Guns Finally Silent In Somalia's Capital Islamic Militias Impose a Welcome Calm By Craig Timberg Washington Post Foreign Service Saturday, June 17, 2006; A01 MOGADISHU, Somalia, June 16 -- The thugs manning the roadblocks are gone. The warlords are on the run. And the guns in a city long regarded as among the world's most heavily armed have fallen silent. Most, in fact, have disappeared from view. Since Islamic militias took control of this city last week, U.S. and other Western officials have worried that Mogadishu's new leaders will impose a severe, Taliban-style government and harbor terrorists. But after 15 years of deadly chaos, residents interviewed here expressed nothing short of jubilation that somebody has made their city safe and that, for now, the daily crackle of gunfire is finally gone. "Our ears are resting now," said Diiriye Jimcaale, 45, who has been unemployed since the onset of inter-clan warfare forced him to close his small clothing shop in 1991. "Now we hear nothing." Anxiety remains, both about the militias' ability to maintain order and about the possibility that extremist elements within the movement will go too far in imposing Islamic rule. Residents speak of a wave of cinema closings in the first days after the militias took control of the city June 5. Rumors have circulated that public showings of the televised World Cup soccer tournament would be banned. But on this Friday night in Mogadishu, sounds of the match between the Netherlands and Ivory Coast floated through the city. The streets bustled with activity. The city's largest market, near the site where two U.S. helicopters crashed in 1993, as depicted in the movie "Black Hawk Down," hummed with business. Cabdriver Yusuf Ali Muhammed, 39, felt so safe that he left his longtime bodyguard at home, saving himself $5 in security fees, he said. Wielding an AK-47 assault rifle, as his guard did each night as they drove through the city, is now prohibited. Yet even without it, Muhammed said, he could now go anywhere in the city at any time. Before, he used to stick to the few neighborhoods he knew best. "This is my mobile," Muhammed said, smiling as he held up a glowing Nokia handset. "If I'm called, straight I go -- without a gun." Mogadishu, the oceanside Somali capital with a population of more than 1 million, remains an impoverished, devastated city of cracked pavements and ruined buildings. After the fall of the dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991, the city's warlords began fighting one another, creating a humanitarian disaster. With U.N. authority, the United States and other countries intervened militarily in 1992, but continuing violence led them to abandon it to its anarchy three years later. Somalia became one of the world's most profoundly failed states, without a central government, public schools, a police force, a national army or laws. Warlords set up roadblocks throughout the city to exact tolls. Murders, robberies, rapes and kidnappings became endemic. Every family of consequence and every major business armed its own militia, which traveled through the city flanked by pickup trucks mounted with antiaircraft guns. Pirates on speedboats hounded ships near the city's ports. Out of this chaos grew the Islamic courts that now rule Mogadishu. They started as neighborhood tribunals that doled out often-harsh punishments but began to calm the city's notoriously rampant crime. As a semblance of order took hold, residents said, the courts grew in popularity and political clout, even among moderate Muslims wary of strict Islamic law. "When you are really sick, you'll try any kind of medicine," Ali Hussein Maalin, 56, a Somali businessman, said in an interview in Nairobi. "We have been sick for 15 years." The courts expanded into Islamic militias strong enough to challenge the city's secular warlords, which had enjoyed the financial backing of the CIA, according to widely circulating reports. The United States has neither confirmed nor denied these accounts but has acknowledged supporting the warlords as part of an effort to capture terrorists suspected in a string of attacks in East Africa, including the bombings of two U.S. embassies in 1998. A series of clashes this year between the Islamic militias and the warlords left more than 300 people dead. But the militias have expanded their control to nearly all of southern Somalia. So far, the militias have not moved into the town of Baidoa, where Somalia's transitional government is based. The government was created by a U.N.-backed conference in Nairobi and has little authority in Somalia. Leaders of the Islamic militias have said repeatedly that they intend to negotiate with the government so that it can eventually move into Mogadishu and reunite the country. They have also said they will disarm their own forces, turn over any terrorists and not resort to extremist Islam. "The only thing we would concentrate on is to bring peace and stability to this region," Abdulkadir Ali Omar, the second-in-command of the Islamic militias, told reporters here. Within Mogadishu, the militias have already largely succeeded in their stated goal, though the toll remains high from the long years of violence. The sidewalks of the city are a jumble of rusting shacks. Wandering goats graze on heaping piles of garbage. Wide boulevards are cracked and nearly treeless, the best timber having been cleared for firewood years before. Moderates among supporters of the Islamic militias acknowledge a rising extremism within the country. More women than before cover their faces rather than just their hair. Strict Islamic justice is popular. City leaders warn that without massive and rapid rebuilding, anti-Western forces such as al-Qaeda are certain to expand their appeal. After midday prayers Friday, several thousand demonstrators gathered in the city center to protest the national government's decision this week to invite foreign peacekeepers to Somalia. The move has been widely condemned here as an opportunity for Ethiopia, Somalia's historic enemy, to meddle in its affairs. "We don't need foreign troops!" the demonstrators chanted, pumping their fists. Several placards, handwritten in English, captured the mixture of political feelings coursing through Mogadishu. "America Open Your Ears And Eyes," read one. Another exhorted, in broken syntax: "Democracy Go To The Hell." Yet in interviews, Mogadishu residents expressed far more anger at the secular warlords than at the United States. Many said the foreign power they feared most was Ethiopia. There was also palpable unease about the plans of the Islamic militias, which are by all accounts a fractured group split between moderates and extremists. The militias, the residents said, attempted to shut down a company that dubbed Indian movies in Somali, apparently because they regarded the films as too risque. Others recalled occasional moments of thuggish behavior by militia members. One youth, Faisal Yacquub Ali, 17, took a break from watching the World Cup match to declare himself "fully against" the Islamic militias because he feared they would eventually turn against movies and soccer matches on television. Yet Jimcaale, who after 15 years was considering opening another clothing store, was less certain of the future. As the sounds of the soccer match drifted from a nearby cinema into a hotel cafe nearby, he said, "I see now the cinema is still open."

Ma gudbe! If he indeed said it, that is.

^^Thats very silly Q! Suffice to say that neither Barre nor Seeraar are the owners of that city. They have no legitimacy to rule. Paragon, I agree. Dad baa raba inay wadaada buuq ku furaan. Nimankaan shaqa wacan qabteen ee ha loo mahad naqo. It's also that reason i have been insisting that the courts need to do some work on the ground before they begin going around and errecting more ineffective courts in the country. Mogadishu must be thier priority # 1. For now.

^^Dhubadow; Kismayo is a troubled city that needs a peaceful resolution. I believe that it’s controlled by JVA, an alliance of nomadic militias. I don’t believe it’s ruled by its rightful owners adeer. For if you claim that men like Goobaale, Seeraar, and Barre reperesent that city’s population then you sure are poised to revise history! A note of coution: Barre admirers learn how to live with Xiin on this site for I will continue to call him for what he is--a warlord!

The TNG dilemma: Acceptance of peace brought by Islamists, or Risking a popular anger. ^^Allaylehe ishaad ka ridday..the choice is clear and its theirs. I look forward to reading your take on the Islamic Court’s triumph in Mogadishu.

Sanca: Madaxda Dawlada Federaalka iyo Maxkamadaha oo Aqbalay Casuumad ka timid Yaman Friday, June 16, 2006 - APL Sanca (AllPuntland)- Sidda uu baahiyay TV-ga carbeed ee Al-Jazeera Madaxwaynaha DF Soomaaliya Cabdullaahi Yusuf Axmed iyo Gudoomiyaha Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ah Shiikh Shariif Sh. Axmed ayaa waxa ay markii ugu horaysay aqbaleen casuumad uga timid Madaxweynaha dalka Yemen Cali Cabdala Saalax oo uu ku casumay inay aqbalaan kulan dhexdhexaadin ah inay isugu yimaadaan dalkiisa. Madaxwaynaha wadanka Yemen ayaa waxa uu horay u sheegay in uu ku dadaalayo siddii ay u taabo gali lahaayeen wada hadallo ay qaataan madaxda Dawladda iyo madaxda Maxaakimta islaamiga ah. Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ah ayaa waxa ay horay u dhaliileen codsiga ay xukuumadda federaalka KMG ah ku doonaysay in baarlamaanku aqbalo ciidammo shisheeye oo ka qayb qaata nabadda dalka Soomaaliya iyagoo sheegay in ay burburayaan rajada wadahadal ay la galaan dawlada haddii ay dalbato ciidamo shisheeye, Baarlamaanka Soomaalaiya ayaa todobaadkaan isku raacay in caalamka la waydiisto ciidamo ka taageera amaanka. Wali majiraan warar rasmiya oo sheegaya goorta shir noocaan ah la qaban doono, iyadoo ay muuqato in xawaaraha isbadalka Soomaaliya uu yahay midaan isagu dhowrayn wadahadal hadda la qaban qaabiyo. M. J. Koronto AllPuntland.

^^The end goal should be just that: bringing justice to the south. But now it is not the time simply because their priority should be, or so I think, to change the lives of millions in Mogadishu for better. All they did now is defeat warlords militarily but that’s not enough. It would be a sheer aimlessness if they just go on and establish mini courts around the country. Somalis need change and not another rolling army of militias saaxiib. But I agree that indhacadde and co are Achille's hill of the Courts. Courts need to come up with a strategy to either reform him or get rid of him. That much I agree. What I don’t understand, yaa Generalle, is your avoidance of the Kismayo question! I just don’t get it adeer. Do you really see any difference between Barre and Indhacadde, or you correctly think if indhaccade is dealt, Barre will vanish to the ages as he truelly is a creation of his? Midda kale the Courts need help now from the TFG. How about a division of labor then? It’s not fair to put Islamic Court's head in the chopping block and let the TFG boys sip Baydhabo tea with ease! Do you not agree yaa Generalle?

LOL@running around in diapers. Not in that age yaa Bishy ! Being in diapers sounds very helpless, feeble and senile. We are not talking about that type. We are talking about men who can function without aid . Seriously though, do you think there’s a relation between being old and fathering a child with genetic problems. Surely I wouldn’t want to have children in my late fifties but the reason has nothing to do with health concerns. I tend not to believe such publications. It’s become fashionable nowadays to easily make these assertions with a dye of scientific study. But I have to say that I liked the subtitle of their conclusion: marry early.

^^Generallow, the plight of Kismayo , Jamame, and Jilib is not included in your plea for justice! What gives adeer? Mise you are differentiating the warlords as my good HA has been arguing for some time now? Perhaps you must have an impenetrable approach for the plight of that city. Seriously though, this is not the time for Islamic Courts to address all the southern grievances you have mentioned in your plea. If they want to be credible they have to stop riding on these political emotions and do real work on the ground. I won’t take them as serious and effective players in the southern theatre if they don’t come up with a working plan to establish effective administration in Mogadishu. After dealing with the security of that city they need to remove roadblocks, open commercial entry points such as the main harbor and the airport, and cleanse federal institutions from the marks of the nomadic militias. In other words, the culture of moo-r-yaanism has to end. Then and only then could they begin to advance justice to the areas! But justice could no longer wait. So why not the TFG undertake those tasks and bring some thing to the table. Surely they could take on poor Indhacadde and end his illegal rule. Why not I ask? I think it is high time for the old man and his government to walk the talk and stop commenting Southern politics. Without doubt these Islamic Courts have done their part and changed political landscape of the south. Lets see if the old man and his TFG could deliver….

A supplemental study involving men from the US city of Baltimore indicated that dietary, ethnic, or socio-economic background could exacerbate the effect age has on sperm. ^^That explains why Somali men’s sperm velocity defies basic physics laws! No wonder as to why the retarding force has no effect on its speed. Even in latter age [seventies and eighties], Somali men generally tend to be productive. Not only are they shooting straight, but with greater accuracy ! So no sperm decline there, in terms of quantity that is. Nin caano geel ku koray iyo mid MacDonald ka dhergay awal baysan isku ragganimo ahayn. But what I am not certain about is if Somali men’s high fertility rate in their late ages is directly proportional to the relatively low quality of their offspring! Unless some one attacks my underlying assumption, I have just posed a worthy question for western researchers!

Maxamed Qanyare oo sheegay caawa inuu isaga baxay isbahaysigii la dagaalanka Argagaxisada Posted to the Web Jun 15, 20:16 Ceel-buur (PP) – Maxamed Qanyare Afrax oo gaaray gobolka Galgaduud gaar ahaan deegaannno ku dhowdhow Degmada Ceel-buur ee gobolka G/gaduud ayaa sheegay caawa inuu iaga baxay Isbahaysiga la dagaalanka Argagaxisad iyo soo celinta nabadda. Maxamed Qanyare oo lagu aasaasay xaruntiisa isbahaysigaan isla markaana ahaa xubnaha sida weyn ugu cadcad isbahaysiga ayay ka bixitaankiisa waxay ka yaabisay dadweynaha Magaalada Muqdisho, waxaana dadku ay isla dhex marayaan inay tani daliil cad u tahay in si dhab ah looga gulaystay isbahaysigii la dagaalnka Argagaxisada iy soo celinta nabadda. Maxamed Qanyare ayaa ku tilmaamay isbahaysigodii inuu noqday mid ku dhacay bolo weyn sidaa daraadeedna ay ka bixitaankiisa qayb ka qaadatay arrintaa, waxanaa uu sheegay in tani ay tahay midda ku qasabtay inuu isaga baxo isbahasysigaas oo uu sheegay inuu lugaha la galay dhiiqo aad u fara badan oo uusan ka bixi karin. Sidoo kale wuxuu sheegay Maxamed Qanyare in codsiyo ay kala yimaadeen dadka ehelkiisa ah kuwaasoo uu sheegy inay ku saabsanaayeen inuu isaga baxo Isbahaysiga, balse waxaa jiray inuu Maanta kulan la yeeshay Sheekh Xasan Daahir Aweys oo ay wadahadleen intii ay socdeen dagaalladii u dhexeeyay labada isbahaysi, waxaan la sheegay in tani ay qayb ka ahayd ka bixitaanka Maxamed Qanyare Isbahaysigaan. Maxamed Xuseen Jantiile Wakiilka Puntlandpost - Mogadishu E-mail: puntlandpostmog@hotmail.com Source

Alla-kacabsi, Kalsooni, iyo Midnimo can do the herculean task before us once and for all, insha-Allah. ^^Those are the factors of success indeed. No Muslim would have an issue with them either. But there is a catch to it: they have been, and it is still to a large degree, empty slogans and it will be erroneous to think that a mere invocation of it would do the trick. There is a difference of being a righteous man and having the capacity to do the right things. You need to understand the concept of tamkiin and ponder how it is different than being able to win. What counts is to restore law and order in that city and establish an effective administration for it. That’s something that Islamic Courts have yet to do! Chasing the enemy and finishing it up is a good military project to do, I would agree, but one would also hope that the mission of these courts is much greater than that.

Unnecessary is the right word yaa Paragon! Further more, defeating these warlords and wining these battles are not going to be enough for the courts to be relevant in the Somali politics beyond Mogadishu. They need to show political capacity to manage that city and unite its diverse security militias. I expect that would be very tough and quite challenging task to undertake. They need to utilize their resources very wisely. They should be careful to give their internal enemies excuses to stir trouble in Mogadishu! Of course, as Alle Ubaahe would say, these are remote advices, and a cyber one at that. But we are allowed to discuss, I suppose! Edit: Alle Ubaahane: perhaps you and I have different expectations from Islamic Courts. It would be helpful if you list what you think these courts could reasonably do to lessen the impact of Somali civil war and help revive and resurrect Somali state.

d/p!

They shouldn't be in Baledweyne at this time. They need to strengthen their grip on Mogadishu. If the news is correct, it gives the impression of them as a bunch of mullahs who are drunk of power. I hope that is not to be the case. Up to now they were justified in every offence they took. It is difficult, however, to find a reason for this. It defies conventional military tactics and presents logistical difficulties for them. Not a wise move. I say.

There’s too much at stake here for Ethiopia and I very much doubt that it will bet on Mr. Dheere and give him another support. The most it could do is to give military support to the TFG in Baydhabo. But again, it has been very difficult to predict Somali politics as of late. Events are happening faster than we can catch up with.

Good analysis indeed yaa Baashi. I think the strategy of Islamic Courts should be in two folds. First, consolidate their grip on Mogadishu and the surrounding areas to deny any safe heaven for the defeated warlords. Second, negotiate with the TFG and join them with own terms so the Courts can be part of greater national effort to stabilize Somalia. As you correctly observed the vote for foreign troop deployment could potentially complicate things. A compromise can be reached though if assurances are given these troops will not be deployed in Mogadishu or areas under the control of Islamic Courts. So far, so good. Lets wait and see what tomorrow brings.

War fiican weeye kaasi. Inta ay jiraan hay'ado ku andacoonayya inay argagaxisa islaami ah la diri-rayaan taageerana ka haysta dawlada shisheeye, Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ah xil weyn oon ahayn inay is difaacaan ma saarna. Kuma eedaysna inay ciddii ay hiil iyo hoo ka heli karaan ay ka qaataan si ay uga hortagaan ragga iimaanka beelay ee hadda damcay inay Soomaalida dhoofiyaan. Inta qatar noocaas ahi jirto shacbiyaddoodu daakhil iyo dibad ba waa kordhaysa. Kuwa ku wardinayya Indha-cadde ma lala diriro waxay u baahanyihiin inay xaqiiqadaa siyaasadeed fahmaan. Mudnaanta waxaa leh in marka hore lays raaciyo nimankan warlordska ah ee hadda usoo jeestay inay dadka islaamka ah dhoofiyaan sidii xoolihii. Markase qatartaasi meesha ka baxdo, sida haddab saansaankeedu muuqdo, waxaa la gaarayaa xiliggii la ogaanlahaa in maxkamaduhu siyaasiyan qaangaar yihiin iyo inkale. Waxaa caddaanaysa inay u bisilyihiin inay arrimaha kala hormariyaan. Waxaa looga fadhiyaa inay sameeyaan maamul midaysan oo magaaladu yeelato. Waxaa laga rabaa inay ciidamadooda ka miiraan jabhadaha sumcad xumadu koonfurta u taal oo lagu bartay inay muslimka guryahooda, beerahooda, iyo magaalooyinkoodaba xalaalaystaan. Waxaa kale oo laga rabaa inay TFG da la falgalaan kana qaybqaataan dib usoo noolaynta dawladnimadda Soomaaliya. Ilaa hadda waxay soo hooyeen guulo la taabankaro. Waxay muujiyeen inay danaynaayaan inay wadahal lagalaan Dawladda ku meel gaarka ah. Haddaad udhabba gashana Maxakamaduhu waxay u muuqdaan niman yaqaan waxay rabaan. Runtiina oday Cabdulle iyo raggiisu weeye kuwa iminka u eg rag dayeysan oo waa cusub u beryey. Waxaa jawwiga sii xumeeyey ciidamaan shishiiyee ee uu intaa daba socdo. Sadexsano ku dhawaadbaa buu ku qarwayey waxaan kala qaybsanaan ahayn oo uu ka helayna ma jiraan. Bal muu ka haro! Maxkamaduhu waa inay Dawladda u galaan laba maadaba: waa tan hore waxay dawladda ka galayaan oo gabbaad uga dhiganayaan dawladaha kale ee bahalloobay ee hadda usoo tafa-xaytay inay muslimiinta ugaarsadaan. Yaa wadaad xildhibaan ah ama wasiir ah Qanyare usoo diri kara ! Waa tan labaade, inay Dawladdaan galaan waxay u noqonaysaa jaranjaro siyaasadeed oo ay ku tafaan qaranimadda Sooamaaliya saasna kusii siqaan. Waxay noqonkartaa muftaax ay si waasac ah ugu furtaan hoggaanka Soomaaliya (Muqdisho kaliya maaha!) guud ahaan. Su'aasha is weydiinta mudani waa: TFG du ma doolarkii Qanyare ka cararay bay America ka qaadan doontaa mise fursaddan bay ka faaidaysan doontaa oo maxkamadaha bay wax la qabsanaysaa? Waa idinkaas!

Good read! Thanks Sharmarke for sharing it with us.

Originally posted by Amelia: quote:Originally posted by xiinfaniin: ....calaf-seeking .... Guri carfoon iyo cunto macaan One must lead a sorry existance to look forward to that calaf, I say. Waligaaba, wayse ku sugi haddaad noolaato IA! Get with the program yaa Amelia, I say.

Originally posted by HornAfrique ................ Caqliqa aad taa ku garatay oo kaayo toban jirka "rer Gedood" oo Kismaayo joogo uu ku garanwaaye meyde? Ileen ragu wey xisaabtamaane, warku cadey ina adeer oo noo tilmaam geedka caqligaa ku saaranyahy uusan ragu kale u saarnayn. Dagaal waa mid, cilmiyo caqlina waa mid. Rag Barre Adan Shire u dagaalamo wey joogin meel waliba ay joogaanbo, rag uu la tashadana wey joogin. Faah-faahin intaa ka dheere kula geli mayo, isla weynida ama iska gadkuba aad ku jirtaane meel hakaa bixiso! Tan ku dheg. Barre Hiiraale is not a selfish power-hungry man. Calooshi-u-shaqaystana maahan. Kol horaana kugu idhi, haatana waan kugu odhan. Barre Adden Shire rag buu matalaa, baahitaan shicib baa Kismaayo keentay iyaguuna u fadhiya iyaguuna u shaqeeyaa. Anigu waxaan aaminsanahay Barre Hiiraale inusan ujeedadaada ahayn ya waliba Isbahaysigiisuna aysan ahayne balse ay tahay fadhitaanka rer Gedood ay Kismaayo fadhiyaan. Waxa kale dhan waa "smokescreen". Translation: Ninkii Barre warlord yiraahdaa Reer Gedoodkuu necebyahay ! Waryaa ku raacay ?

^^Adeer I know the munaafaq card is convenient one, but I encourage you to forgo it this time as I hardly think you need to use it. Garatay yaa dhubad? I thought you have possessed decorum of sort! What’s the value of understanding the conflict in the south for this argument? We are talking about warlordism, are we not? So if I understand HA’s grievance I would come to a sympathetic conclusion and shun my warlord label use, you think? No matter what narration you bring to the table, as long you justify the notion of warlordism you are drawing a circle that cant be squared, adeer!

^^Clever Suldaan, you know what die-hard secessionist and warlord followers have in common , lack of rationality and fairness! You think Puntland is warlord held land, and Somaliland is, well, a shining beacon on the hill! I am afraid that is another line to streamline your separatist cause; we are different than the rest! But how different really? I told you what warlord is, and I don’t think either Puntland or Somaliland fall in that category. There are other regions like Hiiraan that fall in that category[non-warlord zone that is] as well. But we clearly have different standards and consequently our assessment differ. JB, rework on your logic saaxiib. I couldn’t use it as is! HA, adeer maxaan yeelaa dee waad iska barooranaysaa sidii inaan geel kaa dhacaye. Markaad rag la doodayso waa loo yara kaadiyaa xamaasadda iyo hebel baa barakaysan iyo hebel cidna maa gaari karto! Bal ilaah baan ku dhaarshee what history lesson did you think you taught Xiin? That Barre, the warlord, the Ahmed Warsame, the irrelavent soldier, and other civil war warriors are righteous men? Is that it yaa HA? How many times have I told you when it comes to the Kismayo equation Barre and his ilk are facilitators, proxy-war fighters, and place-holders for the larger players in the south. That’s why I tend to talk more about the alliance as I see him as a junior warlord. I always believed if Kismayo resulotions is to be attained, talk or fight its rightful owner must do with the real players; the Marka-Kismayo corridor warlords! Those are the folks who hold the sway, not your exported militias and its head, Barre. Rag lama xaqiro saaxiib. Now needless to say this whole argument was triggered by my characterization of your uncle Barre as a warlord and your insistence that he is not! You doubt my sincerity and think of me as hypocrite soul. Fine. You associate me with the old man. Fine. But to think that I have bought in to your line of thinking is utterly naïve. My argument still remains valid: there is an alliance of warlords that needs be dealt in the south. The only entity that could take on it is the Islamic Courts, as the TFG has no credibility (so far) on the issue of land and properties. The reason is that the old man seems to be siding with one warlord for clannish reason and trying to isolate others for the same reason. That’s non-starter, I say. And look what you are arguing for Hornow; you are saying Barre is not a warlord . Give me a break, I say, and tell that your likeminded folks saaxiib. Intaa ha noo joogto!

New York Times June 8, 2006 Efforts by C.I.A. Fail in Somalia, Officials Charge By MARK MAZZETTI WASHINGTON, June 7 — A covert effort by the Central Intelligence Agency to finance Somali warlords has drawn sharp criticism from American government officials who say the campaign has thwarted counterterrorism efforts inside Somalia and empowered the same Islamic groups it was intended to marginalize. The criticism was expressed privately by United States government officials with direct knowledge of the debate. And the comments flared even before the apparent victory this week by Islamist militias in the country dealt a sharp setback to American policy in the region and broke the warlords' hold on the capital, Mogadishu. The officials said the C.I.A. effort, run from the agency's station in Nairobi, Kenya, had channeled hundreds of thousands of dollars over the past year to secular warlords inside Somalia with the aim, among other things, of capturing or killing a handful of suspected members of Al Qaeda believed to be hiding there. Officials say the decision to use warlords as proxies was born in part from fears of committing large numbers of American personnel to counterterrorism efforts in Somalia, a country that the United States hastily left in 1994 after attempts to capture the warlord Mohammed Farah Aidid and his aides ended in disaster and the death of 18 American troops. The American effort of the last year has occasionally included trips to Somalia by Nairobi-based C.I.A. case officers, who landed on warlord-controlled airstrips in Mogadishu with large amounts of money for distribution to Somali militias, according to American officials involved in Africa policy making and to outside experts. Among those who have criticized the C.I.A. operation as short-sighted have been senior Foreign Service officers at the United States Embassy in Nairobi. Earlier this year, Leslie Rowe, the embassy's second-ranking official, signed off on a cable back to State Department headquarters that detailed grave concerns throughout the region about American efforts in Somalia, according to several people with knowledge of the report. Around that time, the State Department's political officer for Somalia, Michael Zorick, who had been based in Nairobi, was reassigned to Chad after he sent a cable to Washington criticizing Washington's policy of paying Somali warlords. One American government official who traveled to Nairobi this year said officials from various government agencies working in Somalia had expressed concern that American activities in the country were not being carried out in the context of a broader policy. "They were fully aware that they were doing so without any strategic framework," the official said. "And they realized that there might be negative implications to what they are doing." The details of the American effort in Somalia are classified, and American officials from several different agencies agreed to discuss them only after being assured of anonymity. The officials included supporters of the C.I.A.-led effort as well as critics. A C.I.A. spokesman declined to comment, as did a spokesman for the American Embassy in Kenya. Asked about the complaints made by embassy officials in Kenya, Thomas Casey, a State Department spokesman, said: "We're not going to discuss any internal policy discussions. The secretary certainly encourages individuals in the policy making process to express their views and opinions." Several news organizations have reported on the American payments to the Somali warlords. Reuters and Newsweek were the first to report about Mr. Zorick's cable and reassignment to Chad. The extent and location of the C.I.A.'s efforts, and the extent of the internal dissent about these activities, have not been previously disclosed. Some Africa experts contend that the United States has lost its focus on how to deal with the larger threat of terrorism in East Africa by putting a premium on its effort to capture or kill a small number of high-level suspects. Indeed, some of the experts point to the American effort to finance the warlords as one of the factors that led to the resurgence of Islamic militias in the country. They argue that American support for secular warlords, who joined together under the banner of the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism, may have helped to unnerve the Islamic militias and prompted them to launch pre-emptive strikes. The Islamic militias have been routing the warlords, and on Monday they claimed to have taken control of most of the Somali capital. "This has blown up in our face, frankly," said John Prendergast of the International Crisis Group, a nonprofit research organization with extensive field experience in Somalia. "We've strengthened the hand of the people whose presence we were worried most about," said Mr. Prendergast, who worked on Africa policy at the National Security Council and State Department during the Clinton administration. The American activities in Somalia have been approved by top officials in Washington and were reaffirmed during a National Security Council meeting about Somalia in March, according to people familiar with the meeting. During the March meeting, at a time of fierce fighting in and around Mogadishu, a decision was made to make counterterrorism the top policy priority for Somalia. Porter J. Goss, who recently resigned as C.I.A. director, traveled to Kenya this year and met with case officers in the Nairobi station, according to one intelligence official. It is not clear whether the payments to Somali warlords were discussed during Mr. Goss's trip. The American ambassador in Kenya, William M. Bellamy, has disputed assertions that Washington is to blame for the surge in violence in Somalia. And some government officials this week defended the American counterterrorism efforts in the country. "You've got to find and nullify enemy leadership," one senior Bush administration official said. "We are going to support any viable political actor that we think will help us with counterterrorism." In May, the United Nations Security Council issued a report detailing the competing efforts of several nations, including Ethiopia and Eritrea, to provide Somali militias and the transitional Somali government with money and arms — activities the report said violated the international arms embargo on Somalia. "Arms, military matériel and financial support continue to flow like a river to these various actors," the report said. The United Nations report also cited what it called clandestine support for a so-called antiterrorist coalition, in what appeared to be a reference to the American policy. Somalia's interim president, Abdullahi Yusuf, first criticized American support for Mogadishu's warlords in early May during a trip to Sweden. "We really oppose American aid that goes outside the government," he said, arguing that the best way to hunt members of Al Qaeda in Somalia was to strengthen the country's government. Senior American officials indicated this week that the United States might now be willing to hold discussions with the Islamic militias, known as the Islamic Courts Union. President Bush said Tuesday that the first priority for the United States was to keep Somalia from becoming a safe haven for terrorists. The American payments to the warlords have been intended at least in part to help gain the capture of a number of suspected Qaeda operatives who are believed responsible for a number of deadly attacks throughout East Africa. Since the 1998 bombings of the United States Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, American officials have been tracking a Qaeda cell whose members are believed to move freely between Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and parts of the Middle East. Shortly after an attack on a hotel in Mombasa, Kenya, and the failed attempt to shoot down a plane bound for Israel that took off from the Mombasa airport, both in November 2002, the United States began informally reaching out to the Somali clans in the hopes that local forces might provide intelligence about suspected members of Al Qaeda in Somalia. This approach has brought occasional successes. According to an International Crisis Group report, militiamen loyal to warlord Mohammed Deere, a powerful figure in Mogadishu, caught a suspected Qaeda operative, Suleiman Abdalla Salim Hemed, in April 2003 and turned him over to American officials. According to Mr. Prendergast, who has met frequently with Somali clan leaders, the C.I.A. over the past year has increased its payments to the militias in the hopes of putting pressure on Al Qaeda. The operation, while blessed by officials in Washington, did not seem to be closely coordinated among various American national security agencies, he said. "I've talked to people inside the Defense Department and State Department who said that this was not a comprehensive policy," he said. "It was being conducted in a vacuum, and they were largely shut out." Marc Lacey contributed reporting from Nairobi for this article, and Helene Cooper from Washington. Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company

Oh good HonfArfiik I thought you could have done better than that! I thought you would at least admit Barre's political limbo; keep his alliance to hold the city vs. join the old man’s men and deliberate in Baidoba. You did not. I though you would at least admit that good Barre is in league with the alliance that holds Juba Valley and shares their plan for the south. You did not. Not only that, but you also managed to shallowly write and sidestep all the points I raised. Not only that, but you cleverly introduced a new diction in SOLers political vocabulary: moral superiority. Plus the wailing you mustered in my native tongue! I give a failing grade for the substance and a passing mark for the delivery. Now let me give another try. Adeer, I am sure that you have no sore places, as it were, so fear not a jest. I am not seeking your overthrow, so don’t faint your courage yaa Horn. Be a good pal and help me understand your case! Are you asserting that Kismayo is in the right hands, and Jamame is legitimately held? Or you are shielding Barre for he defended your cause and avenged your wrongs! Are you denying Barre’s link to indha cadde saaxiib, or Are you saying it matters not? And you say Puntland and Somaliland are warlord controlled territory not because that they are riddled with roadblocks but by the sheer fact that Somalia lacks central government. I call that statement of yours a singularly empty joke at best or, at worst, a desperate act of painting president’s house with stinking manure! It’s not fun yaa HA. Why deny the progress of others saaxiib and taint them with JVA concepts? It is quite disappointing that you fail to understand the concept of warlordism. Wallaahi it’s disappointing! Akhiiran, so you know, Xiin cares not about the old man, not the least because I disagree with him on many accounts but there are also better defenders in this part of the net who take pride in him, and they can and do speak on his behalf. That does not mean that I don’t support this government and want its success. I did that before with AQasim, and will probably do it for the next one to come, IA. Get that. Final verdict ============== Barre = presently one of the warlords that control Kismayo and part time minister in the Geed’s government! Adeer Abdulle = former rebel with questionable tactics, former warlord in pre-Puntland regions, ex-head of Puntland State, and currently head of the TFG. Fair? What say you yaa HA?