Reagan's policy on Africa. Ethiopia's leader, Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam, scored a major diplomatic success in Kenya earlier this month, when he issued with Kenyan president Daniel arap Moi a communique calling for Ethiopia and Kenya to "coordinate their activities in the struggle against Somalia." Mengistu and Moi went on to accuse Somalia of adopting expansionist, "hostile policies. Somalia, which borders on both Kenya and Ethiopia, reacted sharply, asserting that the communique was "tantamount to a declaration of war." Somali President Mohammed Siad Barre ordered a general mobilization, but his position was weakened with Soviet-backed, Marxist Ethiopia and Western-oriented, capitalist Kenya formally joining forces against his country. There is even some concern among Western analysts that Siad Barre could be overthrown. As one Western diplomat asked, "If Siad goes down the drain, what happens to the U.S. access agreement?" He was referring to the deal under which Somalia will allow American military forces to use ports and bases in return for $40 million in arms. Obtaining access to the air and sea facilities of Berbera, on Somalia's north coast, and of Mogadishu, in the southeast, is part of the U.S. government's policy of strengthening its ability to counter Soviet moves in the Indian Ocean and the volatile Persian Gulf area. Agreements have also been signed with Oman and Kenya, but the Somali deal, signed in August, is the most controversial, because of Somalia's claims on the territory of its neighbors in the Horn of Africa. The U.S.-Somali agreement has not been implemented yet, since Congress has barred the United States from providing Somalia with military hardware until there is "verified assurance" that Somali troops have been withdrawn from the ogaden. For a century, Somalis have claimed the barren Ethiopian territory of the Ogaden, and during the last two decades it has been the scene of two wars and numerous skirmishes. U.S. officials believe there are stilll Somali troops in the contested area. The removal of Siad Barre or even the weakening of his government could bring about a quick test of the incoming Reagan administration's Africa policy. More than President Carter ever did, Ronald Reagan appears to regard Africa primarily in terms of East-West issues. In such a view, a Somalia friendly with the United States would be important in countering the expansion of Soviet influence through Ethiopia, to which Moscow has supplied more than $1 billion in weapons. Such a view could also lead to trouble. One Western diplomat, noting recent Ethiopian victories in the Ogaden, said, "Siad has lost his war." The diplomat warned that "the more the United States does in Somalia, the more problems the Americans will have with Kenya." Most observers feel Siad Barre is safe as long as he maintains the support of the military, which put him in power in 1969.That backing could weaken, however, if Ethiopian forces threaten Somalia itself. Ethiopian soldiers have crossed the frontier several times, but a full-scale invasion appears unlikely, as it could shift African sympathies from the Ethiopians to the Somalis. Even so, the Ethiopian ambassador toKenya, Mengistu Desta, left the question open in an interview last week. "We've had enough," he said. "You can't antagonize a neighbor without expecting retaliation." For Kenya, the warming of relations with its Marxist neighbor is part of a drive to improve ties with nations on its northern borders as a way of countering problems on its other frontiers with Somalia, Uganda and Tanzania. For Somalia, the Ethiopian-Kenyan communique represents a serious setback in its efforts to lay to rest its border problems with Kenya and concentrate on the Ethiopian frontier. Britain left the matter of the Somali-Kenyan border unsettled when it granted independenced to Kenya in 1963, despite a survey of Northeastern Kenya -- heavily populated by ethnic Somalis -- showing that most inhabitants wanted to be part of Somalia. A two-year war followed, based on Somali claims to move than a third of Kenya. There has been sporadic fighting since. Ethiopia has recently mended relations witwh another neighbor, Sudan, which lies to its north and west. The move is expected to make it harder for Eritrean guerrillas, waging an 18-year-old war for the independence of Ethiopia's northernmost province, to operate from Sudan. Ethiopian forces, backed by Cuban troops, drove the Eritreans out of most of the heavily populalted areas two years ago, but have failed to defeat them in the mountainous hinterlands. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1980/12/28/ethiopias-anti-somali-campaign-might-make-trouble-for-reagan/a48ee1fe-ade0-4e8d-9d02-0c8fab5ac18f/?utm_term=.e140d75a3d0b

Ducaale, who are you talking about, if I may ask? The people of Awdal?

I agree. Suldaanka must stay Suldaanka. There is no need to take conversation down the gutter hole.