General Duke;898097 wrote: Oba who is Hussein? Hussein are reer goldogob

NGONGE;897798 wrote: ^^ Tell me about it. With people accusing Abwaan of being a former "moryaan", I had a thought about one that was a kid when the troubles in Somalia started and got addicted to killing. I some how imagined him finding his way to the West and managing to carve a respectable life for himself (a pretty girl with no moryaan history, an aroos with Khadra Daahir as the main singer and a job as a Taxi driver, etc). But there is an empty space in our career moryaan's soul. He craves the feel of killing something or someone like he easily used to do when he was younger. The story then goes on (in my head, though it's not yet fully cooked) to describe the way how he became a serial killer and how all dog owners in his local area came to be afraid of the Somali assasin. His reasons for killing the dogs are obvious of course (dogs waa najaas and one must get rid of all najaas, etc). I stopped myself from writing it in case I offended my friend Oba! LOOL

So im hearing tolka is investing a lot in kooyame these days are your family investing too?

Aaliyah so when are we going to Kooyame Kundeeqa?

Somalia;898075 wrote: Why are you creating a tribal party, it's 2012 you know.. :confused: nicca clans are EVRYTHING remember

balayo you are right i always mix yusuf and hussein

well history is written by the winners

war i was just correcting the statement made by the general. Good luck on your tribal party.

^^ LOL, war it is jeberti,tanade then Yusuf. waa ceebowday manta

Che -Guevara;898052 wrote: Oo ku dhawaaqi doono urur siyaasadeed cusub. Barito lafilayaa Professorku inuu soo cagadhigo garoonka diyaaradaha Burtinle International Airport Burtinle, Puntland, Somalia ninka che is reer tanade ilayn, you got my support!

lool

what do you mean?

well there was a certain centrism in the kacaan days but what shocked me the most was how they totally excluded this man from the history books and his legacy. I can proudly say my great grandfather took part of the Ceeldheer battle and Jilyaale west of cadale at 1923.

So how come sheikh Hassan barsane haven't got as much attention as the Sayid mohamed Abdulle hassan who was a close ally who both met at Mecca, specially when the sheikh hassan had 20 000 to 30 000 soldiers under his command and had estimated 16000 rifles and sheikh hassan stopped ethiopian expansion as well, who knows today maybe Hiiraan and thes habelles and galgaduud would be a part of Ethiopia maybe.

The Battle of Gumar Sheel

in 1905 the Sheikh has stopped the Ethiopian expension in Somalia where he defeated them in Gumar Sheel ( 1905 ). the Sheik and his army have also fought against Italians in many places including: 1. Buulo Barde 1922 2. Ceel Dheere 1922 and 1923 3. Hilweyne 1923 4. Jiliyaale 1924 5. Hareeriile 1924

THE FATE OF HAJI HASSAN Although initially the Italian Government ordered the execution of all rebels captured in Somaliland, De Vecchi had personally made sure that Hassan was kept alive, whilst executing all his associates that were captured with him, including Abikar Gafle and Hussein Daqane. Haji Hassan was placed in a prison cell at the Mogadishu Central Prison, sentenced to life. The Italians took glory in torturing and mutilating Hassan, a policy common amongst Fascist proponents. By 1926, at the age of 73, Hassan finally passed away. 2 years of imprisonment and torture had finally brought him down. At the request of local Somali elders, Hassan was allowed to be given a burial, in a Mogadiscio suburb not far from the Central Prison. It was attended by thousands, who felt sorrow and grief at the death of such a leader. THE IMPACT OF HAJI HASSAN Whilst Hassan died in the hands of the colonialists, he was revered by many as a martyr of a noble cause. Sheik Gabyou, a poet who greatly supported Hassan in his years of revolt, composed many poems in admiration of him. Sufi Baraki, a young cleric who witnessed such incidence, attempted to form a brotherhood that would defeat colonialism in order to avenge Hassan although he was also captured and killed in 1928. Though this rebellion finally ceased all together and the Italians succeeded in conquering Somalia as a whole, this idea of a national resistance against outside forces lived on for many decades, shaping and modeling the existence of Somalia as a republic in 1960.

In March 1924, a battalion consisting of a thousand dubat (colonial troopers) marched from Mogadiscio, another thousand from Warschiek and another thousand from Jazira. The plan was to surround the sphere of influence of Haji Hassan, reaching from the Mahas village of Central Somalia, to Beledwein in the West, all the way down to Lego and finally Taytayley near the coast. Since Haji Hassan withdrew his strongholds from the Banadir coast earlier in his campaign and lost his cordial relationship with Ethiopia (Iyasu was overthrown by a Christian successor who severed ties with all Somalis), the Italians were greatly advantaged to win the battle. Hassan’s forces, ingnited with zeal, lay to defend themselves. Several hundred descended from Mahaddai to attack the enemy who had advanced, resulting in a mass zone of bloodshed in Biyo Adde village. The Italian-led forces moved on, capturing the towns of Run Nirgod and Wanlawein. In a scene of gore and extreme outcry, the Italians further secured the entire region of Giohar, freeing the slaves who had suffered long in their encampments and then escaped to Afgoi. At Taytayley, the Italians defeated the alliance of clans who defended the fort, enabling the Italians to bring it down to complete ruins. Hassan was not in the slightest put off from his cause and one famous chant from his followers during the War went as, “Gaalo maa gaalo ka giiran, gaalo waa tii gumar shiire, gibilkeygaa is guraayee, ii geeya gaalada yuubleyda!” (Is an infidel better intrigued than another, the infidel is of Gumar Shere-an Ethiopian general who had been slain by Hassan during the Ethio-Somali war, just as my skin flames with rage, take myself to the petty infidel!) As the War continued, Hassan’s forces were dwindling, as the Italians ushered further supplies to their forces and continued capturing more villages. Finally, towards the closing of March and beginning of April, the Italians had entered Jilyale, the biggest stronghold of Hassan’s movement and lay destruction to all the livestock and treasuries he owned, killing every warrior to the last man. Hassan, who had been enclosed in a ditch near the river, was finally captured along with his acquaintance, Hussein Daqane. When the Italian officials were informed, a burst of cheering and celebration lit up within the Italian residence at Mogadiscio. After an entire month of warfare and expeditions, the man whom they failed to subdue for so many years was now in their hands.

THE POST WORLD WAR ERA The defeat of the Central Powers gave the Allied forces a greal deal of global power. The colonialists had encouraged a stronger grip on their possessions seeing as there was no longer a rival hanging in the gloom. It was during this time that Italy was overrun by a Fascist regime, appointing De Vecchi as governor in 1923. And seeing the British finally solidify their portion of Somaliland, De Vecchi thought it be necessary to likewise end the tirade of Haji Hassan, in a plan to conquer ‘La Grande Somala’. In 1924, De Vecchi ordered Haji Hassan to give up his weapons and submit to Italian rule. [8] Hassan, enraged by the arrogance and delusion of the fascists, induced a meeting with his associates and agreed to send a threatening letter that warned the Italians of an all-out war. He claimed, “Your government" has its laws, and we have ours. We accept no law other than ours. Our law is the law of Allah and his Prophet. . .and if you come to our land to fight against us, we will fight you with all possible means…“ De Vecchi did not tolerate such display of defiance and ordered his commanders to prepare and launch a final showdown in order to capture Hassan alive.

THE FIRST WORLD WAR By 1915, the Italians had made little progress in dealing with Haji Hassan and the colony overall. Although auxiliary troopers and the Zaptie which the Italian consul general dipatched from Eritrea had succeeded in leading several confrontations and skimirshes, particularly in the lower Shabeylle basin, [5] the Italian parliament were now frustrated with the lack of progression since Haji Hassan pursued two policies which enabled a balance of power for himself. The first was that he ordered his forces to poison some of the field crops and harvest around the Giohar area in order to make the local agriculture inadequate. Whilst Hassan saw this as part of a greater campaign to deter the Italians, many were stressed with the possibility of starvation. His forces however, worked on tirelessly, chanting out "Su'aal Sh Xasan baa leh, siibista anagaa leh" (the issue lies with Hassan, but the work is carried out by the faithful). The second policy was that he revived the slave camps, although the Italians had abolished it [6], in order to maintain supplies since the slaves were specialized in weapon-making. Tittoni, the Italian Foreign Minister, who had now become concerned with Hassan’s movements, questioned his officials based in Mogadiscio, who claimed that Hassan was a mere Muslim who understood little of his own religion. Critics however, pointed out Hassan as a “warrior-mullah and a freedom fighter”. When the Italians became occupied with the World War, much of their colonial activity decreased. This enabled Hassan to conduct alliances with Lij Iyasu, the Emperor of Ethiopia who converted to the Islamic religion in 1916. Local colonial agents and spies had reported Iyasu plotting with Hassan and several other chiefs including the Mad Mullah [7]. An exchange of letters had shown that a plan to resurrect a Muslim Empire in East Africa, free from Christian influence was discussed. And Hassan for the first time ever, had come across international support, that being from the Ottomans and the Germans of the Central Powers, who were at war with the Allied forces, which included Italy. Although some suggest that Hassan had already acquired support from Zanzibar officials based in Brava and Kismayu. In all conclusion, this was the first time since the Sudanese Mahdi when thoughts of a Muslim theocracy were encouraged.

In the late 1800s and early 1900s, more than 3,000 Amharic horsemen led by Ras Makonnen had been pushing down the Shabeylle river valley in an attempt to capture Somali territory and expand the Abyssinian Empire. [3] Ras Makonnen had previously informed colonial powers that everything beyond the Somali coastal waters was part and parcel of Abyssinia. Hassan, who feared for his people, gathered a united strength of kinsmen and confronted Amharic forces. The units of the local clans, commanded by his trustworthy students, Sheikh Abukar, Sheikh Oyaye etc were ready for battle. Also, after gaining help from Ololdin, a powerful sultan from Mustahil who befriended Hassan, further supplies were dispatched to him. Hassan’s forces clashed with Amharas in Galo Karor, Bulo Burti, Yaqbariwein, El Abdi and elsewhere. After months of clashes and collisions, the Amharas were eventually pushed back to the ****** desert, deep in the west. Whilst this may have seemed like a great victory, Haji Hassan was on the watchout for the Italians who were seemingly trying to move further into the Banadir hinterland. [4] The Italians were already stationed at various places in the South including Adale, Lugh, Baidoa etc. Both sides had remained in this status quo for a short period. However, in 1910, the Italians managed to come to a mutual understanding with Haji Hassan regarding the slave encampments.

Sheikh Hassan Barsane, known as Haji Hassan, the famous anticolonial leader of Somalia, was born in a dusty village called Barsane, in the Shabeylle regions in 1853. He was the son of a well-known respected elder. Whilst his family were traditional cattle-herders and pastoralists, as a young child he was taught the basics of the Islamic religion. Hassan grew up in a society of clan systems where an individual held firm to his kinsmen to survive. But his contemporaries claim that Hassan was intrigued by this behaviour. He felt that the Somali people needed to uphold their religion in order to become a great power. It was through this that Hassan felt greatly influenced by the Salihiya order of the Sufi stock. In his adolescence, Hassan further pursued seeking knowledge of his religion and travelled to various towns and cities including Mogadiscio, Warscheikh, Harrar and elsewhere. Later on in his life he journeyed to Mecca and parts of Hijaz (Saudi Arabia) for pilgrimage as well as knowledge. There he met the equally known famous leader Mohammed Abdille Hassan, dubbed the Mad Mullah by the British. Both men, born of similar age and background had acquainted themselves with respect and harmony. At their sojourn they had discussed important affairs regarding the state of Somalia. Their stay at Mecca had coincided with the great colonial influence that overtook Somalia since 1870. Both men, who held colonialism with great contempt, had agreed a pact of brotherhood and defence against their enemy [1]. Hence, towards the last decade of the 19th century, Hassan returned to Somalia, setting up an important jama’a in a village called Jilyale. There, he gathered a powerful following, with the basis of teaching Islam. The Italians who now ruled Southern Somalia had become concerned with his work and sent an envoy to monitor his work. Hassan felt increasingly disturbed by this and thereafter began his campaign to rid colonialism from Somalia altogether. He managed to set up a small fort in Taytayley, later to be destroyed by Italian-led troopers in the fascist era. THE EARLY ITALIAN ATTACK Hassan had great relations with the clan elders and figures of the South. From the townspeople of Brava to the elders of Maregh and Itala, Hassan ensured moral support to lead the anticolonial campaign. He held contacts with chieftains in the ****** desert, encouraging them to set up tariqa's and anticolonial activities such as the village of Een near the Erer river. In 1891, upon the Italian conclusive settlement at Mogadiscio with the local rulers, Hassan set up a powerful base in Danane, to gather men and import weapons. This was at the time when Italian officials held meetings with tribal chieftains, in an attempt to sign treaties of protection and commerce. Although the Italians had secured agreements with several clans such the Abgal, the Galadi, the Sheikal, and the Tunni etc, [2] there was a still a place of mistrust between both sides. In 1892, when the Italians had more or less secured their Somali colony, Hassan led an attack from his Danane port, killing an Eritrean contingent of Italian and British navy suppliers, who retaliated with a naval bombardment from one of their prestigious Warships, capturing hundreds of warrior-fighters and placed them in a ditch near Mogadiscio, including Sheik Abdi Gafle, Hassan’s fellow comrade, who later escaped and regrouped with Hassan. Although the Italians suffered minimal damage, this was a rare incidence in Somali history where colonial punishment reached paramount level. Hassan was now a daunting enemy and the Italians decided to hold onto their coastal possessions in order to regroup and save time.

The forgotten warrior mujaahid Sheikh Hassan barsane killed by the Italian in 1924 In October 1923, De Vecchi di Val Cismon became the first fascist Governor of Somalia marking a change in Italian strategy in the Horn of Africa. De Vecchi set out to exterminate all who opposed his government’s desire for total control over what fascist propaganda called ‘La Grande Somalia’. However, the Somalis were heavily armed and led by men who had been given advanced training during the preparation for the First World War. An estimated 16,000 rifles were in Somali hands. The Governor’s first task, therefore, was to order the confiscation of arms and ammunition from the Somalis, particularly from the clans in the inter-riverine region. In March 1924, Sheikh Hassan Barsane, a leader of the Shabelle valley movement known as the Barsane Revolt, convoked a Shir (meeting of elders) where the participants, inflamed with millenarian zeal, denounced the Governor’s order. On behalf of the Shir, Barsane wrote the following to the Governor: In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful ... I have received your letter and understood its contents, but must advise that we cannot obey your orders and join with you in a covenant . . . Your government has its laws, and we have ours. We accept no law other than ours. Our law is the law of Allah and his Prophet . . . We are not like other people, none of us has ever enrolled in the Zaptie (colonial forces), never! ... and if you come to our land to fight against us, we will fight you with all possible means ... The world is very close to its end, only 58 years remain. We don’t want to stay in this world. It is better to die while defending our laws. After some initial success, the Somali resistance crumbled when Barsane was captured by the Italians on 4 April. De Vecchi’s problems were not over. Further resistance emerged from the Jama’oyin religious settlements which had sprung up in the 19th century in the same region. In 1923, Sufi Baraki united several Jama’a settlements: Buulo Mareerto, Golwiing, Muki Dumis and others scattered in the Lower Shabelle region, and set up his headquarters in Barawa, the birthplace of Sheikh Aways Qadir, the founder of the movement. The major goal of this movement was to propagate the teaching of its founder. The tours of Sufi Baraki to the villages, where he often made provocative speeches, aroused Italian suspicion, and the fascist authorities warned him several times to give up what they called ‘these unhealthy activities’. Sufi Baraki was forced to leave Barawa for the extreme north of the Upper Jubba region, where a strong religious movement had emerged led by Sharif Alyow al-Sarmani. Sufi Baraki learned many things there, which he later taught to the Lower Shabelle militants. These included plans to fight against tribalism; to bring harmony among the Ikhwan (Muslim) brotherhood; to fight salaried tribal chiefs who were considered agents of the colonial administration; to establish settlements for the protection of the Ikhwan from Italian raids, and to promote learning and training. Sufi Baraki returned to the Lower Shabelle and established a village called ‘Dai Dai’, later known as ‘Jama’a Dai Dai’, located in the heart of the Jidu territory. Eventually, the movement gained the support of Sharif Alyow al-Sarmani, who established his own village at Qorile, later known as Buulo Ashraf, not far from Dai Dai. A partial merging of the two groups occurred, making the Lower Shabelle movement more powerful. Delegations were despatched across the inter-riverine region to obtain support. They contacted Sheikh Murjan, a prominent Qadiri holy man in the Lower Jubba. The Italian authorities felt endangered, and as a preemptive measure, the Governor ordered the Barawa District Commissioner to negotiate with the leaders of the movement in a peaceful way. This was not fruitful, and a Zaptie commando was sent against Sufi Baraki and his allies. On 20 October 1924, Zaptie forces besieged Dai Dai Camp; the Ikhwan defended their village and forced the Zaptie to retreat to Barawa leaving behind some of their dead and injured. Sufi Baraki considered the event a miracle, and proclaimed a Jihad against the fascist administration. Early in November 1924, the Italians sent well-armed detachments to attack the strongholds of the movement; many centres were attacked, and the Ikhwan fought bravely with arrows and swords.

maybe

I've been to both places Gaalkacyo is still stuck in the era of 90s, kidnappings,assasinations and shidh when i was there in 2009 i had to claim to be from Laascaanod when i was in the north side of the city in a checkpoint man if you aint aggresive you can't survive in that city.