Ok who deleting things man?...atleast delete the first post of mine but why the last one?...... Hey Athena wlc back to the streets of Sol were faraxes wear maca wiis and xalimos wear bacweyne..lol..don't start that leave me alone ish you know it aint gonna happend.... Zu waa igu bilowday ma ahoo.... mr.duca qabe sxb bax orod duco ka raadso islaamaha suuqa womans conrner oo yaanyada ku kuus kuusayo..lol..Duca sorry sxb kaftan lee iga aheed waxaan dhahay... Waraa Admin waa ogtihin in aniga caana boore la igu koriyey oo ciyaalka xaafada iska ahay ee faraha iga qaada ciyaalkiina caanaha suusaca lagu korshay...lol...dabeecad dhanaan ah aa leedihiin... Yarta la baxday magaca kuukayda, quote me if you like..loooool.. Warer Badanaa!!! Wareer Badanaa!!

Dude, I can’t say the feeling is mutual bearing in mind how you have been so mean-spirited to me all this time. Now go away before I unleash my sarcasm-of-mass-humiliation on you, with no albatross around my neck (read: mod-status) to stop me. You've been forewarned. ----Edited by the Admin ----- Tuujiye Ilaali sharciga brother ZU..short man..sxb raali noqo yaaqee...Ani iyo history iyo herstoryba wee naga dhaxeysaa waa og tahay..Meeqo mar aan lacag aa strip club ku aadid ku siiyey, meeqa mar aan kor kuu qaaday si aa tuubada biyaha biyo ugaga cabtid meeqo mar aan liif isla ciyaarnay see camal gaaboow? hada maa isku soo jeesaneynaa ani iyo adi.. Femme..loooool..ishaas quruxdeeda markaan arkay ani dhan waaba qarqar yooday sidii baraf in aan ku saxday camal....Femme kaalay lugaha aan kuu tuujiye baliiiiiiiiiiish ... Nova....lol..Yarta don't be too sure about tuujiye becoming a MOD...lol..But you know I hate being one....but I heard Qac'Qac is making a come back with seef aan af laheen as a MOD..looooooool... Wareer Badanaa!!! [ September 22, 2005, 18:13: Message edited by: Legend of Zu ]

cudur wiiloow la dhaho uu qabaa ninkaan hala yaabin Orgi

Femme ani waa ogtahay taa tabashadan waan "you know what"..soo dheel dheelshaan ani feebaro aa igu qabanaayo oo dawadiisa tahay tuujis iyo salsalaax ee ina adeeree maa iga deysid editka....Gabdhihii i edit gareen jireen kor kooda loox aan u ekeysiiye so maa iska kee ilaalisid....... Waraa LST walaahi anaa ii dan leedahay...look at all these mods man..even Rudy aka white boy is a mod..MMA..lol in politics waraa kaas warlordska xamar uu u shaqeyaa tubaako cunaha waxaa kuu soo hartay Femme..qoftaan meeqa sano ee mar marsiyo ee aniga igo biiqsato raadineysay makasee..man!! Xataa sheekh sheydaanka xataa MOD uu noqday sxb... I wish the old mod were still in placed... 7ofnine if you reading this girl...I missed you..lol..Barwaaqo cajuuso yahee kaalay ila qeyli nooh since your not anemy no more and these MOD are..lol.J11 for the first time come see how it feels to be a civilian Nomad I call it shicibka agagaarka General section..lol..I know I have some people watching my back laakiin so I'm not worried..lol.. LST who is this freek they call Animal Farm..I don't like him man...

loooooooooooooooool....now this is crazy.... How in the world is ZU a MOD....lol..and to make it crazier Femmeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee FFFFFFFFF...aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa!!!!!! ar anaa gacan galeeeeeeeeeeeeee!!!!! I have stories from these two.... The ZU man hada ka'hor wuxuu ii sheegaya sheeko ku dhacday between asaga iyo oday ausi ah xaaskiisa..aaaaaaaaaaa..lol..ZU being a mature lover aa hada kahor asagoo sameynaayo his "fuundi" job aa wuxuu imaday guriga duqa so he could fix the door nob..misa the short man (ZU) saw a blond tall but thick woman with only a t-shirt...."come here kid" aa lagu dhahay ZU the saqajaan little ****** that he is, amuu dee naagtii ku booday wili tafay......ZU oo kastuumo jeex jeexa iyo garan 200 oo sano la dhaqin iyo naagtii aad u qabtid in ee qabuuro kasoo baxday amuu duqeedi ku soo galay guri oo bursaday ZU all over sidny with his dirty kastuumo..ZUman that story of your life....lol... Femma abaayo macaan xabiibti xayaati, wiligeey waa ku jeclaa ma ogidoo horta..me wlc you so nice always........me loofis yuu like canjeero iyo sonkor iyo subag oo shaax lagu haqbiye..me always watch your back (not the kuunto) but your back dhan nooh...yaa xabiibtii you know you anemy is mine too yaaqee, you know in aan kaa ilaalshay all the dogs and cats oo luuqyada down town general section kuugu ganban jiray nooh.. femmeee yaa kush kush.. Yarta waa ku qarxinaa waa ogtahay hadaa leerta isiin weysid nooh..lol.. I should write a book called old mods and new mod..before and after...looool ps..Rudy and MMA are MODS to aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa...looooooooooool waraa sol wee waalatay..lol... all the bad guys and girls are all good now, yaa xun hee marka? Wareer Badanaa!! [ September 21, 2005, 14:04: Message edited by: La Femme ]

Yaa dhale hee? gabar yariisaa? Wareer Badanaa!!

Waraa Maxaa adiga kaaga war sugeynaa? Wareer Badanaa!!

OOOOOOOOOOO maaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaan!!! Waraa LST ani ma u bogin is badal badalkaan yaaqee...maxaa u badashay nomadskii hore yaaqee....??? This means I have to make new asbaxyaal...I already had couple of people aan maalinkaste iska baac baacsado because you know no one in the public could mess with me (ask Layzie) so I had to take my beef to the MODs..and now you have replaced them..shiiiiiiidh fooqul shiidh.....but again I have some nomad aan u dhaarsanaa on the streets with darac jeex jeexan iyo gorgorad jajaban..aaaaaaaaaa you know who you two are..loooooooool...Yaa iga kiin celinaayo hee????? LST sxb change your tabeele yaaqee since their is changes going around....and jiljileeca iska dhaaf baliiiiiiiiiiiiiish...good bye markaa dadka ku dhaheysid anaga xitaa ilin baa naga keentaa....dhaaaaaaaam!! Waraa the new mods kuwa aan aqaano iyo kuwa kale, ogaada aniga ma idin kala jecli so leerta iyo xagaaga isku key dara! PS...aaway labadii shimbiro!! Wareer Badanaa!!!

Layzie..kaalay adigoo dabagaab weyn xiran oo dhidid kaa tifqaya waataan intaan kuu imaday ku dhahay "naa soo gabar matihid oo maxaa dhididka kaa keenay?..ma miyaa lagdameysay MAYA! ma miyaa jiiftay oo aad sariirta ku lagdameysay?.. WAR MAYA..Hade walaalee maxaa kuu xiray dabagaabyadii nimanka oo timaha kuu galaamay oo wili teeba kuu xiray? Markaas baa waxaad iigu jawaabtay " Ni$$a I play ball, you know basketball?...I like Iverson AI is the shiiiiiiiidh"....... Markaas waa taan ku dhahay, "Naa Ivery coastigaan aa sheegeysid waa doo ladee, oona waa wadanee maad iska aadid balaayo kula dabagaab weynaatayee."............ALA maxaa hadal nakala dhexmaray kulankeynii ugu horeeyay!!.... Hadaan ogaan lahaa foolxumada aad iga horkeyntay in ee qurux ka danbeyso, Faraanti baan kugu daqri lahaa oo TUUUUUJIYEE baan kaaga qeylisiin lahaa..way oo way.... Waraa CHEK..lol..kaalay arsi markee ciyaalkeyga madaxa ka garaaceyso aduunkee la joogaa..Ma ogid miyaa Tuujiye wiilkiisa in la dhihi doono Raaxeeye..aaaaaaaa...Intuu arsi la kaco uu ...................ma dhameestiraa?..aaaaaaaa!!! Raula kaalay adiga islaamihii dagmooyinka in aa ka hartay ma ogid miyaa? Curada gabdhaha Baro in aa ka midtahay waa ogtahay laakiin maamada markee adi ku dhaleysay kuukaayo land ee joogtay..Adoo madaxa dhiilkuwadid oo garees iyo thong wax aa xirneed lakaseyn aan Utango kugu aragnay..ani ilaa iyo hada shock aan ka qabaa waxaas..... Wareer Badanaa!!!

WWIiiiiiiiiiiiiiiilooooooooooooooooooooooo I missed you soooooooo muuuuuuuuch.......wlcback yaaqee.... Waa u jedaa buumihii iyo faluutaha aa wadan jirtay waa lagaa badalay oo garees iyo darac iyo kabo taake leh aa baratay....lol.. Abaayo macaan wlc back la'aantaa meshaan abaar ee ahead...... Wareer Badanaa!!!

SO SOL has some new MODS......loooooool.... My old school friends......the new Nomads..lol..y'all know me very well..specially y'all know how much I hate mods....lol...Never like the Ugly Admin face too..he has been punking me off since day one in SOL.....So you Cali fanaxlayaal and cibaado caadiyoos aka bajaqyaasha gabrasaaraha waaweyn iyo faarax yaasha sheelada kuusan, waraa Aniga leerta isiiya.... Let me tell y'all a little storry about two new MODS...checkmate and Wiilo..aaaaaaaaaaaaa..... Checkmate aka Shoobaro aka Zubzero aka shimbirta America aka MAxaa iga galay......Checkmate was the saqajaan of the year in 2004 and also one the best new Nomad at 2004....LAdies loved him and cali fanaxs loved him (bajaqxaaji)....He was 3 oldest of the BARO family....every one hated hit after he became a Baro member and ladies found out he is married and has 1 gabar oo cama kuuskuusan.......Now me ina baqti lagde Can't wait to see how Check starts to exercise his mod powers....Ilaah ha u garab galo dadka xarashka U haaye.....looool... Wiilo....she was the bajaq of the year in 2004 and quruxleey of the year...Wiilo was one of the sisters of BARO family and was my good oldfriend...Wiilo was very famous of how she broke Jaceelbaro's heart, How she loved to play tennis (wish I saw her in them shorts), How she alwayswear male boxers and male abuu cumars...Wiilo was the best SOL sister in SOL..... So now they became a MOD it means ina baqti lagde will have some insiders...lol...so for you punks who never liked garab tuujiye AKA Tuujiye aka qaarmaroode aka rag yaqaa aka fadhi kudirir aka qaarmaroodi aka Kopra aka salaaxe aka Baqti Lagde oona kusii magacdheer Intii dhimatay alah u naxariisto, y'all will have big problems.......... Waraa Admin kaalay adiga saa u socotay maa checkmate MOD ka dhigtay ilaah aan kugu dhaarshee...Ninkaan meeqa bajaq uu goonada hoostooda ka fiirshay makasee.....leeeeeeee..... Wareer Badanaa!!!

Rahima...lol..Femme maseer aa haayo ma is dhahday..lol..Femme maseer aa ku haayo waa muuq muuqataa.looooooool.. Bishaaro fiigtooy..lol..kaalay koronto maa kugu dhagan? saana maxaa waaye walaashiis..hada kabacdi in doobi bareesooyinka lagaa fogeeyo waaye..burakiyeero beeso la aad maxaa yeelay in aadan madaxa sameysan karin weyba cadahay..lool.. Wareer Badanaa!!!

Raula asbaxiina..kaalay saa u socotay maa hada caana garoor iigu yeertay..aloore caanaha garoorka Ugalida ee ku macan yihiin ma ahoo..kuukaydaa tahay maxaan dhahaa...lol.. Yarta in aan afka Jug isku siino waaye oo ilkaha iyo bushimaha iska garaacno.. Wareer badanaa!!

lol... Bishaaro wax waalan aa tahay..sawirka aa meesha ku dhajisayna waaba la aaminaa in aa waalantahay ka waran..lol.. Wareer Badanaa!!

Waraa FIDEL..qashiinka finaly some thing we agree aa meeshaan kusoo qortay maraxaa tahay maxaan dhahaa.........Waraa bajaq kaste saas lee ku fiican tahay nooh. Orgi...Kaalay Orgiga ari somaliga hada in ee bajaq yaasha ka il baxeen ma ogtahay?...lol..Orgiga Ari carbeedka aa loo baahan yahay..Like Cali Uraaye...looool.. waa danbeysaa duqa..bajaqdaan maku fahmeyso.. Wareer Badanaa!!!

Baashe kaale, LST waxaan ma qori karee taloo ma Cowkaa qoray..lol.. Wareer Badanaa!!

Waraa Cumar sxb let me be the first to wlc come you with luqadaada hooyo... Sxb kusoo dhawoow magalada computerka ku dhextaal oo lamagac baxday SOL aka "maxaa iga galay" sxb meeshaan hadaan xoogaa yar oo sheeko kaaga sheego waad jeclaaneysaa, waa naceysaa, kuu qashuuceysaa, waadku caqliyeysaneysaa waana ku waayaarkeysaa... Meeshaan waxaa kaaba laadar ka ah nin la yiraahdo ADMIN oo aanan wiligiiba duqoowin, waxaa ku xiga dadka garaadada wato oo ey ku qoran yihiin Moderator...Waxaana kusii xiga dadka waayeelka ah sida aniga oo kale.. Aniga waxaa la i yaraahdaa sxb...Garab tuujiye waxaan kusoo gaabiyey tuujiye..Waxaan ku magac dheerahay ina baqti lagde, ragyaqaan, genaral kopra, fadhi ku dirir, bacaad celiye,qaar maroodi, uuna ugu danbeeyo "haa abaayo xagaan".... sxb wlc reer canadana waan kula ahay... ps. never use your real name..... Wareer Badanaa!!!

Waraa CON sxb intaan maqnaa saan miyaa kuu danbeysay...Leeeeeeee... Wareer Badanaa!!

Animal..I was reading your post and it felt like I was reading an article from Pace magazine. lol... I just hope SOL doesn't forget how it became what it is today. Because leaving your past will never give you better feture... PS. Waraa I always loved the way you think man...remember all the crazy things that we tried to organize..lol..SOL conference is a new one laakiin....loooooool...I really like the Idea..lol.. Wareer Badanaa!!

Raula macaantee, Majirtid adigana nooh. Waa noogoosay adiga xitaa marax yahee!! Wareer Badanaa!!

LooooooooooooooooooooooooL...........LST...Duqa see camal adi.......looooooool..caadi ma tihid.. Waraa Adooooooooomoooooooooooo hakuu macaato yaaqee see you when you get back..... Wareer Badanaa!!

I found this article......By Prof Xuseen..His Visit to Somaliland... Politics Not many people in Borama were aware of my arrival in the city before I gave my short speech at Amoud University graduation on July 27, 2005. That has changed quickly after TV Borama and the new government owned TV in Hargeisa carried the proceedings of the graduation ceremony in their nightly news. My short speech was a small part of the proceedings. But because of its close proximity to the speech of the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, I was told that it was given an undue exposure. In my short speech, among other things, I talked about the fact that the condition of the road between Dilla and Borama is worse than it was 23 years ago when I last traveled on it. In a segment that I gave advice to the graduates, I painted a gloomy picture of their employment opportunities. I lamented the fact that Somaliland's business people seem not to have yet learned about the virtues of hiring a graduate from a different sub-clan and the fact that the government is not yet able to create jobs for them. I told them that, now that they have the knowledge, they should be able to create jobs themselves. I also told them to enthusiastically participate in their government's experiment with democracy and elections. I argued that development theorists now believe and propagate that economic development follows democracy and not the other way around. I also argued that these theories are in conformity with the ideology of the new World Bank president, Dr. Paul Wolfowitz, and the G-8 Countries Plan for Africa. To counter the influence of the soviet bloc, the World Bank was for some decades willing to finance projects in countries run by authoritarian governments. It was hoping that once the authoritarian government creates a middle class, it would be forced to engage in democratization. With the exception of few countries, like South Korea, that hope has not materialized and the World Bank and G-8 countries are now cognizant of that failure. But I also indicated that the impending parliamentary elections must be conducted fairly and be seen to be fairly conducted for the world to notice. I, therefore, implored the new graduates to act as their government's conscience during the election. Some controversial statements in my short speech did not go unnoticed by President Rayale and several of his cabinet members who accompanied him to the graduation ceremony. In a short reception that followed the convocation, I was introduced to several cabinet ministers. I had a chance to talk to some of those cabinet members in two Khat sessions and at my hotel where they were also staying. I also met the president the day after the convocation for a general discussion about the role of the Diaspora in Somaliland's development. During those discussions, I learned that the government is having difficulty in financing its operations let alone embarking on development projects. I learned that the salaries of employees are so low that even general directors of Ministries are not motivated to appear for work. I learned that it is very difficulty and almost impossible, for a minister to fire those general directors for fear of upsetting the reigning clan equilibrium. I learned that in the rare occasions that the President fires a director general or a minister, he creates a chain reaction which results in the appointment of a director or minister from the same sub-clan. Yet, the President and the Ministers are upbeat about the future of Somaliland. They recount some successes from their diplomatic overtures to Africa, Europe, and the USA. They believe that they have been quietly laying the groundwork for a sustainable lift off of the economy. I was impressed with their frankness about both of their weaknesses and strengths. I was also impressed with their self confidence and the confidence that they have in the efficacy of their secessionist project, although I still think they are misguided. In a Khat session that I had with some of the ministers and the second most powerful officer in Somaliland's central intelligence unit, it came out that they knew all along that I was a federalist Somalilander. Halfway into the session, I was challenged to explain what Somaliland can gain from a re-union with Southern Somalia. I tried to argue on principle and avoid any mention of the federalist's current weak situation. I also thought that I bested them when I turned the table on them and asked them how they can attain international recognition with no hope of solving the Sool and Eastern Sanag dispute. But, they got a lot of mileage from their tactic of making federalism synonymous with constantly failing, externally sponsored government building exercises. I was impressed with their knowledge of what was going on in the federalist camp. I was also impressed with their ability to argue their point without losing their temper. In fact, I thought I had a better discussion with them than I usually have with secessionist Somalilanders in Canada, USA, and the United Arab Emirates. Parliamentary elections: clan or party hegemony When I arrived in Borama, the three political parties, UDUB, UCID and Kulmiye, were finalizing their list of candidates. The voting was originally supposed to take place on September 15, 2005. It was later rescheduled to take place on September 29. Using the 1960 seat sharing formula, Awdal was allotted 13 seats in the 82 seat parliament. There was uproar at the beginning about the low number. But the President was apparently able to convince his home region that the formula will not set a precedent for future elections as these will be based on one man one vote formula. As a result, each of the three political parties was expected to field 13 candidates for competition. Theoretically, since Somaliland is supposed to have moved from a clan based system to a multi-party system, the clan balancing act was to be abandoned. But so far neither the political parties nor the populace has devised an acceptable merit based formula for fielding candidates. They therefore resorted to a hybrid of sub-clan systems and multi-party systems. While all the three political parties are expected to get some votes in Awdal, there is a perception that the government party, UDUB, will dominate. Kulmiye is expected to a get a decent number of votes, and UCID is expected to get some seats. Therefore, clan chiefs competed for the opportunity to put their candidates in the UDUB list. The President, as the head of UDUB had to make critical decisions. Some of those decisions did disappoint certain sub-clans. But it seems that the people took it in stride and I did not hear about an uproar. UDUB was expected to make the first move in fielding its candidates. When the final lists came out, it seemed that Kulmiye and UDUB copied each other in terms of clan balance. The ********** clan which dominates the Awdal region generally divides itself into three sub-clan groups: The Habar Cafaan, the Maxad Case, and the Makaahiil. The Ciise clan is also expected to get some representation in the parliament. As it turned out, all the clans and sub-clans are represented in the list of candidates of each party. I was informed that the plurality of UDUB and Kulmiye candidates are from the Makaahiil sub-clan, while the plurality of the UCID candidates are from the Habar Cafaan sub-clan. Given the complex interaction of divided clan and party loyalties, it is difficult to devise a winning formula.. If the vote counting rules are followed as they are written, no political party is likely to win all the 13 seats. According to the rules each vote has some value. Each party will get a number of seats commensurate to the votes it received. These seats will then be given to the candidates according to the number of votes he/she received. As an example, if 130,000 people vote in Awdal region, and say, UCID receives 20,000 votes, UCID will get 20,000/130,000 x 13 or 2 seats. UCID will give the seats to the two candidates in its list who received the highest number of votes. Assuming that the voting takes place in an orderly manner and no multiple voting occurs, the results can not be predicted easily. UDUB is hoping that the people will vote for the party of the President who is from Awdal. But individuals may vote for candidates from their sub-clans regardless of party affiliation. There is only one woman candidate in the region. Her name is Ikran Hagi Daud Warsame (yes, she is my cousin) and she is representing Kulmiye. Although Kulmiye received a very respectable number of votes in Awdal during the presidential elections, its chairman, Mr. Silanyo, seems to have written off the region as UDUB territory and has not so far seriously campaigned in the region. But Ikran seems to be very popular among women in Awdal and Awdal Diaspora due to her willingness to spearhead or participate in family and women related projects in the region. Before my arrival in Awdal, I was not that optimistic about her success. The last time I saw Ikran was twenty three years ago. Since then, she got a husband and gave birth to ten healthy children. I was expecting a woman beaten by the times and the difficulty circumstances in Somaliland. Instead, I saw a very self-confident, dynamic, articulate, and beautiful woman. I certainly now share her admirers' optimism for her election. But, Ikran does not want to take anything for granted and is working hard to get those votes out. She is one of only seven women candidates in a list of 246 candidates throughout Somaliland. I was impressed with the activities of the Somaliland minister for women's affairs, Ms Fadumo Suudi, who, although supposedly an UDUB member, works very hard to see all those seven women elected regardless of their party affiliations. Final points Before I arrived, I had some idea about the situation in Borama and Somaliland in general. I knew that Somalia is the second poorest country in the world. But nothing really prepared me for the extent that people's life has deteriorated during the last twenty three years since I left that part of the country. It seems that these people lost the ability to produce. Almost all the businesses in the country are imports and resale. The country even imports salt which it used to export. A typical work day in a government office is less than five hours long. Once the Khat arrives from Ethiopia at about 11:00 AM, and at a cost of 60 million dollars per year in Somaliland alone, all adult males abandon their jobs. It seems that people, especially men, have lost the ability to work. Somaliland, like the rest of Somalia, runs on remittances from the Diaspora and from international agencies. It is a land of consumers. Yet, Somalilanders and their government are optimistic about the future. They say that good days are just around the corner. The government believes that it laid the foundation for a lift off of the economy. It is banking on the democratization process and an international recognition as a country. There are certainly bright spots in Borama and else where in Somaliland. Some of these bright spots for the future of Somaliland include the universities in Amoud, Hargeisa, and Burao. I was fortunate to meet with the president of Hargeisa University, Prof Abdi Haybe, who gave me a description of the university's programs. I was also given a tour by an MBA classmate of mine, Prof. Mohamed Farah. The university, which is housed in a former secondary complex, has the look of a typical small university in North America. Most of its programs of study are similar to those of Amoud University. The graduates of Amoud and Hargeisa universities are already making a difference. The manager and the accountant of Rays Hotel in Borama are graduates of Amoud University's business school. The financial controller of the elections' committee is a graduate of Amoud Business School. Some of the most active employees of Hargeisa municipality are graduates of Hargeisa University's Business School. These employees do not chew Khat and work longer hours than older government employees. They could serve as the ingredients for the much needed social and cultural rehabilitation of the Somali male population. Burao University's first batch of students is now sophomore. I was told that the idea of a university in Burao itself has already served as an impetus for attitude changes in that society. People decided not to wait for a government to fix their problems. They are building bridges and psychiatric hospitals without much help from governments. Within a couple of years, the first graduates of Burao University will be on the market and will affect more positive changes. A faculty that attracted my attention and which may prove the most useful in Somaliland's development is the Law Faculty of Hargeisa University. Somaliland is forging a democratic system of governance and an open and market economy. But so far it does not have the legal capacity to build democracy and or market economy. Graduates from the Law Faculty will contribute tremendously to building that capacity. The hottest development issue nowadays is the property rights issue. Some economists, like Hernando De Soto, convincingly argue that capitalism can work properly in the developing world and poverty could be alleviated if the “dead capital†in these countries is reactivated by instituting proper and trust worthy property formal registration. Countries like Peru and Egypt that experimented with this concept has already seen the emergence of viable mortgaging and banking businesses. Due to the investment in housing by a large number of Somaliland Diaspora, both Borama and Hargeisa are littered with large buildings and other properties that are nothing but “dead capital†since they can not be used for leverage to create businesses. Graduates of the law faculty will be handy to create trust worthy property registration. I discussed this concept with the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin , who seemed to appreciate its merit. The future is in education and in educational institutions. Prof Hussein Ahmed Warsame UAE University, Al-Ain, UAE Wareer Badanaa!!!

I missed Wiilo...But I know someone oo iga daran ani..loooooooooooooooooool.... Wareer Badanaa!!!

Waraa Maskiin Ciyaal Hodan in aa aheed maxaa mar hore iigu sheegi weysay maraxaa tahay dhawee!!! Waraa 1991 galab axad ah oo qado aan u fadhiyo uu dagaalka bilowday..lol.. I went from Hodan to madina, then afgooyo to mareeree, then to jilib iyo jamaame then to kismaayo..stayed till siyad bare came and brought some bullets with him..then left kismaayo to qooqaani and stayed at libooye somalia for like 4 days..then waxaan ku dhexdhuumanay the border to libooye kenya..stayed their for a while then to Utango.lol. and the neeroobi kabacdina Canada.....The best time of my life was them years..believe it or not..I gained so much experience in a young age that it still helps me today and it will help me for my intire life iinsha allah... I know I'm not alone on that! Wareer Badanaa!!!

Warlodism, Oralism, CLanism and The Murky Waters of Somali History By Ismail Ali Ismail June 7, 2005 “Prejudice is the ink with which we write history†Mark Twain Wherefore Art Thou History? Those Somali Anglophiles who must have read Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet will find a familiar ring about this subtitle. I feel much the same way about our history as Juliet did about Romeo when she cried, “Wherefore art thou Romeoâ€, and I am always bothered whenever I recall the belligerent harangue of a certain Debela Dinsa who, as a member of the Dergue, had been put in charge of mobilizing the Ethiopian masses against our country in the 1977/78 war. In war one can understand the incendiary role of the propaganda machine, but what bothered me most was his well-publicized and so frequently repeated assertion that the war was “between people who have history and people who have no historyâ€. On reflection, however, I find his assertion plausible and I ask myself: ‘Where is our history?' Haile selassie Siad Barre The Ethiopians claim a history of three thousand years even though we know that Abyssinia , the previous name of Ethiopia, was established by Menelik only in the 19 th century. Menelik claimed that Ethiopia extended from Khartoum in the North to Lake Victoria in the South and many Ethiopians believe that to be true. Similarly, Haile Sellassie claimed at one time that Somalia was part of Ethiopia prior to the advent of European colonialism which, as he said, carved up Somalia out of Ethiopian territory. This claim, fictitious though it was, was supported by Sylvia Pankhurst, not only in her book, Somalia, but also in a number of her campaigns in promoting that claim. We would have probably become Ethiopians had it not been for the SYL which at that crucial time awakened Somali nationalism in all Somali-inhabited areas – including what is now the Somali Regional State of Ethiopia. The British Labor Government had also a different idea – a plan for the formation of a Greater Somalia. That plan was killed at infancy by the Soviet Union. But, the Governor of Somaliland, Sir Gerald Reece (known to the Somalis as Kama Kame) was also fiercely opposed to Ms. Pankhurst and served as her antidote. Prior to his appointment as Governor of Somaliland Sir Gerald was the Provincial Commissioner of the NFD where his pro-Somali leanings were very well-known; for he was an admirer of Lord Delamere, the founder of Kenya, who owed his life to a Somali, called Abdalla Ashour, who saved him from the grip of the lion that was mauling him. Lord Delamere was so grateful that he used to say (and this is documented, by the way) that any colonial officer who disliked Somalis was one who hated him. Sadly, all that happened in that era is recorded in scattered bits and pieces and in books which have long been out of print. But, we Somalis have been independent and sovereign for nearly half a century. We may dismiss the last fifteen years as sheer wastes, but they are none the less part of our unrecorded historical record. We have been making history all along; for the wheel of history can neither be stopped nor slowed down. But no one can tell the likes of Debela Dinsa when our history began or where they can read about it. The Makers of Somali History. Aden Cade Sharmarke cigal Our history is made by us but recorded by others piecemeal with all their prejudices, distortions, misconceptions and misunderstanding. World historians showed no interest because in their eyes Somalia, unlike Egypt for example, was never fertile or rich in history. To my knowledge there are no Somali historians, excepting Professor Sa'id Samatar, though there are quite a few Somalis who specialized in history as a subject. It is my view that to read history is quite different from becoming a historian, but I do appreciate the enormous difficulties that discourage our history specialists from rising to the challenge of writing our history. The dearth of historical material comes readily to mind. Even whatever little we had of colonial records have been permanently locked away and allowed to be devoured and reduced to dust by the termites. Those records were, of course, of no value to our policymakers who were largely uneducated and some of whom were even barely literate. And those very few administrators who were literate enough to make use of those files, surveys, studies and other documents merely succumbed to the oral tradition which made them averse to reading and researching. It has been alleged that Bille Rafle incinerated, when military governor of Hargeisa, the “entire collection of the library†which the British bequeathed to the new State because, being, as charged, an “ignorant†person ( jaahil ) he could not understand that he was setting a national treasure – something of a heritage – on fire. The truth is that the British did not leave anything of value for us. First, they burnt, with some justification, all the important, sensitive and therefore secret files which would have given us some valuable insights into their designs and policies. Secondly, they left some open and confidential files which gave no inkling as to their secrets. Thirdly, they also left behind few journals and books of a general nature and stocked them in a very small room which they called “Secretariat Libraryâ€. Scarcely anyone made use of that room since the British left. I even doubt that it was ever opened, except on rare occasions when somebody would venture inside to see what was available. I first saw this library in 1960 when I started my service with the Somali government in Hargeisa upon graduation from secondary school in Aden . It was then in a very good shape. I also saw the ‘library' on a number of occasions when I was District Commissioner of Hargeisa in the mid 60s and found it to be in a sorry state. But when I approached Bille in 1975 to let me borrow some of the reports or documents he told me “that place is a stinking garbage; what can you get from it?†I insisted and managed to get two reports on salary surveys and a dilapidated and torn copy each of the Local Authority Ordinance of 1952 and the Indian Law of Evidence which I have kept since then. Bille and I have been on the best of terms since the days we served together in Burao – he as the military governor and I (a civilian) as his deputy. Those were the days when the top positions in the field administration were the exclusive preserve of military officers. This story, however, does not only exonerate Bille but it also demonstrates, like so many other stories, which are without any foundation whatsoever, how events are misconstrued or distorted by people who neither witnessed them nor heard them from authentic sources. I sometimes wonder in total amazements how young people write distorted versions of our history in the websites, and I have seen contradictory accounts being portrayed as authentic historical rendering. I do not blame those people, for the fault lies , first and foremost with those who themselves made history but left nothing in terms of written memoirs or even oral recordings for posterity. I have in mind people like Abdullahi Isse, Mohammed Haji Hussein, Adan Abdulle Osman, Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, Abdurazak Haji Hussein, Abdurasheed Ali Sharmarke, Ahmed Haji Du'ale, Michael Mariano, Jama Abdullahi Ghalib and others who made history and have not left anything for us. Some of them are still with us in fact and can be and should be persuaded to leave something of a heritage for the country. I remember having a post-prandial conversation with the late Michael Mariano in my home in Addis Ababa some decades ago in the course of which I earnestly asked him to pass on his rich historical experience to the younger generations but he complained about the government putting obstacles in his way. I had a similar discussion with Jama Abdullahi Ghalib (first Speaker of our National Assembly) who now lives in Lusaka ( Zambia ). Jama and I became good friends (although we belong to two different generations) when I took up residence in Zambia upon transfer from Addis Ababa in 1998. He has a lot of history to tell, but he was not also in the mood of leaving anything behind. I understand that the late Mr. Egal left behind so many historical documents which are now in the possession of his widow. Someone, perhaps his children, should weave the various parts together and give us a coherent historical record from the perspective of the late Mr. Egal. Luckily we also have living historical repositories in Abdurazak Haji Hussein and Ahmed Haji Du'ale. Both live in the United States and have the facilities to enable them give us their versions of history. But I think it is safe to assume that because of his advanced age former President Adan Abdulle Osman is not in a position to write or even dictate his contribution. Maybe his sons are in a position to write about their father just the same way Margaret Truman wrote about her father- President Harry S. Truman. But twenty-one years of military rule must have their place of history. The primary source for this period is, without question, those members of the Supreme Revolutionary Council who are still alive. We need someone who can tell us objectively how the revolution was planned and executed and the role, if any, of the Soviet Union in it. A key figure is, of course, Gen. Mohammed Ali Samatar who was as instrumental in changing the direction of the country as he was in the military buildup. He also directed the war with Ethiopia and entered into negotiations to reassure and neutralize the Soviet Union. That was a time when the West was also keen to extricate Somalia from the Soviet block and was believed by to have made some overtures to the Somali regime which the latter was not quick enough to grasp. Ali Samatar was privy to and a key player in all that happened behind the curtains in that crucial period when huge and more powerful forces were arrayed against us comprising Soviet generals and materiel as well as South Yemeni and Cuban forces beside the Ethiopians. After our defeat – we prefer to call it withdrawal – an Ethiopian colleague said to me jokingly, “ Ismail, we taught you Somalis a lesson†and I replied to him, also jokingly, “Yes, but the lesson was in Russian, not in Amharicâ€. He looked at me and simply walked away. Today, all I read about that war was that the Ethiopians routed the Somalis. Ethiopian academics spread that lie every day. We never see a Somali version of that bit of our history anywhere; even Somali writers echo the same lies. Ali Samatar can put the record straight by providing a written and authoritative account of what actually happened. We also need to know – and posterity will need to know – his answer to the serious accusations that have been laid to his account, particularly in so far as the strafing from the air of women and children fleeing from the fighting in Hargeisa was concerned. The public have heard from the accusing side and it is only fair to hear also from Ali Samatar. He is gifted with cogent reasoning and lucidity of presentation, and he can surely make a great contribution in filling the yawning gap in our history. It cannot be gainsaid that our leaders – military and civilians alike – have put a lid on our history and by so doing have kept us in the dark. We badly need explanations and clarifications; otherwise, rumors will establish themselves as history. An example of this is a story which was circulated in the sixties within the informed circles of our society to the effect that when the late Abdullahi Isse was in Rome in late 1962 or early 63 negotiating, as foreign minister, the transfer of the NFD with his British interlocutor the British offered us three instead of the six districts. It is said that Abdullahi was inclined to accept the proposed compromise except that the late Abdurasheed Ali Sharmarke who was Prime Minister then flew all the way from China where he was visiting to Rome where he joined the talks and took the position of ‘all or nothing'. The talks broke down as a result and we ended up with nothing. I have also been told that Kenneth Kaunda in his later efforts to mediate between Somalia and Kenya managed to convince Mr. Kenyatta to give away the three purely Somali districts in Northern Kenya to Somalia . But, I am told, when the two sides (the Somali side and the Kenyan) met in Arusha Mr. Egal forestalled the process of negotiation by making a hasty declaration that Somalia had no claim against Kenya. I am told Kenyatta was so ecstatic that he jumped to his feet and embraced Mr. Egal calling him “My Brotherâ€, that and one could see Kenyatta shedding tears of joy. The Arusha Memorandum of Understanding of 1967 actually states that the dispute between the two countries would be solved amicably. The text of the Memorandum contradicts this story. However, I am not sure if the two leaders met again, but if the storey is true (and the person who told me says he heard it from Kaunda himself) it would mean that the same opportunity presented itself once more and was bungled by a Prime Minister. I cannot say whether any of these two stories is authentic or apocryphal but they underscore the fact that we have no factual accounts to go by. Another group that can shed some light on the happenings of those two decades of military rule are those civilians who served as ministers in that era. None of them – with the sole and single exception of Jama Mohammed Ghalib – wrote anything about that period. It has been said that “History is nothing more than the defamation of the dead†and this more true where dictators are concerned. It is safe now to write anything about that period but if a writer elicits some bitterness the intelligent reader will still be able to see the wood for the trees. Bitterness, like lavish praise, will, without doubt, detract from the quality of the work and should be avoided. In any case, we need this group to give us and the future generations the benefit of their experience. The Collaborators of the History Makers This group comprises the higher civil servants such as permanent secretaries, ambassadors, legal experts, advisers and in some instances party functionaries. Here is a class of old fogies who can help us narrow our historical gap. They did not only help the politicians to make history but they also have what many of the politicians lacked: the ability to write and analyze. They are better educated and many have coupled solid experience with their university education and/or professional qualifications. Nor were they constrained by an official secrets act as are British civil servants. Sadly, again, none of them gave us the benefit of his or her experience. Here in the United States we all know that officials give their own versions of history; examples abound: Harry Hopkins, Sorenson, Schlesinger, Kissinger, Brezezinski and so many others all wrote about the historical events they were party witnesses to. In our case, I think Ambassador Ahmed Mohammed Adan (Qaybe) was privy to many negotiations with the Soviet Union and he was our ambassador to Washington, ambassador to the U.N. and U.K. , permanent secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and last Foreign Minister of the Said Bare regime. I feel sure that he has a lot to tell us. I know he can write and he writes beautifully. He is now making history in Hargeisa and I think he should consider it a national duty to write his memoirs before his pen and his memory run dry. I can also think of Ambassador Abdullahi Sa'id Osman who was privy to many occurrences and has that lawyerly ability to write lucidly and put things into their proper perspective. Ambassador Abdullahi Addo (twice a presidential candidate) was our man in Washington at the crucial time we needed the United States to be on our side – a time when the Carter Administration was divided between helping us and throwing us to the wolves. He too can illuminate many of the dark crevices for us. What Can We Do? I think we should take our history seriously. It is important. I know we have destroyed whatever records we had, but at least we have the people who know much about methods and means of historical research and how to get the necessary funding for it. Such people can start the nucleus of a Somali Historical Society. I am thinking about Prof. Sa'id Samatar and Dr. Ali Abdurahman Hersi who can no doubt go into some research and chronicle our history. But there must be many other qualified compatriots who will also consider it a national duty to retrieve and save our history. However, I do not know whether there are any Somali archeologists, but I will be surprised if there are any. Archeology is not a field, I suppose, which can attract Somalis. But if there is sufficient funding and a government that will invite and encourage archeological surveys and excavations we should be able to find new discoveries which can put our country on the maps showing the loci of old human civilizations. Alas, it is not likely for many years or decades to have a Somali government which will take due interest in such matters. Our oral tradition has cost us a great deal, and the writing of the Somali language in 1972 did not transform us after thirty-three years into a truly literate society. We are just beginning to have newspapers and even books in Somali. But still we are oralists to the bone. I remember visiting a friend in the Presidential Quadrangle in Mogadishu in 1987 and I was petrified by the fact that no typewriters were clicking, no papers were shuffled , no one was drafting anything and no files were visible – things which we usually associate with bureaucrats. The desks were clean and clear of pens, pencils, ink etc. and the “bureaucrats†sitting immobile behind them were sipping tea or coffee or else talking on the telephone. They were the most unbureaucratic bureaucrats I have seen in my long public service. The oral tradition has relegated the mechanics of administration to the past and I knew that that was yet another sign that our State was taking a downward spiral. The other factor which has a fatal effect on writing our history objectively is clanism. Clan sensibilities are avoided at the cost of the facts or else a clear clan bias is exhibited. And there is always the danger of dismissing objective accounts as expressions of clan prejudice. Our educated men and women are, unfortunately, blindly loyal to their respective clans. It seems that their education was not strong enough to liberate them from the shackles of the clan system and to open their minds to the unlimited opportunities we could all have if we widen our horizons and work in unison. It is not possible to write our history without the mention of clans and even when we write a critical essay about a national figure his clansmen and clanswomen will be offended. Clanism continues to cloud our judgment. Those who praise Sayid Mohammed Abdalle Hassan to the sky are blind to his faults; conversely, those who see him as a villain are blind to his virtues. What is interesting is that the division is along clan lines – and so it is with other persons of stature as well. Can we then objectively write our history? My answer is ‘yes'. The History Society can play a role in this by vetting submissions, by seeing to it that claims and counterclaims are fully substantiated and by arranging scholarly debates. I think this is one way of getting around the clan bias. But the Historical Society itself must enjoy a reputation for fairness and scholarly search for the truth. The warlords are a new and hopefully transient phenomenon. But I think the less said about them the better. Warlords will themselves pass into history soon but it will not be easy for the present generation of Somalis to write objectively about them because objective writing requires some degree of detachment. Similarly, we are unable to write dispassionately about Siad Barre and his regime even though we have welcomed to our midst and accommodated those closest collaborators of his who belong to our respective clans. Time will see to it that passions dissipate and cool heads prevail and future historians will give their generations and the generations that follow them unsanitised accounts of our history. Finally, one of the main reasons that impelled me to write this article is the failure to respect our time-honored tradition of passing our experience from generation to generation. Nowhere is this failure more apparent than in the contributions some of our young people send to the websites. It is as if these young people have not been told anything at all about how and why things happened. For instance, there are those who contend that the North in its entirety rejected the constitution in the referendum of 1961. I served as the chairman of one of two polling stations in Las Anod (now Sool) at that time and the vote for the constitution was truly overwhelmingly. The constitution was similarly approved by Borama/Zeila (now the Awdal Region) and by what is now Eastern Sanaag . Only the rest of the North overwhelmingly rejected the constitution. The voting laid bare the clan divisions in the North and was revealing of the political alliances that existed then. But the constitutional referendum itself had nothing to do with the union between the North and the South. Furthermore, it was contended by one of the contributors that the late Ian MacLeod, the then Secretary of State for the Colonies wisely advised the Somaliland delegation not to enter into a hasty union with Somalia . I have no doubt that this is true, but the Italians too were giving the same advice to their friends in Somalia. These machinations were known to the public as a concerted ploy to forestall the union and if Egal and his ministers had heeded the advice of the British Colonial Secretary they would have been stoned at the airport in Hargeisa upon arrival; for such was the mood of the public. The British, perhaps feeling guilty about having neglected the Cinderella of the British Empire (as Somaliland was nicknamed then), had asked earlier to stay on for eight more years in order to build the country and prepare it for the challenges of independence. This was turned down because the British had been perfidious as evidenced by their transfer of the ‘Haud and Reserved Area' to Ethiopia . It is interesting to know that British had asked the Indians about a decade earlier for an extension in India on the same grounds to which Nehru replied, ‘I have never heard of a vegetarian tiger'. I am not talking here about the merits or demerits of secession; that is a different issue altogether, but we have a responsibility to set the record straight for our younger generations. But, if the generation that led us to independence and those who came after them did not leave any records behind, they did not proffer their experience and wisdom to the rest of us orally either. I therefore sense that there is a gap in the communication between the generations, which I think is wrong and dangerous. I think further that the websites can play a significant role in facilitating the dialogue between generations. The break in communication is partly due to the older generations' feeling that the articles published on the websites are merely idle talk which some of them, incidentally, are. Others may think that it is below their dignity to argue with the age cohorts of their children or their grand children. They could not be more wrong. I recommend that the websites should rise to the challenge and promote a dialogue between the generations.