^Lool. Indeed, Fido's had no paw in it, lol. Nin ay gar gasho garna ka baxdaa tahay - no wonder you are a model TFG supporter - AS boys gar maba gashoba. Halkay ku dhegaan cidi kama furfuri karto. Wiilasho waa mara ku dheg!

^ just blowing off some steam. Having had the chance for the net due to ackward shifts but now....I am so here!

^Liqaayoow, rag waa diriraa waana is dilaa, laakin dagaal gelgelin dameeraad ma aha, weligaa ma maqashay? How we talk today that we have the upper hand and with which tone will be the mirror of your character's nature. Modesty and good taste define men and Salaaxuddiin was a testiment of this amongst the world's history of victors. I'd rather kill my adversary and respect his body than drag him, eat his meat or insult him. My principle. Not yours. You have your choice to insult but my duty as a Muslim, as a tradionalist Somali is to remind you and others of what the Xeer is. Mine is a reminder only- yaanan lagu fogaan maydka iyo amuurihiisa. Allaha inoo wada danbi dhaafo.

Malika;704211 wrote: Oh well, the Somali embassy is serving its purpose - this time giving shelter to its citizen. Glad you raised that, Malika. This in-breed Saalax who posted this thread to show-off his schadenfreude dilirium at the expense of fellow Somali brothers/sisters is, I am affraid to diagnose, to skull-zonked to see beyond that excrement hatred that sheathes his eyes. The embassy's doing a superb public service for its rightful-owners - the Somali citizens. Now, go cry and sniffle and adorn a guun-ushering garbasaar, illeen tuke cambaaraysan baad noqotaye. Dhibbanayaasha Allaha u kaalkaal oo samatabixiyo. Amiin.

Liqaaye, I did! It really oozed this pre-1991 peaceful Somali atmosphere that makes one feel nostalgic. The government has done quite alot. Farmaajo is becoming a hero....in the making.

Steady now, boys. At times being too close to the picture and the heat of propaganda can obscure the humanity and the lessons history teaches us about men- basically at extreme ends to each other and sworn to eliminate each other from the phase of the world. Now, despite the mutually inherent gut-rotting hatred both supporters of the TFG and AS hold correspondingly, let's not forget one thing, mortals are so ever prone to disagree, and upon such disagreement invest much more unnecessary energy to malign and condemn each other to the hollowed fathoms of hell's damnation. Instead, let's spend such bouts of energy on improving the prospects of the living, in Somalia's Mogadishu. So please, as supporters of the TFG, let's now take moral high ground and show restraint about the dead, whoever they may be, so as to prove that our cause is the more justified one. And that we are working with the little we've got and will turn it into success - for ex. the TFG. Our option is the viable and life-supporting one, the other isn't. The other option, or AS option, is to put it blindly, a dead end. Like the man who died today. Let all the dead be that - dead. Thank you. *Gacan weliba waxay gaysatay ayaa laga goynayaa*

So GD and LST, what say you about the planning and flawless execution of this process? Well, it's been quite an adventure and it played out well. Now, the folks of Maakhir, though silent and skeptical of changes, have embraced the mother of all change and we've made our word good about NOT wanting to be under the SIILAANYOs of this world. We'd rather share with other brothers, however much that entails play-fighting whenever boredom begins to set it. After-all, men without little scuffles are no good for much, are they? PS: Kaftan; For heaven's sake, a 1200 years old dynastic sultanate from Great Geraad DHIIDHIIN to present day cannot, no wait, allow me to capitalise that -CANNOT- in fact dare not, become the subjects of isolent, make-believe rag-tag micmicry-statehood of Siilaanyoland! The old master of the 'Sultanate of Somaliland' would rather dig his own grave, and shovel himself in.

Weger! War nin weyn oo gar iyo gafuur leh magac asalkiisu af-ingriisi yahay ku ma dal-doorsan karaya ee maad sidaa arrinku ka daysaan? Wiil: Oo Aabe lander waa maxay? Aabe: Aabe dhalanteed. Alloow Deyrwaa magacii raaji. Waan u duceeyaa markaa xasuusto gabaygiisii Hamiga Yurub iyo Hurdada Afrika - ninkaa reer Hargeysa wuxuu yiri: 'Ambashadu ma fiicnee naftaa laga adkaadaaye.... Abwaankii Salaan Timacadiyo ololihii Faarax Ismaaciil Miriyo Qowdhaniyo Odayadii hoyday Ifka dhaqan wareeriyo hadday waxan ogyiin saaka Adduunyaduba soo hoya beey odhan lahaayeene Nasabnimada lama iibiyee adhaxtirka u diida!

Yes, absolutely. You could say 2011 ushers in the end of emphasis on clan vs clan, BUT you such a thought could be implicated for being over-optimistic and over-simplistic. No more clans, perhaps yet now it'll be about tribes. The cycle is reverting back upwords and 'hopefully' it will end at regionalism. As I said before on countless posts, if the clan is the problem then the clan must also be the solution. Investigate the sources of tension first and then reform the clan structure and organisation secondly. Codify it and legalise it as a legitimate form of law and order. Inject accountability, obligation and taxation systems similiar to that of local council authorities and soon enough you'll see Somalis moaning about clan rule. More to that built prisons in the place of Mag or diya payments, extradition agreements in the place of Magan seeking killers and criminals and overnight it becomes a transparent system with no grey areas to hide in. Clan without grey areas is beautiful. As always, looking farther than the eye can see......

Positive, salaam. Perhaps you're accurate to some extent, especially, in instances where the human in question is either restrospective or frequently contemplative and self-revising. But what of the souls for whom, whilst curiously indulgent, developm the fascination to commit all that is frowned upon in the belief that the habitual commision of perverse acts might the only means of finding their trivial pleasures. What if such folks misconstrue appropriate sources of pleasure as being only the avenues in which sinful pre-occupations factor primely? As such, am I too early with this dity of a warning? PS: If one is seriously observant and wills to learn from mistakes made and indeed follows through with good intentions, I grant you this much, no decision is more firmer than the one taken by an earnest sinner in order to repent and aim at saintly-ness.

There could be some missing posts from this thread, I suspect. A mere suspicion indeed.

A very tragic anniversary indeed. May this catastrophe end and brighter becons sparkle for the Somali nation. Amin. Prometheus;690929 wrote: Che, I don’t think you can have a viable democracy without having a viable economy. Lipset's landmark paper on the relationship between economic development and democracy was unassailable. He had marshaled a compelling case for the view that economic development must precede democracy. There is no other way to sustain liberal democracy. Countries that democratize before they reach certain economic thresholds are, more often than not, doomed to fail. It is argued that there notable exceptions. But these so-called exceptions are exceptional only in a trivial sense. The generality of the law is persuasive. Promethus, I concur with your comment. I hold the opinion a region's economic development will only be viable if there spring organic trading 'zones' that naturally blossom due to, faviourably, there being strategic economic infrastructure, the presence of a conducive entrepreneural environment and, ofcourse, a class of skilledand spirited entrepreneurs. Due to involuntary economic decentralisation, such zones with their reasonable business achievements can be found in Somalia. I would suggest to future Somali states to only minimise their market interventions and limit their role to removing obstacles that might hinder the optimum performance and growth of the market. I just remembered discussing this very subject awhile ago here in SOL, but back then I guess I was, in development economics, a neo-statist through and through. Let me paste an excerpt from the topic in which I posted an essay I wrote to debunk a fellow debator in the old faculty: The minimalist view of the state dominates neo-classical works, and considers Pacific Asian states to matter only for their ‘environmental’ function, in that they provide and sustain a suitable environment, in which the markets can operate freely. In this view, planning agencies of the states haven’t made any significant difference at all, since they did not govern the market, foster and channel productive investment and exports. Their only contribution was to ‘remove obstacles –for which governments are created in the first place- to the market’s otherwise spontaneous development’. Contrary to Neo-classical explanations, however, neo-statist interpretations offer entirely different view of the state’s role in Pacific Asian economic development. For neo-statist economists, ‘states in the East Asian economies had not only determined the character of trade regime’, but they also facilitated and managed the industrial investment and productive profile of the whole nation. Thus, far from the neoclassical view that the states’ role in the rise of East Asia was minimal (and limited to removing the market from obstacles), neo-statist economists point to an evidence of the highly structured nature of East Asian trade regimes; an evidence that weakens neoclassical claims. As this evidence shows, Pacific Asia states were not only ‘active’ interventionist states’ – something which neo-classical economists dismiss - but were in fact ‘developmental’ states (Johnson 1982), in the sense that they had overarching priorities, anticipatory (strategic) policies, and also possessed ‘a capacity to alter economic direction of the nation’. Building on the core contributions of Johnson Chalmers’ ‘developmental’ state thesis, other subsequent writers such as Alice Amsden and Robert Wade’s ‘guided market’ thesis, have come to the fore to refute the neoclassical claim of minimal government involvement in the development of Pacific Asian economies. Johnson Chalmers’ (1982) ‘developmental’ state thesis, serves the purpose of differentiating East Asian capitalism from the capitalism that prevails in Anglo-American lands. In doing so, Johnson identifies states whose major features include priority of production over consumption. States that create a mechanism that allows cooperation and communication between business groups and ministries and planning agencies, or the rationalisation of vital resources such as finances. States that were also capable of resisting the demands interest groups, and were able to operate and lead the market via the implementation of strategic industrial policies. These strategic industrial policies are the ones which neoclassical economists confuse with other free market forces, enabling them to debate for the argument states’ minimal the role in economic development. Judging from this minimal state role thesis, it is no wonder that the neo-classical economists to consider the role of the state as being limited to removing obstacles, correcting market failure or offsetting existing market distortions, and creating neutrality in resource allocation. Accordingly, if state policies do neither of these things, then they simply function in support of entrepreneurial activities. However, contrary to this assertion, Robert Wade and Alice Amsden posit that ‘what is significant in East Asia, with the exception of Hong Kong, is that the state has been firmly in the driving seat’ (Appelbaum and Henderson, 20-1) in achieving industrialisation. Ministries and planning agencies in Japan and NICs have ‘encouraged and directed companies - as opposed to neoclassical arguments - ‘into higher valued added, higher wage and more technology-intensive forms of production’ (Ibid. 21). These states have been able to encourage the adoption of their strategic industrial policies via ‘systems of constraints’ or in the case of Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, ‘by rigging prices’. This is to serve as one example of interventionist policies, employed by East Asian states in their role of guiding the market. Similarly, other interventionist policies can be cited in order to counter the neoclassical or liberal market supremacy interpretation of the rise of East Asian economies. Thus, in the context of East Asian economic development, all neo-classical arguments appear somewhat inadequate to find a way out of the confusion over the role of the state. In contrast, neo-statist arguments seem to offer a realistic approach that has the potential to minimize confusion over state role. Furthermore, neo-statist economic models delineate useful pointers in the future of effective economic development (in other developing regions) through the responsible role of developmental state. As such, neo-statist model summarises the state’s role into three parts: (1) discipline and support, which is intended to exact higher performance standards from companies invested in by the states; (2) selectivity or targeting, which is intended to select most competitive companies so as to achieve competitive advantage and; (3) aiming for market expansion with long-term horizons expectations. ....... Camel Milk Debate: Economics: Development and the role of Future Somali State

http://uk.eurosport.yahoo.com/blogs/world-of-sport/article/29220/2/#top-comments-nav

Watch what happens to a Kenyan traffic cop when he messes with the wrong lorry driver....and as usual, the public are always there to goad the driver. Kenyan style.. WARNING! YOU MUST SIGN IN TO YOUTUBE TO WATCH. VIOLENT SCENES/

Murti weeye.

? I must've been nuts. Hey the world is alright as it is. I like.

.... How did it all end? One wonders. Any SOLers who can update me on this story? One hopes.

Waagii aan waxan soo daabacay siday wax iga ahaayeen. I guess I no longer consider myself the defender the colour 'Black'. This must have been one of the strangest topics in post. Let me such the archives bl. Lol.

As a non-Somalilander and a non-Puntlander, I felt obliged to do a sponteneous theoretical charity for the few among us who might not have understood why SL reacted the way it did over this saga: "BoP" is a central concept in neorealist theory. Within a balance of power system, a state may choose to engage in either balancing or bandwagoning behavior. In a time of war, the decision to balance or to bandwagon may well determine the survival of the state. Kenneth Waltz , a major contributor to neorealism, expressed in his book, "Theory of International Politics" that "if there is any distinctively political theory of international politics, balance-of-power theory is it .".[2] However, this assertion has come under criticism from other schools of thought within the international relations field, such as the constructivists and the political economists[3][4] Link: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balance_of_power_in_international_relations PS: You don't have to thank me at all. Waan isku leenahay, nooh.

Happy new year to all.

I know some of you were using it some years now and I not sure specifically who you were. I have just created another account (wixii hore oo dhan eeyaa cunay:) ) and I am wondering whether any of you use that site: LinkedIn.com. Marka bal let us know...

Admin, thanks I got my way around it.

Can't start a thread? Am being asked to log in again and again when try to start a thread. What gives?

for some reason my posts aren't appearing..... Now they are...definately.