Bashiir
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Everything posted by Bashiir
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Ibti, kaama fogi dhagaxaan soo tuuro ardaagiina ayuu ku dhici,...
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Ibti, saas uma fogi...xaafad idiin dhow ayaan kurus iyo bariis isla dhacayaa ,... Lol
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Dib u dhac ayaa ku yimid shirka la filayay in uu ka furmo magaalada Nairobi maanta..,,, ee dhameeystirka maamul goboleedka Azaniya....
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Dhoobley, Azania...
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Yes Fazliyah, it helps by refreshing the whole system...,
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I'm not addicted to Sol, I only surf when i have time:..lunch time, break time, off time, no time, this time, that time, any time, all the time... Wasalaam Ibti....and duhur wanagsan..
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Labada shariif intey heshiiyaan, oo doorasho been beeneed galaan, mayba buuqla'aan iskaba maamushaan...
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Jacaylbaro;434949 wrote: "Tixgelin kaliya maahinee waxaan dhigi doonaa koob lagu sharfayo dowladda Itoobiya oo ay ku tartamayaan 16-ka degmo kaasaana guddoonsiin doonaa, maxaa yeelay waa dad naf iyo maal noo huray oo gacan naga siiyay nabadeynta dalkeena" ayuu yiri Maxamed Dheere oo shacbiga Soomaaliyeed gaar ahaan kuwa Gobolka Banaadir ugu baaqay iney taageeraan ciidamada nabadgelyada ka shaqeynaya inta meesha laga saarayo kooxaha uu ku sheegay kuwa nabad diidka ah. ********************************* Koobka Dheere u balanqaaday Gabre, waxaa sugaya ninkii kale ee magaca qalaadaa....
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Xamar waxaa oogu nasiib daran Bakaaraha, shalay waxaa isku dul haystay shabaab iyo xisbul islaam ee maanta heshiiska ah isla hadda waxaa isku dul haysta xoogag aan kala dhicin. Sababta oogu wacan aya ah bisad walba aoo ku nool bakaaraha caano iyo hilib ayna meel kale ka helayn ayaa u yaala dadka ka shaqaystaana tabar ay isooga saaran ma leh isla ciidamada dowlada ayaa bililiqeysan doona haddeyna xilkasnimo muujin ooyna u arag in shacabkoodu ku nool yihiin ooy ku tiirsanyihiin dhaqaalaha suuqaas ka soo baxa... Garabyada si haya waa iney ka fogaadaan suuqyada iyo meelaha rayidku u badanyihiin...
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Bakara the struggling largest market of Xamar.....
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The US-Saudi axis The ongoing uprisings in the Arab world today, as is clear to all observers, do not distinguish between republics and monarchies. Indeed, in addition to the republics, demonstrations have been ongoing in Morocco, Jordan, Oman, and Saudi Arabia (and more modestly in Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates), despite the brutal suppression of the major Bahraini uprising by a combined mercenary force dispatched by the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council led by Saudi Arabia. The situation in Arab countries today is characterised as much by the counter-revolution sponsored by the Saudi regime and the United States as it is by the uprisings of the Arab peoples against US-sponsored dictatorial regimes. While the US-Saudi axis was caught unprepared for the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings, they quickly made contingency plans to counter the uprisings elsewhere, especially in Bahrain and Oman, but also in Jordan and Yemen, as well as take control of the uprisings in Libya (at first) and later in Syria. Attempts to take control of the Yemeni uprising have had mixed results so far. Part of the US-Saudi strategy has been to strengthen religious sectarianism, especially hostility to shiism, in the hope of stemming the tide of the uprisings. This sectarianism targets not only Iran but also Arab shias in Bahrain, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and even in Oman and Syria, while simultaneously encouraging anti-Christian zealotry in Egypt. The Sadat and Mubarak regimes encouraged anti-Christian zealots for decades. Part of the ongoing counter-revolutionary efforts is to resuscitate these sectarian forces to break Egyptian unity and bring about chaos. If the Eisenhower Doctrine insisted in 1957 that the Soviets, not Israel, were the main enemy of the Arab peoples, today the US insists that it is Iran and shiism who are their main enemy. With the US and Saudi-led suppression of the people of Bahrain, the hope is that this American-sponsored sectarian hatred and encouragement of sunni Arab chauvinism would in one swoop render Iran (and not the Arab dictators, their Israeli ally, or their US sponsor) the enemy of Arabs, if not the only enemy of Arabs, and delegitimise at the same time the uprisings in countries with a substantial number of Arab shiites. The US sponsored this project several years ago with limited success. It would be best articulated by Jordan’s King Abdullah II, who warned in 2004 of a "shia crescent" threatening the region. The US and the Saudis are hoping that it could be more successful today. The French and the British have continued to play important neo-colonial roles in the region, economically, militarily, and in the realm of security "cooperation". They have strengthened their position by increasing their security and diplomatic "assistance" to their allies among Arab dictators. The US-supported repression in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Yemen, Jordan, Morocco, Algeria, and in the United Arab Emirates goes hand in hand with the Euro-American-Qatari intervention in Libya to safeguard the oil wells for Western companies once a new government is in place. The hijacking of the Libyan uprising and the defection of Gaddafi's governing elite of politicians overnight to the side of the "revolutionaries" not only casts more than one shadow of suspicion on those claiming to lead the Libyan uprising against Gaddafi's horrific dictatorship, but also on the Western powers who were Gaddafi's major allies in the last decade until their recent defection. The situation today is one of a struggle between the formidable US-Saudi axis, which is the main anti-democratic force in the region, and the pro-democracy uprisings. The US-Saudi strategy is two-fold: massive repression of those Arab uprisings that can be defeated, and co-optation of those that could not be. How successful the second part will be depends on how co-optable the pro-democracy forces prove to be. While it is true that revolutionaries make their own history, as Karl Marx famously put it, "they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past." Guarding against the co-optation of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions is the hope of all Arabs today. The US-Saudi axis will use every mechanism at its disposal to do so, not least of which will be the forthcoming elections in Egypt and Tunisia. The great Arab hope is that Tunisia and Egypt will write a new Revolutionary and Democratic Manifesto for the Arab peoples. The concern and the fear remain, however, that we may end up with less of a Communist Manifesto and more of an Eighteenth Brumaire. ------------------ Joseph Massad is Associate Professor of Modern Arab Politics and Intellectual History at Columbia University in New York.
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A specter is haunting the Arab world - the specter of democratic revolution. All the powers of the old Arab world have entered into a holy alliance with each other and the United States to exorcise this specter: king and sultan, emir and president, neoliberals and zionists. While Marx and Engels used similar words in 1848 in reference to European regimes and the impending communist revolutions that were defeated in the Europe of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, there is much hope in the Arab world that these words would apply more successfully to the ongoing democratic Arab uprisings. In the case of Europe, Marx ended up having to write the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon in 1852 to analyse the defeat of the 1848 revolution in France. He explained how revolutions could overthrow an existing ruling class but would not necessarily lead to the rule of the oppressed. He analysed the process by which Louis Napoleon was able to hijack the revolution and proclaim himself emperor, restoring monarchy to republican and revolutionary France, as his uncle Napoleon Bonaparte had done before him to the glorious French Revolution of 1789. Since the end of World War I, European powers and the United States have appointed and removed Arab kings at will. Their actions were always taken to ensure the persistence of these dictatorial monarchies, rather than their removal, and to strengthen Euro-American control and hegemony over the region. The only seeming exception to this rule was the French removal of King Faisal from the throne of Syria in 1919, ending the short-lived Syrian independence, only for the British to extend to him the throne of Iraq, which he assumed that same year, with the inauguration of British rule in that country. This Euro-American power would include the granting of Abdullah the throne of Jordan in 1921 and the removal of his son King Talal from it, replacing him with his own son Hussein in 1952-53. The French would dethrone Mohammed V of Morocco in 1953 but would restore him again in 1955 when opposition to his removal weakened their control. The British would remove Sultan Said bin Taymur in 1970 and replace him with his son Sultan Qabus, who was better able, with the help of the Iranian Shah, the Jordanian King, British and American military support, to quell the republican revolution in Dhofar. Even the palace coup of 1995 by Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al Thani of Qatar to oust his father, Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad al Thani, and replace him, received American support and enthusiasm, as it was carried out to strengthen, rather than weaken, the Qatari monarchy. Imperialism and orientalism Since World War II, but more diligently since the mid 1950s, the United States has followed two simultaneous strategies to exercise its control over the Arab peoples across Arab countries. The first, and the one most relevant to Arabs, was based on the early US recognition and realisation (like Britain, France, and Italy before it) that Arabs, like all other peoples worldwide, wanted democracy and freedom and would struggle for them in every possible way. For the United States, this necessitated the establishment of security and repressive apparatuses in Arab countries, which the US would train, fund, and direct in order to suppress these democratic desires and efforts in support of dictatorial regimes whose purpose has always been and continues to be the defense of US security and business interests in the region. These interests consist principally in securing and maintaining US control of the oil resources of the region, ensuring profits for American business, and strengthening the Israeli settler-colony. Much of this was of course propelled by the beginning of the Cold War and the US strategy to suppress all forms of real and imagined communist-leaning forces around the world, which included any and all democratic demands for change in the region. This strategy, which was formalised in the Eisenhower Doctrine issued in 1957, continues through the present. The Eisenhower Doctrine, issued on 5 January 1957, as a speech by the US president, declared the Soviet Union, not Israel or Western-supported regional dictatorships, as the enemy of the people of the Middle East. To neutralise president Gamal Abd al Nasir’s wide appeal across the Arab world, Eisenhower authorised the US military "to secure and protect the territorial integrity and political independence of such nations, requesting such aid against overt armed aggression from any nation controlled by international communism.” In contrast with its actual anti-democratic policies around the world, the US has always insisted on marketing itself as a force for global democracy. In line with this public relations campaign, the second strategy the US used to advance its anti-democratic policies in the Arab World was the importation of European orientalism, which acquired a central place in post-war US academia. State Department funding assisted by funding from private foundations would solidify orientalist research that asserted that Arabs and Muslims were incompatible with democracy and that more often than not they love and prefer dictatorial rule and that it would be culturally imperialist for the US to impose democracy on them, leading to the conclusion that it would be best to uphold their dictatorial rulers whose repressive policies, we are told, are inspired by Islam and Arab culture. Between the billions spent on repressing the Arab peoples and the millions spent to explain academically and in the American media the need to repress them, this two-pronged US strategy in the region since World War II has been coming apart at an accelerated rate since January 2011, a development that continues to cause panic in the Obama White House and manifests in the incessant fumbling of his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, who is much despised across the Arab world. If president Jimmy Carter infamously declared on the eve of the Iranian Revolution in December 1977 that the Iran of the Shah was "an island of stability in one of the most troubled areas of the world", Hillary Clinton would declare Mubarak’s Egypt as "stable" days before he was overthrown. Subverting democracy The anti-democratic US campaign in the region started with the first coup d’état the US sponsored when it overthrew democratic rule in Syria in 1949 and was soon followed by the restoration of the Shah in neighbouring Iran in 1953 in a CIA-sponsored coup that overthrew the government of prime minister Mohammed Mossadegh and suppressed the democratic movement in Iran. As the US was following similar strategies elsewhere in its expanding empire, especially in Guatemala where it sponsored an anti-democratic coup against the reform government of Jacobo Arbenz and unleashed a wave of terror that murdered hundreds of thousands of Guatemalans for the next four decades, it formalised its new strategy in the Arab world through the Eisenhower Doctrine. Soon after, the US went into high gear suppressing democracy in the region, starting with intervention in Lebanon on the side of right-wing sectarian forces in 1957, moving to engineer the palace coup launched by the young King Hussein against the democratically elected parliament the same year in Jordan, and proceeding to help the Baath party assume power in 1963 in Iraq and massacre thousands in the process. The defeat of Nasir in the 1967 war was followed by US support for the most repressive Sudanese regime ever under Jafar Numeiri and the suppression of the revolution across the Arabian Gulf in the early seventies with the assistance of the Shah’s forces and the Jordanian army, which stabilised the region for US oil profits and began the road to secure Israel’s supremacy. In the meantime, the removal of Arab monarchies from power and replacing them with republics would take place through the mechanism of military coups, which, unlike Euro-American interventions, had much popular support. Beginning with the removal of King Farouk of Egypt in 1952 by the Free Officers, the removal of Arab monarchies would proceed with the overthrow of the Iraqi King and the Hashemite royal family in 1958, the Yemeni monarchy in 1962, and ended with the overthrow of the Libyan monarchy in 1969 by Gaddafi. All other Arab monarchies have persisted, with massive American, French, and British financial, economic, military, and security support, despite a number of threats to these thrones over the decades. While only two monarchies survive outside the Arabian Peninsula, which only managed to lose its Yemeni monarch, all other Arab regimes have a republican form of government.
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Yacni su'aalo ka muhiimsan oo mawduucan ku saabsan ayaa taas wadkeed galay ka haboonaa,...sida wax loo su'aalo maa adan ka adkaan idhihaa...
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Si kale hadaan u dhigo, dhan baad u badantahay meel dhexe makaad istaagto ayaan mid iyo laba ku odhan, intaas ka hor isha ku hay mawduucan iyo ka doorashada ku saabsan..
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Taasi waa fikirkaaga, xor baanad u tahay....
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Muqdisho : (Sh. M. Network) Madaxweynaha dowladda KMG Soomaaliya Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed iyo gudoomiyaha Barlamanka Sharif Xasan Sheekh Aadan ayaa maanta isku mari waayay kulankoodii sedaxaad oo maalmahaan ay ku yeelanayeen magaalada Muqdisho. Kadib kulan ay maanta ku yeesheen xarunta madaxtooyada eee Villa Soomaaliya Madaxweynaha DKMG Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed iyo gudoomiyaha Barlamanka Shariif Xasan Sheekh Aadan kaasi oo looga hadlayay xalinta khilaafka u dhaxeeya masuuliyiin ugu sareysa dowladda KMG iyo sidii doorasho ay uga dhici laheyd gudaha dalka ayaa ku soo dhamaaday natiijo la’aan. Kulankaani oo ahaa kii sedaxaad oo mudo todobaad gudihiis ah ay yeeshaan madaxweynaha iyo gudoomiyaha Barlamanka ayaa markii uu soo gaba gaboobay waxaa saxaafada la hadlay xildhibaan Cumar Islow oo ah xogheynta Barlamanka kaasi oo sheegay in qodobadii labada dhinac ay ka hadlayeen ay ku soo dhamaadeen iyagoo aan laga gaarin wax natiijo ah. Xildhibaan Cumar islow sidoo kale waxa uu sheegay in aysan marnaba ka laaban doonin go’aankoodii ahaa in doorasho madaxtinimo ay dhacdo ka hor bisha August, waxuuna carabka ku dhuftay in hadii is hortaag lagu sameeyo doorashadaasi uu dalka gali karo marxalad adag isagoo tilmaamay in ay badan karaan maamul goboleedyada. Sedaxdii maalin ee la soo dhaafay ayaa xarunta madaxtooyada ee Villa Soomaaliya waxaa ka soconayay kulan u dhaxeeyay madaxweyne Shariif iyo gudoomiye shariif Xasan Sheekh Aadan kuwaasi oo la doonayay in lagu xaliyo khilaafka labada masuul oo cirka isku sii shareeray bilihii ugu dambeeyay. http://www.shabelle.net/article.php?id=6798
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Laba shariif way isku soo dhawaadeen laakiin doorashada ayaa la isku mari la'yahay....,,, gudi dhex gasha oo isu keenta labadan masuul ayaa lo baahanyahay si heshiiskoodu u midho dhaliyo..
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May 21, 2011 Iyadoo maalmihii lasoo dhaafay ay kulamo isdaba joog ah ay qaadanayaanyeen madaxwaynaha dowlada kms iyo gudoomiyaha baarlamaanka Sheekh Shariif Sh Axmed iyo Shariif Xasan Sh Aadan ayaa guud ahaan kulamadiisi aysan ka soo bixin wax natiijo ah kadib markii laysku afgaran waayay waxyaabihi ay ka wadahadlayeen. Madaxwaynaha Dowlada KMG Somalia Sheekh Shariif ayaa soo jiidiyay afkaaro ay kamid ahaayeen in dib loo dhigo doorashada Madaxtinimo ee Wadanka qodobka ugu weynaa ee labada dhinac ay isku marieaayeen ayaa kaas ahaa. Halka Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanku uu soo jiidiyay in ay muqadas tahay in ay dhacdo doorashada oo aan meelna looga laaban karin balse wixii kale laga wada hadli karo taasi oo u cuntamiwayday Madaxwaynaha, kulankii ugu dambeeyay ayayna maanta wadaqaateen Madaxwaynaha iyo Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Waxaana ugu dambayntii ay ku soo kala tageen natiijo la,aan labada Mas'uul ee ugu sarayso Dowlada KMS, maalmihii lasoo dhaafay ayaa waxaa jiray ilaa 3 kulan oo ay wadaqaateen Madaxwaynaha iyo Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka kaas oo ay uga wada hadlayeen khilaaf xoogan ee u dhaxeeya lamana oga halka uu ku dambayn doono khilaafka labada dhinac u dhexeeya. Qorahay Online qorahay99@yahoo.com
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Ina Jaad rag badan oo guurka ka caqliyeystay ayuu ku jiraa, waxa ka maqan buusan ogeyn ....Lol
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Axmed-InaJaad;721955 wrote: "im not feeling well today" " naag raadso, iska guurso" "my dog died" "war iska guurso" " i have terminal cancer" " la ilaah war iska guurso" "the rent is too damn high" "war iska guurso" " i dont like indhayar people" " war naag indhayar oo muslim ah iska guurso" it's like they think marriage is some universal remedy. Lool. Adeer iska guurso anaa ku dhihiye ama sadex beri soon bil walba. Si Alle ayaad u degi. Hadaad keri waydo ciirta iyo yogurta laasim.
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Somali, saxiib kuwaan dhalay iyo kuwa ila dhashay iyo inta qiimo leh een soo gaadho uun baan isha ku heyn...and I'll make sure they don't cross to the western hemisphere..qalanjooyinka in lanaga bililiqaysto waa raganimo daro..Lol
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Maya, saxiib keen waa most active member, he made more than 30k posts and he is already popular, laakiin waxbadan ayaad ka baran oo wuu isku dhex wadaa..inta shahaado ee uu qaatay iyo waxaa isla eg curuuta loo dhalay imikana minyaro ayuu qalqaalo oogu jiraa..ee adu fadhiga ka kac baan ku idhi..dhagah, oo agah .. war su'aal xumidaa....
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Residents in Addis Ababa and other Ethiopian cities have to wait over 8 hours in line to buy sugar, cooking oil and other food items.!!
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genius pauper.;722034 wrote: ha ahatee, bashiroow adiga maxad door bidi leheed?????? Isku dhex wadka ayaa oogu macaan you can ask Jacaylbaro for more tips, or take lesson from nuune's story...waxaad hayso miiska keen ka dib go'aankaa socodsii... wax kale hadaad garan waydo salatu istakharo u tuko..
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