Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiilada, Qaybe Oo Caddeeyay Inuu Aaminsanyahay Midnimada Somaliweyn Hargeisa ,Somaliland 4 January, 2005 Somaliland.org Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiillada, Mudane Qaybe Oo Caddeeyey Inuu Aaminsan Yahay Midnimada Soomaaliya Somaliland.Org — Hargeisa, Somaliland — 3 January, 2005 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiillada Somaliland, mudane Axmed Maxamed Aadan (Qaybe) ayaa markii u horreysey caddeeyey inuu aaminsan yahay in la soo celiyo midnimadii Soomaaliya. “Waan aaminsanahay midnimada Soomaaliya,†ayuu yidhi Mudane Qaybe oo lagu waraystay barnaamujka HAL-ADAYG ee Telefishanka Madaxa banana ee Somaliland, isaga oo ka jawaabayey su’aal ku saabsan ra’yiga ay dad badan oo reer Somaliland ahi ka qabaan mudane Qaybe oo ah inuu aaminsan yahay Soomaali weyn oo aanu daacad u ahayn Somaliland. “Sideedaba midnimadu wax wanaagsan weeye, laakiin, waa inay caddaalad ku salaysan tahay,†ayuu raaciyey. Waraysigaas oo ka baxay Telefishanka SLTV habeenkii Axaddu soo gelaysey, ayaa mudane Qaybe si saraaxi ah ugaga jawaabey su’aalo badan oo laga weydiiyey aragtidiisa siyaasadeed, xaaladda waqtigan Somaliland marayso iyo khilaafaadka ka taagan golihiisa ee ka dhashay xeerka loo diyaarinayo doorashada Golaha Wakiillada ee lagu wado inay qabsoonto dabayaaqada bisha March. Isaga oo jawaabta su’aasha la xidhiidha mabda’iisa midnimada sii watana, waxa uu yidhi, “Mabda’iyan midnimadu waa wax wanaagsan, laakiin, “practical†ahaan waa inay caddaalad ku salaysnaataaâ€. Mudane Qaybe oo la weydiiyey; Markaa guddoomiye, haddii dadku aqbalayaan in Soomaaliya lala midoobo mar kale, [adigu] waad ku talin lahayd?†Waxa uu yidhi, “Anigu shakhsi baan ka ahay Somaliland, wixii ummadda Somaliland doorato ayaan ka mid ahay. Midnimo caddaalad ku dhisan oo shacbiga Somaliland qaato waxba kama qaboâ€. Mudane Qaybe, waxa uu waraysigaa ku caddeeyey in haddii doorashada Golaha Wakiillada ee loo muddeeyey bisha 29 March ay qabsoomi kari weydo, isla markaana mudada loo kordhiyo golaha hadda fadhiya in aanu isagu kasii mid noqonayn golaha, marka mudada xilkiisu dhammaado bisha May. Guddoomiyuhu waxa uu ka jawaabey su’aal la weydiiyey oo ahayd, “maadaama adiga oo Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiillada, aad sidaa u hadlayso [arrinta midnimada] miyaan la odhan karin raalli kama tihid in doorashadu si cadli ah dalka uga dhacdo? Waxana uu yidhi, “Waxaan raalli ka ahay inay si caddaalad ah u dhacdo [doorashadu]â€. “Midna waan kuu sheegayaa,†ayuu yidhi Qaybe, “Haddii doorashadu wakhtigeedii ku dhici weydo oo la yidhaahdo Golaha Wakiillada waa loo kordhinayaa, aniga bisha May ee 2005 ayay igaga egtahay, xataa haddii Wakiillada loo kordhiyoâ€. Guddoomiyaha Wakiillada, mudane Qaybe oo beryahanba la hadalhayey inuu socdaal ugu baxayo dibadda. Waxaana jira tuhun had iyo goor ka dhasha socdaaladiisa dibadda oo ay dadka qaar ku tilmaamaan inuu u baxo ama ka shaqeeyo hagardaamada Somaliland, isla markaana uu bixiyo xogo iyo tallooyin u adeegaya mabda’iisa midnimada Soomaaliya, kuna lid ah Somaliland. Balse, Qaybe, wuxuu wararkaas u beeniyey si cadho leh. “Waxa jirtey wakhti aanan Somaliland aaminsanayn oo aan albaabo badan ka soo xidhay,†ayuu yidhi. “Taana waxa igu kellifey dad sidaa u hadlaya. Cid Somaliland igu khasbaysaa ma jirto. Haddii aan doonayo inaan Somaliland ka hor imaaddo waan ka horimanayaa,†ayuu raaciyey. Waxa uu sheegay in Maraykan ay ugu dambeysey 1999kii mar uu Madaxweynihii hore, marxuum Cigaal safar u raacay, Ingiriiskana horraantii 2004 oo iyadana u raacay wefti Madaxweyne Riyaale hoggaaminayey. “Anigu waxaan tagaa Abu Dhabi, UAE oo hadba waan isa soo jeeg-gareeyaa [medical check up]†ayuu yidhi Qaybe. Mudane Qaybe oo la weydiiyey inuu soo furfuray albaabadaa uu sheegay inuu ka soo xidhay Somaliland, waxa uu yidhi, “Anigu ma waxaan ahay Wasiir Arrima dibadeed. Ma England iyo Maraykan ayaan tagaa, mise Carabta ayay xadhkahaasi yaallaanâ€. “Markaad hawlahaas oo kale qabanayso waa inaad meel ka socotaa. Anigu ma ihi Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda, su’aashaasina ma taagna,†ayuu raaciyey. Qaybe waxa kale oo uu markii u horreeyey qirtay xidhiidh muddo dheer la tuhunsanaa inuu la leeyahay Col. Cabdillaahi Yuusuf Axmed, oo dhowaan loo doortay Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya. Mar la weydiiyey wararka sheegaya inuu xidhiidh la leeyahay Cabdillaahi Yuusuf iyo maamulkiisii Puntland, isla markaana uu marar badan ka hordegey tallaabooyin ay Somaliland qaadi lahayd? Waxa uu yidhi mudane Qaybe, “Cabdillaahi Yuusuf waa nin aanu weligayo is naqaaney. Maalintii uu Sool soo galay ayaa iigu dambeysey xidhiidhkiisa,†ayuu yidhi. Ma sheegin waqtiga ay ciidamada Cabdillaahi Yuusuf soo galeen Sool, balse, waxa la filayaa inuu u jeedo dabayaaqadii Dec, 2003 markii ciidamada Puntland sida buuxda ula wareegeen magaalada Laascaanood. Waxana uu yidhi, isaga oo ka warramaya wixii ay ka wadahadleen xidhiidhkoodii ugu dambeeyey, “Nayroobi baan kula hadlay oo aan idhi ciidanka naga saar, wuxuuna yidhi, aniga ma aha ee waa Ina Cabdi Xaashi. Waxaan ku idhi adigaa Madaxweyne u ah askarta Sool ku jirta iyo Ina Cabdi Xaashi ee amar sii. Maalintaas ayaa iigu dambeyseyâ€. “Haddii aan doonayo Cabdillaahi Yuusuf xidhiidh inaan xidhiidh la yeesho cid iga hortaagani ma jirto, cid Somaliland igu khasbaysaa ma jirto, Somaliland taladayda ayaan ku joogaa,†ayuu raaciyey, isaga oo wararka noocaas ah ku cambaareeyey kuwo uu ku tilmaamay “dad cayayaan ah†oo aan waxba ogeyn, kuwaas oo ay saxaafaddu waraysato. Waxaana dadkaa ka mid ah oo uu xusay Wasiirkuxigeenkii hore ee Xannaanada Xoolaha, Cabdirashiid Ducaale Qambi oo ay isku deegaan ka yimaaddeen Qaybe, isla markaana, la ogyahay inuu aad u dhalliilo mudane Qaybe. Waraysiga waxa uu bixiyey Qaybe, mar culays weyni kaga yimi shirguddoonka xeerka Doorashada iyo ansixinta miisaaniyadda 2005, taas oo sababtay inuu iscasilaad qoro Kuxigeenkiisa 1aad, mudane Cabdulqaaddir Jirde oo golaha sii wadi lahaa maadaama la sheegay in Qaybe u baxayo dibadda. Waxaana intii xiisadda xeerarkani kacsanayd la maqlay in Qaybe ugu hanjabey mudanayaasha golaha inuu iskaga tegayo Somaliland oo uu bilaabayo ololihiisa Soomaaliweyn oo lagu xamanayey. Source: www.kulmiye.com

Sophist This is not the first time, it became habit for Hergeysa faction to lie and fabricate everything from so-called elections, unfound declarations, news events, etc Wind talker there no single sub-sub clan who supports Hergeysa clan faction or secession ideas Sool people are the most patriotic people in Somalia, Sool was the base of Daraawiish movement - waged the first armed struggle to stand up for Somali people. Sayid Mohamed Hassan the father of modern Somalia received unlimited support from Sool people because unity and sovereignty of Somali people is sacred. It’s easy to understand why Qaybe is avoiding visiting his hometown of Buuhoole - he is not doing what his people want him to do. but still everyone knows that Qaybe is pro-somaliweyn, and don’t believe the nonsense -somaliland. Suldaan In reality, Eastern Somaliland is puntland (which includes Bari, Nugaal, Mudug, Sool, and Sanaag). But in your fantasy, if you mean Somaliland ; your Hergeysa clan faction, then Eastern Somaliland is Burco Lascaanood iyo Garoowe waxa u dhaxeeya banaan nin aan waxba ogeen, caqli mahayo Lascaanood iyo Garoowe waxa u dhaxeeya duni

Maya. Maxaa yeelay anigu waxan ka mid ahaa dadkii Cabdillaahi Yuusuf inu yimaado ka qayb qaatay. Uma arko arrintaa sidaas. Cabdillaahi Yuusuf anigu ilaa 1980kii waan aqaanay, haddana waan aqaanaa, waxan hubaa wixii dadku ku heshiiyo ay ummadda Soomaaliyeed tidhaahdo aan ku dhaqno in ay tahay isaga iyo qayrkiiba in ay u hoggaansamaan. Kolkaa arrintu ma aha arrin qof shakhsi ah ku saabsan, waa maamul dhan iyo hab siyaasadeed oo ku salaysan kala-dambayn iyo dimoqraadiyad in la dhiso. Taasina ma aha mid uu go'aankeeda qof keliya gacanta ugu jiro. Kolkaa anagu waxan qabnaa in aanu qof keli ahi aayaha ummadda wuxuu doono ka yeeli karin. Kolkaa anigu shakhsiyan uma arko in arrintaasi arrin dhibaato keenaysa tahay.

Waxa keliya ee dadka lagu maaweeliyaa waa kolkay kuwaasi wax noqon waayaan baa inaga la ina ictiraafi doonaa, dhibaato dad kale wax laguma noqdo. Waxa la yidhaahdaa kolkay wax noqdaan baynu la fadhiisan doonaa, runtuna waxa weeyi dawladdani kolka ay dhammaato ee ay bislaadaato, waxa jira dad ka shaqeeyey in ay waxany sidaas noqdaan. Iyagaa ah dadkii shiraakada ku ahaa, iyagaana dawladdii samaynaya. Markaa ma waxay doonayaan in aan ku noqono arrintii 1960kii ina qabsatay oo kale. Haddii aynu doonayno in aan aayaheena inagu samayno kolka aayaha la samaynayo waa in aad ka qayb qaadataa. Laakiinse ka qayb qaadan maayo ee waxan doonayaa kolka ay waxaasi dhammaadaan in aan ka qayb galo waxay la mid tahay tii carruurtu odhan jirtay Aabbo ka yar iga celiyoo ka weyn igu soo daad. Haddi cid immika la khasbayana dadka Somaliland jooga ayaa la khasbayaa. Maxaa yeelay loomaba oggola in aragtida aad ka hadlayso suuqa la keeno oo lagaba wada hadlo. Hargeyso haddaan tago oo aan arrintan ka hadlo waxa la odhanayaa waa la isku dilayaa oo waa lagu kala yaacayaa. Waxa aad leedahay waan doonayaa adigii baan oggolayn. Somaliland ma laga helayaa kolka hore arrintaa aad sheegayso. Somaliland diyaar ma u tahay in jawi dimoqraadiya oo xor ah oo qofkii midnimo doonayaana midnimadii sheegto, qofkii kala-go' doonayaana kala-go'a sheegto diyaar ma u tahay. Kolka ay diyaar u noqoto anigu waxan hubaa ummadda oo dhami in ay diyaar u noqon doonto. Haddaba waxa weeyi jawigaa dimoqraadiga ah horta ha laga helo Somaliland.

Maya rabitaanka iyo helitaanka kala saar. Rabitaan waxa weeyi aragti (ideological), waxa weeyi waxan rumaysanahay amaba doonayaa, laakiinse waxa weeyi maxaa suuro gal ah ayey siyaasaddu ku salaysan tahay. Waxa lagu yidhaahdaa afka qalaad ( art of the possible), waa hal abuurka wixii suuro gal ah ayaa dadka lagu dhaqaa, laakiin wax aan suurogal ahayn, dheri aan bislaanahayn looma saaro ummadda oo lama yidhaahdo wax baan kuu bislaynayaa

Shan iyo Toban sano ayaa la lahaa haddaynu sidaa yeelo berrito ayaa la ina ictiraafayaa. Kolka ay doorashadu dhamaato ee ictiraaf la waayo dadka maxaa loogu warrami doonaa berrito. Beenta dambe ee la samayn doono ee la odhanayo waxa ku imanaya ictiraaf waa tee. Anagu 1994kii kolkaanu dunida si wanaagsan ugu wareegnay, kolkaanu aragnay sida ay wax yihiin, waaqica Geeska Afrika sida uu yahay kolkaan u fiirsanay, waxaan aragnay arrinta kala gu'u in ay tahay arrin aan meel marahayn. Sidaa awgeed waxan nidhi waxa wanaagsan danta in loo soo noqdo. waxaanu leenahay danta Somaliland waxay kujirtaa in ay Somali ka mid noqoto

Ramadan Kariim to all !!! and may Allah (swt) accept our fasts, our Tarawih prayers,our Qayam ul Lail (Tahajjud) prayers, our Iteqaf, etc., amin Blessings of the Ramadan month be with you all SOO MAAL

Nice pictures thanks Duke

Ismaaciil Maxamuud Hurre (Buubaa), Ku-Xigeenka-Wasiirka Kowaad ee Xukuumadda Federaalka Waxa ayaan darro ah warbaahinta Soomaalida oo iyaduna habaysa warbaahinta adduunka in ay buunbuuninayso wax aan jirin. Waxa jirtay odhaah uu Cali Bin Abii Taalib waqtigii iska-hor-imaadka muslinka uu yidhi Kalimtu Xaq Yuraadu Bihaa Baatil (kalmad xaq ah oo baadil loogu adeegsanayo). Haddaba kala qaybsanaan jirtaa ma jirto waxase jira aragtiyo kala duduwan. Dawladu waa mid, ma ay kala jabin, cidi ma ay caddaysan in ay dawladdii ka baxeen. Nin walba wuxu leeyahay dawladda ayaan ka mid ahay, laakiin waxa la isku hayaa waxa weeyaan, dawladu miyey toos Xamar u tagtaa mise intaanay Xamar tegin meel bay sii martaa. Golaha Wasiiradu go'aan buu gaadhay odhanaya in dawladu Xamar tegideeda u sii marto laba meelood oo kala ah Baydhaba iyo Jowhar," sidaa waxa yidhi Ismaaciil Maxamuud Hurre (Buubaa), Ku-Xigeenka-Wasiirka Kowaad ee Xukuumadda Federaalka Ku Meel Gaadhka Soomaaliyeed isla markaana ah Wasiirka Iskaashiga Dibedda: Hadalkaas oo ku jiray waraysay uu Bashir Goth oo ka tirsan shabakada Awdalnews Network kula yeeshay magaalada Abu Dhabi (Khamiistii 15th Sept. 2005) oo uu wasiirku ku marayey socdaal shaqo, wuxu Ismaaciil Buubaa raaciyey in Qabqablayaal Dagaal oo Xamar jooga ay leeyihiin waan in Xamar la tagaa, anaguna waxan leenahay Haa waa in Xamar la tagaa waa Eray Xaq ah oo loo adeegsanayo Baadil oo ah in dawladda lagu baabiiyo. Sidaa awgeed waxa loo baahan yahay in ay isa saxaan warbaahinta Soomaalidu oo ay eegaan waaqica jira. Isagoo arrintaa ku tiigaalaya, Ismaaciil Buubaa yidhi: " Markaa ma jiro dawlad kala qaybsan, waxana jira in dad badani immika ay soo tooseen, oo Guddoomiyaha Baarlamanku hadda wuu u sheegay in aan Xamar immika sida ay tahay aan la tegi karayn isaga oo ahaa dadkii ku dacwiyayey in Xamar la tago. Markaa Guddoomiyha Baarlamanku wuxu gartay in aan isbaarooyinka in laga qaado aan la doonahayn, waxba aan laga qabanahayn ee ay tahay khiyaamo la doonayo in dawlada inta halkaa lagu keeno cunaha lagu qabto oo lagu baabiiyo. Wuu arkayaa oo waxad mooddaa in uu qudhiisu immika ku jiro isa sixid." Somaliland: Ismaaciil Buubaa isagoo doorashada dadka reer Somaliland u diyaar garaoobayaan ka hadlaaaya wuxu yidhi: " Doorashaan samaynay kala go' ma keenayso. Sida aanay doorashada Aw Barre iyo Goday ka dhacday aanay u keenahayn in dhinacaasi ka go' dalka Itoobiya ayaan doorashada ka dhacda Hargeysa iyo Boorama u keenahayn in waddanku kala go'. Isaga oo ka faaloonaya muddada badan ee dadka reer Somaliland sugayeen ictiraaf, Ismaaciil Buubaa wuxu yidhi: "Shan iyo Toban sano ayaa la lahaa haddaynu sidaa yeelo berrito ayaa la ina ictiraafayaa. Kolka ay doorashadu dhamaato ee ictiraaf la waayo dadka maxaa loogu warrami doonaa berrito. Beenta dambe ee la samayn doono ee la odhanayo waxa ku imanaya ictiraaf waa tee." Wuxu hadalkiisa ku murtiyeeyey isaga oo leh: :" Wax aan suurogal ahayn, dheri aan bislaanahayn looma saaro ummada oo lama yidhaahdo wax baan kuu bislaynayaa aan bislaanahayn. Waa ogsoon yihiin Madaxweynaha iyo Wasiirada Somaliland in aan Somaliland maanta Yurub, Carab, Afrika cid leh waanu ictiraafaynaa in aan la hayn." Haddaba waraysigiii oo buuxaana waa sidan soo socota: 1- Mudane Ismaaciil socdaalkaaga ujeedadiisu maxay tahay, maxaadse ilaa hadda taageero siyaasadeed iyo mid adduun ka hesheen adduunba ka hesheen dalalka Carabta? Socdaalkaygu wuxu la xidhiidha qaraarkii lagu gaadhay shirkii Carabta ee lagu qabtay dalka Algeria oo lagu gaadhay in lagu caawiyo Xukuumadda Soomaaliyeed US$ 26 malyuun sidii loo dhaqan gelin ahaa oo dawlad waliba wixii ku soo hagaagay ay bixiso, taasi waa ujeedada kowaad. Ta labaadna waxa weeyi in aan dawladaha aan kulmayno aan u sharxo dawladda Federalka Ku-Meel-Gaadhka ahi qaabka ay ku shaqaynayso. Khaastan marxaladda ugu horreysa ee waddankii ay dib ugu soo noqotay shaqada ay qabanaysaa waxa ay tahay. Qaabkaas oo la yidhaahdo Dib-u-guuristii dawladda wuxu ka kooban yahay afar qodob oo kala ah: Kow: Dadkii shirkii Nairoobi ka soo qayb galay dib u celistoodii iyada oo cid walba lagu celinayo goboladii iyo degmooyinkii ay ka yimaadeen. Laba: Sidii waddanka loogu samayn lahaa nidaam deggan oo ka bilaabma degmooyinka oo degmo walba laga dhaliyo dib-u-heshiisiin iyo is-af-garad dabadeedna loo sameeyo maamul, degmo walbana gobolkii ay ka midka ahayd ay ku biirto iyada oo gobolkana sida degmada oo kale loogu sameeyo maamulkii iyo hanaankii lagu xukumi lahaa. Waxanan jecelahay in la fahmo in nidaamkii ay dawladii hore ku shaqaynaysay uu ahaa nidaam dawladda dhexe wax walba gacanta ku hayso oo afka qalaad loo yaqaan (Centralized) nidaamka hadda la qaatayna uu yahay nidaam furfuran oo xukunku intuu hoosta ka yimaado uu sare u socdo oo la yidhaahdo (bottom up) mase aha kii intuu dusha hoosta u socday. Saddex: Waddanka waa ka war haysaan mudadii dawlad la'aantu ay jirtay maleeshiyooyin fara badan baa jiray oo qaar wanaagasan oo nidaamka meesha jira wax ka qabanayey iyo qaar xun oo dadka boobayey labaduba ay jireen. Markaa qodobkaasi wuxu odhanayaa in Maleeshooyinkaa iyada oo laga bilaabayo heerka degmada loo sameeyo meelo la dejiyo, dhaqan celis iyo tababar. Afar: Iyadoo haddana laga bilaabayo heer degmo ilaa gobol in lagu kaco sidii loo dhisi lahaa nidaamkii ciidamada Booliska. Markaa afartaa qodob oo uu dhammaaday qodobka kowaad ee ah dib-u-guurista, oo qodobka labaad aad mooddo in degmooyinka qaarkood ay dubra shaqadaasi socoto, qaarkoodna aan dibada uga raadinayno maalgelintii shaqadaa lagu qaban lahaa ayaa ah mashruuc aanu u bandhigayno dawladaha si dawlad waliba halka ay iyadu aragto in ay kaalmo ka bixin karaan ka bixiyaan ha noqoto mid dhaqaale, mid tiknika ah, mid cunta ah, mid dhar amaba mid qalab. Waxa kale oo jira nidaam la yidhaahdo Barnaamija Kaalmada Degdga ah afka-qalaadna loo yaqaano Rapid Assistance Program (RAP) oo haddii uu nidaamka Dib-u-Dejintu uu yahay dhigitaankii seeska kan kalena waxa weeyi dhismihii awoodda oo ah sidii seeskaa loogu dhisi lahaa derbiyadii ee uu u noqon lahaa wax dhisan oo shaqeeya wuxuna ku fulayaa 12 bilood gudahood. Mashruuca hore ee Dib-u-Dejintu wuxu ku fulayaa 60-90 maalmood, ka RAP kuna waxan ugu talo galay sidii 12 bilood gudahood uu nidaamkii dawladnimo uga shaqayn lahaa dawladda hoose iyo ta dhexe labadaba iyo sidii loo soo celin lahaa kaabayaashii dhaqaalaha, bulshada, tacliinta, caafimaadka iyo nidaam dhaqaale oo ku salaysan suuqa xorta ah. Haddaba marka uu mashruuca RAP dhammaado oo 12 bilood la gaadho oo saabka dawladnimo heer walba uu gaadho in dabadeed la bilaabo mashruucii saddexaad oo ah Dib-u-Dhiskii waddanka (Reconstruction). Mashruucaas waa daraasad ballaadhan ah oo iyadoo dawladu eegaysa degmooyinka kala duduwan, manaadiqa kala duduwan, iyadoo la eegayo waaqica jira oo la ogsoon yahay in qaybo waddanka ka mid ah oo ay ka mid tahay Somaliland oo ay ka mid tahay Puntland ay iska leeyihiin maamuladooda in arrinta la bilaabo iyada oo ay ka qayb qaadan doonaan Bangiga Adduunka, Bangiga Islaamiga ah, Jaamicadda Carabta, sanaadiiqda Carabta iyo mu'sasaad badan oo caalami ah.Intaa dabeed la qabto shirkii caalamiga ahaa ee dalka lagu kaalmayn lahaa iyada oo la haysto macluumaadkii loo baahnaa oo dhan. Arrimahaas ayaan halkan u imid. 2- Dawlada TFG way kala jaban tahay. Waxana jirta in garabka Xamar joogaa ay Cabdillaahi Yuusuf ku eedaynayaan in uu ciidamo Itoobiya dalka keenay oo uu doonayo in uu Xamar ku qabsado arrintaa siday wax uga jiraan? Arrintaas waxa ayaan darro ah warbaahinta Soomaalida oo iyaduna habaysa warbaahinta adduunka in ay buunbuuninayso wax aan jirin. Waxa jirtay odhaah uu Cali Bin Abii Taalib waqtigii iska-hor-imaadka muslinka uu yidhi Kalimtu Xaq Yuraadu Bihaa Baatil (kalmad xaq ah oo baadil loogu adeegsanayo). Haddaba kala qaybsanaan jirtaa ma jirto waxase jira aragtiyo kala duduwan. Dawladu waa mid, ma ay kala jabin, cidi ma ay caddaysan in ay dawladdii ka baxeen. Nin walba wuxu leeyahay dawladda ayaan ka mid ahay, laakiin waxa la isku hayaa waxa weeyaan, dawladu miyey toos Xamar u tagtaa mise intaanay Xamar tegin meel bay sii martaa. Golaha Wasiiradu go'aan buu gaadhay odhanaya in dawladu Xamar tegideeda u sii marto laba meelood oo kala ah Baydhaba iyo Jowhar. Arrintaas dad baa ka soo horjeestay oo yidhi waa in Xamar la tagaa. Dadkaasina waxay isugu jiraan laba qaybood. Qayb daacad ah oo aan Xamar dhibaatada taalla aan aad u aqoon, aadna u dersin oo caadifad uuni ay waddo. Qaarna waxay doonayaan in dawladda sidii tii Carta iyada oo aan diyaar ahayn, iyada oo aan weli xoogaysan in ay halkaa timaado oo cunaha lagu qabto oo halkaa lagu baabiiyo. Horta labadaas bay u qaybsan yihiin. Waaqicuna waxa weeyi dawladu way shirtay toddoba bilood oo ay Nairoobi joogtay, daraasad bay samaysay, waxayna garatay in aan ahmiyadu ahayn Xamar tegida ee ahmiyadu tahay in Dib-u-Noqoshada dawladu ka bilaabanto degmooyinka iyo gobolada. Waayo dawladii Carta iyada oo aan waxba dersin ayey Xamar tegtay, mashaakil badan bay la kulantay, ammaan darro badan baa jirtay oo sidaa ayey ku baaba'day. Tanina in ay sidaas ku baaba'do ma rabno. Haddaba Qabqablayaal Dagaal oo Xamar jooga ayaa waxay leeyihiin waan in Xamar la tagaa, anaguna waxan leenahay Haa waa in Xamar la tagaa waa Eray Xaq ah oo loo adeegsanayo Baadil oo ah in dawladda lagu baabiiyo. Sidaa awgeed waxa loo baahan yahay in ay isa saxaan warbaahinta Soomaalidu oo ay eegaan waaqica jira. Markaa ma jiro dawlad kala qaybsan, waxana jira in dad badani immika ay soo tooseen, oo Guddoomiyaha Baarlamanku hadda wuu u sheegay in aan Xamar immika sida ay tahay aan la tegi karayn isaga oo ahaa dadkii ku dacwiyayey in Xamar la tago. Markaa Guddoomiyha Baarlamanku wuxu gartay in aan isbaarooyinka in laga qaado aan la doonahayn, waxba aan laga qabanahayn ee ay tahay khiyaamo la doonayo in dawlada inta halkaa lagu keeno cunaha lagu qabto oo lagu baabiiyo. Wuu arkayaa oo waxad mooddaa in uu qudhiisu immika ku jiro isa sixid. Anagu waxan leenahay dawladu waxay leedahay golayaal. Golaha baarlamanku waa ka ugu muhiimsan, golaha wasiiradu waa gole culus, markaa waxan qabnaa in ay tahay in dawladu ku wada hadasho golayaasha dhexdooda ee ma aha in ay warbaahinta iska weerarto amaba wax iskugu sheegto. Sidaa awgeed dawlada garabkeeda fulistu wuxu goostay in uu Jowhar u guuro, sidaana way ku guurtay, waanay ku deggan tahay, Jowharna waa meel aad u deggan oo aan dhibaato lahayn, waana qayb ka mid ah Xamar, waa Banaadir, markaa anagu umaba aragno in dawladu ay ka maqan tahay Xamar. Usbuuca soo socda Wasiirka-Kowaad xafiiskiisii Xamar iyo shaqadii uu Xamar ka qaban lahaa ayuu bilaabayaa. Wasiiradu way tegayaan. Waxaan markii hore u tegi weynay in la sameeyo meel ay dawladdu ka hawl geli karto oo haddii ay dhibaato dhacdo ay ku shaqaysan karto. Markaa Jowhar immika waa diyaar, waddooyinkeedii iyo maamulkeedii. Markaa waxay dawladu hadda bilaabaysaa in ay gasho Xamar. Sidaas oo kale waxa loo baahan yahay in Baarlamankuna sida garabka fulinta oo kale uu Baydhaba u guuro, hawshiisii iyo guddiyadiisii dhisto, Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaankuna shaqadii loo igmaday ee ahayd in uu Baarlamaanka maamulo ma aha in uu dawladda maamulo in uu galo. Haddii uu leeyahay Xamar bay iigu suurtoobaysaa anagu ma aragno in taasi waaqic tahaye waa mid la eegi karo. Markaa waxa immika aad loo hadal hayaa in beeshii uu ka dhashay u yeedho oo Baydhabo loogu yeedho oo uu Barlamaankii laamihiisii iyo guddiyadiisu dhiso oo isaga oo kobcay oo xoogle uu Xamar tego. 3- Dawladaada Jowhar joogtaa ma Maxamad Dheere ayey marti u tahay mise magaalada iyada ayaa maamusha. Waayo maalin dhaweyd kolkii ay shaqaalaha Qaramada Midoobay magaalada ka baxeen Maxamed Dheere xafiisyadii ururrada caalamiga ayuu la wareegay oo mar dambe uu soo celiyey, taasina waxay dawladaada u keenaysaa magac xumo, markaa Maxamad Dheere waa maxay kaalintuu kaga jiraa maamulka dawlada? Horta nidaamka dawladeed ee aan qaadanay waa nidaam siinaya dawlada sare in ay dhisto nidaamkii iyo qawaaniintii guud ee dalka. Degmada Jowhar ma aha meel ay xukunto dawlada dhexe, maamul baa ka jira, maamulka way ixtiraamaysaa. Maamulka dhexe in yar buu joogayaa, wuu ka guurayaa, wuxu ku socdaa Xamar. Xamar qudheedu waxay ka kooban tahay 16 degmo oo aan doonayno in mid walba maamulkeeda loo sameeyo. Degmooyinkuna ay hadhow doortaan Duqii magaalada. Dawladda dhexe waxa go'aamadeeda ku qeexan in ay dawladaha hoose uga dambayso xukunkooda oo dawlad dhexe oo cabudhisa maamulka degmooyinka iyo gobolada anagu ma rabno. Markaa Maxamad Dheere xaq buu u leeyahay in uu kala dambayntii iyo maamulka gobolka uu madaxda ka yahay gacanta ku qabto. Hase yeeshee wada shaqaynta ururrada adduunka waxa ku shaqo leh Dawlada Dhexe laakiin Maxamad Dheere amniga isaga ayaa ku shaqo leh. 4- Dad badani waxay u arkaan in ay dawladani u muuqato in ay marayso dariiqii dawladii Carta lagu dhisay oo ay fashilantay, mar haddii aan maanta aragno Madaxweynihii iyo Guddoomiyihii baarlamanka oo iyaga oo kala socda midba gaarkiisa u tegay qaramada midoobay? Arrintaa in khilaafkaasi uu jiro cid waliba way qiraysaa. Laakiinse dawladan iyo tii Carta lagu soo sameeyey aad iyo aad bay u kala duwan yihiin. Dawladani waxay la timid hab cusub oo nidaamkii dawladii Carta ku shaqaynaysay wuu socon waayey. Iyada oo ay sidaa tahay ummada Soomaaliyeed sagaalkii sano ee ugu horreeyey ee aynu nidaamka baarlamaanka ku soconay mooyee intii ka dambaysay nidaam diktaatoori ah ayaa waddanka haystay, waxana loo haystay madaxweynuhu wuxu yidhaahdo cid ka daba hadli kartaaba in aanu jirin. Nidaamkaan immika wadnaa waa mid furfuran oo mar dhaw ay waddanka axsaaba badani ku loolami doonto. Waa nidaam qiraya baarlamaanka ninka ka madaxda ahi, maamulka baarlamaanka iyo shaqadiisuba in aanay ahayn mid hoos timaada garabka fulinta. Nidaamkani waa hab dadka ku cusub oo wax adduunka caadi ka ah ayaan xaggeena caadi ka ahayn. Kolkaa nin baarlamaanka ka mid ahi kolkuu la hadlo madaxweynaha dadka Soomaalidu way la yaabayaan oo waa wax ku cusub. Sidaa awgeed waxyaabaha idiinku muuqda wax gurracan anagu uma aragno wax gurracan ee waa nidaam cusub oo qaybaha kala duwan ee dawladdu qayb walba wax ay xaq u leedahay ay wadato. Markaa nidaamkii shumuuliga ahaa ee madaxweynhuhu maxkamadda u sheegayey waxa qofka lagu xukumayo waa la soo dhaafay. 5- Inteed u malaynaysaa in ay qaadanayso khilaafka labda dhinac ka dhexeeya in la soo af-jaro oo meel dhexe la isugu yimaado? Mashkalada ugu weyni waxa weeyi waxad ka hadlaysa khilaaf ka dhexeeya Madaxweynihii iyo Guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka. Baarlamaanka badidiisu lama joogo Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka. Haddii khalal meesha ku jiro waxan odhan karnaa Baarlamaanka dhexdiisa ayuu ku jiraa markaas. Haddaba baarlamaanka waa in laga shaqeeyaa oo la hagaajiya oo Guddoomiya qudhiisu uu u hoggaansamaa aqlabiyadda Baarlamaanku waxa ay doonayaan. Waa arrimo inagu cusub oo aan maalin iyo laba sidii la doonayey aan ugu shaqaynahayn oo tijaabo ku jira, laakiin Baarlamaanka aqlabiyadiisu isma hayo, haddii la isugu yeedhana diyaar buu u yahay in uu isu yimaado.Laakiinse waxa isugu yeedhi kara Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka. Baarlamaanka badidiisu waxay arkaan Xamar in aanay diyaar ahayn oo meel Baarlamaan lagu shiriyo hadda in aanay ahayn. Kolkaas arrintaasi waxay u baahnaanaysa baarlamaanka dhexdiisa in lagaga wada hadlo. 6- Adigu waxa tahay nin u dhashay Somaliland/ ama gobolada woqooyi haddaba kii aad rumaysan tahay, waxaanad ogtahay in Somaliland maanta ay u diyaar garoobasyo doorashadii baarlamaanka oo ah meeriskii ugu dambeeyey ee dimoqaadiyaynta dalka, markaa ma dawlad la'aanta iyo qaska Muqdishu ka jira ayaad ka door bidaysaa hanaanka dawladeed iyo horumarka Somaliland ka jira? Mase qiraysaa in dadka Reer Somaliland wax lagu faano ay qabsadeen? Cid aan hambalyeynayn in uu nidaam iyo kala-dambayni jirto ma jro ama ha noqoto Somaliland, ama Xamar ama Garoowe ha noqoto, ama Baydhaba ha noqoto. Waddanku in uu dego oo uu ku shaqeeyo hab dimoqraadiya waa ta la wada doonayo. Arrintuse maaha taasi. Arrintu waxa weeyi waddanku ma mid baa mise waan kala goynaynaa. Anigu waxan u arkaa danta ummada Soomaaliyeed ama qaybaha Soomaaliyeed ee ku nool Somaliland in ay dantoodu ku xidhan tahay ummada Soomaaliyeed in ay ka mid noqdaan. Taasna waxa caddaynaysa 15 sannadood oo laga soo wareegay immika wax barnaamij ah oo dib u dhis ah oo hagaagsan oo laga qabtay Somaliland ma jirto. Nidaam dawliya ayeynu ku noolahay, wasiir baan ka ahaa dawladii ugu horreysay ee Somaliland, haddana 1994kii ayaan ka mid ahaa in aan aniga iyo Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyey is taagno oo aan nidhaahno nidaamkan kala gu'u dan uma aha ummada kun nool Somaliland, waxase dan u ah in la yeesho nidaam waxna la wada yeesho waxna la kala yeesho lagu noolaado. Nidaamka aan aaminsanahay in lagu shaqeeyo waa kaas oo si dimoqraadi ah loogu shaqeeyo. Midna waxan jecelahay dadka in aad iyo aad loogu wacyi geliyo. Doorashaan samaynay kala go' ma keenayso. Sida aanay doorashada Aw Barre iyo Goday ka dhacday aanay u keenahayn in dhinacaasi ka go' dalka Itoobiya ayaan doorashada ka dhacda Hargeysa iyo Boorama u keenahayn in waddanku kala go'. Waa dhab oo waddanka oo dhan in ay doorasho ka dhacdo waanu doonaynaa, in nidaam dimoqraadiya lagu shaqeeyo waan rabnaa. Laakiin waaqica siyaasiga ee igu xeeran, mandaqada aan ku noolahay sida ay u noolaanayso, dadkayga dantiisu waxa ay tahay, ayaa ka horreeya rabitaan siyaasadeed. Rabitaan aan helitaan lahayn waa riyo, dadkana riyo laguma maamulo ee waaqic baa lagu maamulaa. Sidaa awgeed baan ugu kala soocayaa hab dimoqraadiga qaadashadiisa iyo aayo ka talinta iyo Somaliland sida ay noqonayso. Ma aha in had iyo goor loo hadoodilo dadka, oo loo sameeyo wax aan jirin. Shan iyo Toban sano ayaa la lahaa haddaynu sidaa yeelo berrito ayaa la ina ictiraafayaa. Kolka ay doorashadu dhamaato ee ictiraaf la waayo dadka maxaa loogu warrami doonaa berrito. Beenta dambe ee la samayn doono ee la odhanayo waxa ku imanaya ictiraaf waa tee. Anagu 1994kii kolkaanu dunida si wanaagsan ugu wareegnay, kolkaanu aragnay sida ay wax yihiin, waaqica Geeska Afrika sida uu yahay kolkaan u fiirsanay, waxaan aragnay arrinta kala gu'u in ay tahay arrin aan meel marahayn. Sidaa awgeed waxan nidhi waxa wanaagsan danta in loo soo noqdo. Waa run dano gaar ah ayey Somaliland leedahay, Somaliland anaga ayaa samaynay, anagu reer Somaliland baanu nahay weligeedna waanu noqon doonaa, laakiinse waxaanu leenahay danta Somaliland waxay ku jirtaa in ay Somali ka mid noqoto. 7- Marka Ismaacill adiga oo Wasiirba ka ahaa Somaliland ma waxad leedahay gooni-isku-taagga Somaliland ma aha rabitaanka dadka Somaliland ee dad gaar ah ayaa wata? Maya rabitaanka iyo helitaanka kala saar. Rabitaan waxa weeyi aragti (ideological), waxa weeyi waxan rumaysanahay amaba doonayaa, laakiinse waxa weeyi maxaa suuro gal ah ayey siyaasaddu ku salaysan tahay. Waxa lagu yidhaahdaa afka qalaad ( art of the possible), waa hal abuurka wixii suuro gal ah ayaa dadka lagu dhaqaa, laakiin wax aan suurogal ahayn, dheri aan bislaanahayn looma saaro ummadda oo lama yidhaahdo wax baan kuu bislaynayaa aan bislaanahayn. Waa ogsoon yihiin Madaxweynaha iyo Wasiirada Somaliland in aan Somaliland maanta Yurub, Carab, Afrika cid leh waanu ictiraafaynaa in aan la hayn. Waxa keliya ee dadka lagu maaweeliyaa waa kolkay kuwaasi wax noqon waayaan baa inaga la ina ictiraafi doonaa, dhibaato dad kale wax laguma noqdo. Waxa la yidhaahdaa kolkay wax noqdaan baynu la fadhiisan doonaa, runtuna waxa weeyi dawladdani kolka ay dhammaato ee ay bislaadaato, waxa jira dad ka shaqeeyey in ay waxany sidaas noqdaan. Iyagaa ah dadkii shiraakada ku ahaa, iyagaana dawladdii samaynaya. Markaa ma waxay doonayaan in aan ku noqono arrintii 1960kii ina qabsatay oo kale. Haddii aynu doonayno in aan aayaheena inagu samayno kolka aayaha la samaynayo waa in aad ka qayb qaadataa. Laakiinse ka qayb qaadan maayo ee waxan doonayaa kolka ay waxaasi dhammaadaan in aan ka qayb galo waxay la mid tahay tii carruurtu odhan jirtay Aabbo ka yar iga celiyoo ka weyn igu soo daad. 8- Dad reer Somaliland ah baa waxay arkaan in horta la dhammeeyo koonfur umushkeeda iyo mashaakilkeeda dabadeedna ay suurto gal noqon karto in labada dhinac ay wada hadlaan, arrintaas ma u aragtaa in ay suurto gal tahay? Waa suurto gal, laakiin ma markaan siyaasi ahaan u fikiro mise kolkaan sidii qof Soomaali ah oo doonaya degaansho iyo wanaag u fikiro. Kolkaan siyaasinimo u fikiro waxan u arkaa dadka sidaas ku talinayaa in ay dadka hodayaan, laakiin kolkaan Soomaalinimo iyo u fikiro qof iska muslin ah oo suuqa iska jooga in la yidhaahdo markay wax noqdaan baan la hadli doonaa waxan u arkaa in ay macno leedahay. Laakiinse kolkuu qofku wax noqdo oo waxa laga hadlayaa ay tahay dawlad samaynteed, waa aayo dhisid, ciddii waxan samaysay baa iska leh, kolkaa aqal qof samaystay baad leedahay waan soo galayaa. Isagaa samaystay adigu miyaad ka qayb qaadatay in aad wax ka samayso. Anigu waxan leeyahay inta la samaynayo ee wax la dejinayo, waa in aan ka qayb qaadanaa dejinta iyo waxa la samaynayo iyo haykalka dawladnimo. 9- Dadka Reer Somaliland waxay qabaan in ay iyagu gooni isu taagga doorteen oo aanay ka noqosho lahayn, haddaba adigu ma qabtaa in marka arrinta koonfureed degto in dadka Somaliland afti la weydiiyo oo haddi rabitaankii dadku sidan yahay si sharciga iyo nidaamka dawliga waafaqsan cod lagu weydiin karo? Horta sideedaba cid la khasbayaa ma jirto. Cid la khasbi karaana ma jirto. Haddi cid immika la khasbayana dadka Somaliland jooga ayaa la khasbayaa. Maxaa yeelay loomaba oggola in aragtida aad ka hadlayso suuqa la keeno oo lagaba wada hadlo. Hargeyso haddaan tago oo aan arrintan ka hadlo waxa la odhanayaa waa la isku dilayaa oo waa lagu kala yaacayaa. Waxa aad leedahay waan doonayaa adigii baan oggolayn. Somaliland ma laga helayaa kolka hore arrintaa aad sheegayso. Somaliland diyaar ma u tahay in jawi dimoqraadiya oo xor ah oo qofkii midnimo doonayaana midnimadii sheegto, qofkii kala-go' doonayaana kala-go'a sheegto diyaar ma u tahay. Kolka ay diyaar u noqoto anigu waxan hubaa ummadda oo dhami in ay diyaar u noqon doonto. Haddaba waxa weeyi jawigaa dimoqraadiga ah horta ha laga helo Somaliland. 10- Waxan ognahay Cabdillaahi Yuusuf in uu ahaa hoggaamiyaha Puntland, Puntland oo Cabdillaahi hoggaaminayo iyo Somalilandna ay kala dhex taalay dhibaato weyn oo dad iyo dal ku saabsan. Haddaba ma laga yaabaa doorashada Cabdillaahi Yuusuf loo doortay Madaxweyne Soomaaliyeed in ay sii carqaladaysay wada hadalo iyo waanwaan lala geli kari lahaa Somaliland? Maya. Maxaa yeelay anigu waxan ka mid ahaa dadkii Cabdillaahi Yuusuf inu yimaado ka qayb qaatay. Uma arko arrintaa sidaas. Cabdillaahi Yuusuf anigu ilaa 1980kii waan aqaanay, haddana waan aqaanaa, waxan hubaa wixii dadku ku heshiiyo ay ummadda Soomaaliyeed tidhaahdo aan ku dhaqno in ay tahay isaga iyo qayrkiiba in ay u hoggaansamaan. Kolkaa arrintu ma aha arrin qof shakhsi ah ku saabsan, waa maamul dhan iyo hab siyaasadeed oo ku salaysan kala-dambayn iyo dimoqraadiyad in la dhiso. Taasina ma aha mid uu go'aankeeda qof keliya gacanta ugu jiro. Kolkaa anagu waxan qabnaa in aanu qof keli ahi aayaha ummadda wuxuu doono ka yeeli karin. Kolkaa anigu shakhsiyan uma arko in arrintaasi arrin dhibaato keenaysa tahay. 11- Ismaaciil waxa weeyi adiga oo ah nin muuqda oo u dhashay Somaliland, maxaad talo odhan lahayd dadka reer Somaliland ee maanta doorashada u diyaar garoobaya? Taladayda ugu weyni waxa weeyi si deggan oo waafaqsan nidaamka guddiga doorashooyinku ay dejisay iyo kala-dambaynta waddanka iyo degenaanshiihiisa in arrintaasi ay u dhaco. Waxanan rajaynaa kolka baarlamaankaasu yimaado ee uu yahay baarlamaan dadku uu soo doortay xaqaa'iqa immika la iska qarinayo in ay is hordhigaan oo runtii aayo-ka-talin hagaagsan oo furfuran oo ku salaysan jawi dimoqraadi ah, aan cidna ra'yigiisa lagu cabdudhin ay noqoto mid ay ka suuroobaan. 12- Ugu dambayn wax wada hadal ah ma yeelateen madaxda Somaliland ama wax xidhiidh ah oo idiin socdaa ma jiraa? Wax rasmi ah oo wada hadal ah oo jira weli lama gaadhin, laakiin wax aan rasmi ahayn waa jira oo dadku waa wada hadlaan, dadka ka mid ah xukuumadda Somaliland in aan isugu nimaadno fagaarayaal kala duduwan oo aan sheekaysano, waxa jira isu sheegno way dhacdaa. Runtii waxay u badataa uun in aan anaguna wadno hawsha aan ku jirno oo aan dedejino wax deggan in aanu keeno, Somalilandna in wax fadqalalo ah dhexdeeda laga ilaaliyo. Sidaa awgeed baanu anagu dhinacayaga ballan qaad buuxa aanu ka samaynaynaa wax haba yaraatee fadqalalo geliya Somaliland in aanaan ku dhaqaaqin. Haddii aanu wax ka yara shikisanahay waxanu ka baqanaa gudaha sida wax u socdaan in tareenku sakadda ka yara boodo, oo aanu nidhaahnaa tolow hadday taasi idinku dhacdo maxaa yeeli doontaan. Waayo waa in aanu ka firkirnaa haddii Somaliland dhibaato ka dhacdo waa mid na soo gaadhaysa oo dunidu waxay na odhanaysaa oo maxaad wax uga qaban weydeen. Sidaa awgeed anagu ma jeclin in ama dhinacayaga dhibaato ka timaado ama waddanka gudihiisa ka timaado. Awdalnews Network

Ismail Buubaa: The division of Somali TFG is media hype and Somaliland's recognition is fantasy Awdalnews Network Ismail Mahumd Hurre (Buubaa) Somali Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of International Cooperation "There is no division within the Somali Transitional Federal Government, TFG, but there is a difference of opinion" Abu Dhabi, 16 Sept. 2005--"It is unfortunate that the Somali media which also feeds the international media has to exaggerate a non-existing reality. There is no division within the Somali Transitional Federal Government, TFG, but there is a difference of opinion. The government is one, there is no division and no party has declared to have withdrawn from it but the dispute is whether to move the seat of the government to Mogadishu straightaway or through a corridor. The cabinet has made a decision that the government should make a stopover in Baidhoba and Jowahar before it relocates permanently to Mogadishu." The statement was made by Ismail Mahmud Hurre (Buubaa), Somali Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of International Cooperation, during an interview with Bashir Goth, editor of the independent online news service Awdalnews Network in Abu Dhabi (on Thursday 15th Sept. 2005) where the Minister was on a working visit. Ismail Buubaa said that some of the warlords in Mogadishu were saying that the government should go to Mogadishu and the rest of the government bodies were saying "Yes, it is the right thing that the government should go to Mogadishu but it is a right thing being used for the wrong purpose'. He asserted that the real intention of such individuals was to kill the government in Mogadishu. "This is why it is necessary for the Somali media to correct itself and study the realities on the ground," he said, noting that many people have now awoken to the reality including the Parliament Speaker who was one of the advocates of the immediate government relocation to Mogadishu. He noted that the Speaker had realized that no one was interested to remove the illegal and coercive checkpoints in the capital and that the real objective behind the call for the relocation to Mogadishu was a trick aimed at persuading the government to go to Mogadishu then to stifle and kill it. Ismail Buubaa asserted that the Prime Minister would open his office and start his official duties in Mogadishu next week and that the Cabinet Ministers would follow him. Answering a question on when he expected the dispute to be overcome, he said: "You are talking about a dispute between the President and the Parliament Speaker. But you have to know that the majority of the parliament is not with the Speaker. If there is any problem at all it must be within the parliament itself. What is needed, therefore, is the parliament to work to correct itself and the Speaker should abide by the majority rule." He also noted that the whole issue should be discussed and solved within the government bodies and not by settling scores through the media. On his visit to the UAE, Ismail Buubaa said that the Arab leaders had decided in their Summit in Algeria to allocate US$26 million to the TFG and that his visit was to find out the share that every country was willing to contribute and what sectors of the country's rebuilding they were interested to participate. He added that the TFG had laid down a strategy which includes the relocation of the government, the establishment of government federal system starting from district level to regional level, the resettlement and rehabilitation of the various militia forces, the creation of a police force and the reconstruction of the country with a Rapid Assistance Progam (RAP). Somaliland: Commenting on Somaliland's preparation for the parliamentary elections due to be held on September 29, Ismail Buubaa, who himself hails from Somaliland, said that holding an election would not endorse a secession, saying: " I will like the Somailand people to know that an election held in Hargeisa and Borama will not lead to a secession from the rest of Somalia just like the elections held in Aw Barre (Tafri Bar) or Goday didn't not lead to a secession of the Somali region in Ethiopia." Lamenting what he thought was the illusion in which Somaliland people lived over the last 15 years, Ismail Buubaa said: "the people have been entertained over the last 15 years that recognition was coming. Therefore, when the elections are held and recognition doesn't come what will they tell the people. What other lie will they tell the people to convince them that recognition was still on the way. A wish that cannot be fulfilled is just a fantasy. You cannot govern people by fantasies; you have to govern them by reality. There is a difference between a wish or a belief and a tangible reality. The wish is ideological but politics is based on the art of the possible." He asserted that it was ludicrous to entertain people with something that was not going to happen, noting that the President of Somaliland knew and that his cabinet ministers knew as well that there was no promise of recognition coming from any of the European countries, the Arab League or even Africa. Ismail Buubaa who was a Minister in the first Somaliland government that declared the region's secession from the rest of Somalia said: "I was a Minister in the first cabinet of Somaliland but in 1994 the first Somaliland President and I had told the people that secession was not in the interest of the Somaliland people," pointing out that they had reached that conclusion after studying the international law and the political reality in the Horn of Africa. "It is true that Somaliland has special demands and interests. I am one of the founders of Somaliland, I belong to Somaliland and will remain a Somalilander, but I say that it is the interest of Somaliland that it should remain part and parcel of Somalia," he re-iterated. Answering a question on whether his TFG government would study the possibility of holding a referendum in Somaliland to endorse the people's wish according to recognized international laws, Ismail Buubaa said: "First we have to know that there is no compulsion and no one can be forced to do something they don't like to do. And I believe if someone is being compelled here it is the people of Somaliland that are being compelled, because you are not allowed to discuss your view in public. If I go to Hargeisa and voice my opinion on this issue people will tell me that my opinion will cause a conflict and disintegration." He wondered whether Somaliland was ready to create a democratic atmosphere where both the unionist person and the secessionist person could advocate their positions. "If they are ready to create such a democratic atmosphere, I am ready the whole Somali nation will be ready to listen to their wishes," Ismail Buubaa said. On whether the election of Abdillahi Yusuf, former leader of Puntland who had territorial dispute with Somaliland, as a President for Somalia had further hardened Somaliland's position of not holding any kinds of talks with the South, Ismail Buubaa denied that such was the case. "I was one of the people that supported Abdillahi Yusuf's election. I knew him since 1980. Abdillahi Yusuf like any other leader elected by the people is obliged to abide by the people's consent. The issue is not one of a person it is an issue of a whole state with all its bodies, policies and legislature based on democracy and the rule of law. The decision is not in the hands of one person only and no one person can dictate the destiny of the nation by himself alone. Therefore, I don't see this as a problem at all," he said. Voicing his concerns about the upcoming Somaliland elections, Ismail Buubaa urged the people to allow the elections to be held peacefully and to respect the system put in place by the election commission. "When an elected parliament comes to the house, I hope they will face the truth and discuss the realities that are now being put aside in a democratic and free atmosphere," he said. Answering a question on whether the TFG had any dialogue with Somaliland, he said there were no official talks but officials from both sides often met in international forums and exchanged views in an unofficial manner, noting that they always conclude that it is necessary for the TFG to speed up its efforts to establish a stable government and that Somaliland should be spared from any problems from the TFG side. "Therefore, we make a full promise from our side that we will not take any action that may jeapardize the peace and stability of Somaliland. But we have fears that disturbances may flare up from inside Somaliland given the situation there. We have to be prepared for any such eventuality, because any problem that takes place in Somaliland will affect us also and the world will expect us to do something about it. Therefore, we don't like to see any problems in Somaliland at all no matter the source." Editor's note: Somali speaking readers can find the full interview published in Somali. Source: Awdal News Network, Sept 16, 2005

The Chairman of Puntland Parliament's outright rejection of any bargaining over the SSC regions of Somalia by Dr. Jama Cilmi - Thursday, September 22, 2005 at 01:16 Qoraaladda Dr. Jama Elmi (Radiossc.net): The Chairman of Puntland Parliament Hon Osman Dalmar Yusuf on Monday voiced outright rejection of any bargaining over the SSC regions of Somali and stressed that PL remains open to constructive and open dialogue. "PL remains open to any constructive and frank dialogue for a settlement within the framework of our territorial integrity and national sovereignty, over which we will never, I repeat never, accept any bargaining," said the Chairman in a speech aired on the Radiossc.net on the occasion of his visit to Sool capital city of Lasanod. To the opponents of Somalia's territorial integrity, Hon Yusuf said democracy is the best way to take to settle the artificial problem created around the Somali's Northern provinces. "Democracy, which we have chosen as a civilized way to run the nation's affairs, is a great asset which strengthens the domestic front and consolidates the country's unity," he said, adding democracy "is the best avenue to follow if we are to end this artificial problem once and for all." The Chairman of PL parliament further underlined that defending Somali's territorial integrity is a decisive battle and called for a general mobilization to win this battle. "I must stress again to my PL followers that the real battle ahead is not a mere fight between individuals, groups, parties or associations, and that differences of opinion over the running of public affairs should not make us forget that the decisive battle for us consists in defending tenaciously our territorial integrity, to ward off any threats or dangers and to foil any plot against it," he said. Hon. Yusuf voiced pride "We are also proud of the backing we have received from friendly and sister nations who have realized that ours is a just cause," he said, adding this unanimous support Somalia enjoys from for this sacred cause constitutes a source of strength to us. Uttering Somali's infallible and indefectible attachment to the Somalis identity of the Northern Secessionists, the Chairman stressed that "in the Northern Provinces, Somalia is in its own territory." Mr. Dalmar stressed unshakable readiness to defend Somali's territorial integrity whatever the sacrifice and regardless of the plots. We all stand ready to defend the country's territorial integrity, whatever the sacrifices and regardless of the plots and conspiracies that need to be foiled," he said. "Preserving our territorial integrity is a pressing duty which warrants all-out mobilization, constant vigilance and efficient action, in order to close, once and for all, the dispute that has been created artificially by those who adamantly and aggressively challenge the fact that the North Provinces is Somali territory," said Hon. Dalmar. The Chairman slammed the enemies of Somalia's territorial integrity and their attempts to balkanize the Somalia. "They (the enemies of Somalia's territorial integrity) eventually unmasked themselves as the real opponent and are eager to impose, through separatist pawns, total domination over our Northern provinces," he said, adding "Instead of contributing sincerely to building a strong Somalia Union on sound foundations, this opponent has gone as far as to raise the question of partition, which is bound to end in the whole region being balkanized.". "Such a hostile attitude has constantly thwarted all attempts to reach an equitable settlement through negotiation and by consensus, and offered only insidious solutions instead," H.M. Hon Dalmar concluded. Source: Radiossc

Shirkadda Jubba Airways Oo Bilowday Qabashada Baasaboorrada Xajka Ee Sannadkan. Warkii: Sep 21, 2005 Laascaanood(Radiossc.net):- Shirkadda Diyaaradaha ee Jubba Airways xafiiskeeda Magalaada Laascaanood ee Xarunta Gobolka Sool ayaa bilaabay qabashada Baasaboorrada Xajka ee Sannadkan 2006 M-1426 H. Maamulka Xafiiska Diyaaradda Jubba Airways Max’ud Qudhac waxaa uu la socdsiinayaa dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed, gaar ahaan bulshada SSC ee Jecel in ay sannadkan soo gutaan waajibaadka Xajka in Shirkadda Jubba Airways ay bilowday qabasahada Baasaboorrada iyo Agabka kale oo looga baahan yahay Xujaajta. Max’ud oo u warramayey Radiossc.net ayaa sheegay in sannadka ay Shirkaddu dadweynaha SSC ee u socda Gudashada waajibaadka Xajka ay u diyaarisay adeegyo badan iyo fududayn, waxaa kale oo uu sheegay in ay sannadka ay ka tagi doonaan deegaanka SSC Culimo waaweyn iyo Isimo, kuwaasi oo dadka hoggaan u noqon doona inta ay ku jiraan gudashada Xajka. Shirkadda oo xafiisyo ku leh Magaalooyinka Laascaanood iyo Buuhoodle ayaa sannadahii ugu danbeeyey waxa ay Xujaajtu aad ugu ammaanayeen hab dhaqanka maamulka Shirkadda iyo shaqaalaha diyaaraddaha oo dadka Xujuujta ah si wanaagsan oo hagar la’aan ah ugu adeega. Qofka Xaajiga ah waxaa looga baahan yahay Baasaboor, Afar Sawir, Buugg Caafimaad Warqad Meher, Xafiisyada Laascaanood iyo Buuhoodle waxaa lagala xidhiidhi karaa

Hargeisa tribal faction: Withdraw Your malitia From Sool Hargeisa Regime: Withdraw Your Forces From Sool by Mohamed Ali Dad The current situation in Yagoori and Ari Addeeye of Sool province is extremely precarious. A confederation of eight northern tribes have banded together against one single tribe. A sizable army drawn from the northern allied tribes has been occupying parts of Sool province for the last three years or so. The occupation forces behave worse than a colonial power and ride rough-shod over the local people. They have imposed unbearable restrictions on the population. In fact, they have confiscated the freedoms and rights of the inhabitants. The officers and rank and file of the occupation army have a callous attitude toward the natives of the occupied land. They humiliate the wayfarers and travelers by searching them meticulously and unnecessarily delaying them at the check-points. Even local dignitaries who protested against the transgression, humiliation and atrocious acts of the of the occupying forces were jailed. That is the way they treat and deal with the inhabitants of the occupied territory. The purpose of the occupation forces is to acquire additional land, establish new settlements and place the population of SSC under their control. Likewise, Hargeisa regime intends to coerce and compel the population of SSC to join the rebel regime in its frenzied efforts to secede from the unified nation of Somalia. The confederation of the northern tribes has already annexed large tracts of land of Sool province extending to 150 miles. They got away with it. They seem not contented with what they have already taken and are still craving for extra lands. But no wonder! One will see many strange things in the course of time. The town-dwellers, villagers and nomadic community all began to lose patience with the army of occupation. The tide of public opinion has turned against the invaders. The forefathers of SSC population had always defended their homeland. Nobody dared to intrude into their land. They were never unprepared but always ready. However, the latter generations seem to be slack and lazybones. They have changed a lot from what their forefathers were once. As the Latin proverb says: “The times are changing and we with them.†The people need to free themselves from the scourge of the occupation forces that are causing them suffering. Continue your resistance unanimously and with one voice. Do not let the sham, make-believe and simulated election to take place in your areas. Whip the native stooges who are in the service of Hargeisa regime and to the detriment of their people and homeland. Resist the occupation by all possible means. Your are the rightful owners of the land and they are trespassers on your private property. Let the occupation forces feel the pinch and become visibly nervous. Either they have to quit on their own or else be expelled. Let them be convinced that occupying other peoples' land will be futile and fruitless. This is a clarion call for resistance in defense of the motherland The Salvation and Consultative Committee of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn (SCC/SSC)

Somali graduates are working in non-graduate jobs Mohamed Mukhtar September 21, 2005 It was a longish wait at the bus stop and there was no sign of any bus coming along. I was in the middle of a long queue waiting to board a bus; as luck would have it, I was in no hurry to get home. Suddenly three buses appeared in procession as if though they just came out from a monotonous meeting. I hopped on the second bus and saw a familiar face behind the wheel, Mr Ali, an old friend of mine. I was saddened to see him driving a double-decker bus because I remember his only ambition in life was to be an academic success. The last time I saw him was three years ago and he was in the penultimate year studying economics and politics. He was a highly gifted student and his friends felt rather like students in the presence of a professor when they were with him. We quickly exchanged hellos and I asked him how he had ended up behind the wheel. He scratched nervously at an irritating spot on one side of his face below the eye and said, “I am about to finish my shift now. There is a nice cafe, so please do come and touch base with me.†We walked to a café. Ali ordered a hamburger and chips, with which he covered in ketchup and nibbled it like a man eating his first meal after fasting two consecutive days. And I ordered a tea. “You asked me a question which is very close to my heart. Where would you like me to start?†Ali asked me after he had finished his meal. The following is the gist of our conversation which highlights the poignant realities that Somali graduates from the UK universities are experiencing. The challenges that these graduates face did not start at the graduate labour market but started long before they have even finished their high schools. Most of these degree holders are victims of a civil war and refugees in this country. English is not their first language and most of them are from low income families. Their parents do not understand the UK education system. Some of them are from broken families and have lived in poor housing conditions. A large number of them might have lived in other European countries before coming to the UK and coming to finish their education in the UK presents great deal of challenges. Some of these graduates have experienced bullying and racial harassment. After a three-year-course, they are expected to pay back the loans - an average of £10,000 - they have taken out to pay for their fees and living expenses Despite them facing serious social, economic and linguistic barriers, these graduates completed their education with sheer determination by doing few classes here and few classes there as they moved around a lot. Some of them could be described as transient pupils. Their purpose of university was not to be frozen out from the employment market, but they have found out that being from a marginalised ethnic community a degree would not give you a head start. It is almost every student's dream to go to a higher education to get higher social status and income; however that dream is not true for Somali graduates. According to the Government's Department of Education and Skills, today's graduates can expect to earn a modest £120,000 more across their entire lifetime, than those with two A-levels who go straight into employment. This report has not clearly taken into account Somali graduates as most of them are not doing graduate jobs. In fact, a significant number of Somali graduates, those who are lucky enough to have jobs, are working in non-graduate jobs earning as little as non-graduate workers earn, while others are still dreaming highly-paid jobs although they are unemployed. Sadly, a report published by Prospects, the UK 's official graduate careers, said, “ Graduates unemployed six months after graduation spent longer periods unemployed and had lower future earnings.†Does this mean that their degrees have been of no advantage whatsoever? Since most of these graduates are either unemployed or hold jobs that do not require a university degree, they are seriously exploring the potential of self-employment as an option. The Institute for Employment Studies says, “The graduate labour market is changing, and with no promises of linear corporate careers, self-employment offers wider opportunities.†They have the will to succeed, but there is little evidence to support that they have the necessary skills to develop successful trading businesses or micro-enterprises as most of them do not have any experience of self-employment. The disadvantage that graduates are facing could have negative influence on those who are yet to reach the age of higher education. Parents normally encourage their children to go to university as a way in which labour market disadvantage can be overcome. But when the older children, who have finished universities, are unemployed or feel slightly underemployed in their current job young children may feel that they should leave school at 16 and get an apprenticeship as a mechanic. This may lead the whole community to face perpetual forms of exclusion and marginalisation. Universities attempt to trace where graduates end up. However there is no mechanism to gather data where Somali graduates go after university and the main reason is that Somalis are not classified as a separate ethnic group like Indians or Bangladeshis. Since there is no systematic monitoring evidence that can expose the disadvantage faced by Somali graduates their problem has never been addressed properly. Ali and I neared at the end of our conversation. We noticed the waiter circling around us which meant it was almost closing time. Vainly wishing we would have more time, we departed sleepily and went our separate ways probably thinking how Somali graduates can enter and progress in the labour market. Mohamed Mukhtar London

I have no idea of the SOOL SANAAG and CAYN located on Mars, but the one here on Earth, adiga wax lagaa waydiin maayo suldaan aan waxba ogeen, ileen khayr ma sheego Wherever Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn is located is not your business, be it on the mars, sun, or earth

Press Release: Salvation and Consultative Committee of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn (SCC/SSC) Warkii: Sep 16, 2005 In an extraordinary meeting held by the executive members of the Salvation and Consultative Committee of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn (SCC/SSC) on 2005-09-11, and in view of the current situation of the region, SCC/SSC confirms the following: The people of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn regions are not identified with the so-called Somaliland administration. Also, SCC/SSC reiterates that the independence, which came to the Somali people in 1960, has once and for all irreversibly ended the artificial colonial boundaries between British and Italian Somaliland . Hence, any unilateral declaration, like the one on May 19, 1991 by some SNM members with the overly ensuing rhetoric has no bearing whatsoever, and moreover, one has to remember that a unilateral withdrawal from the act of union, signed in 1960 by the respective parliaments of all clans has no validity and understandably the international community continues to support Somalia's unity and territorial integrity at all of the world's fora specially at the United Nations, African Union, EU and Arab League. Despite the ongoing concerted campaign and propaganda waged by the Isaa q secessionists to portray that “their parliamentarian election†will be held in all the territories of former British Somaliland on 2005-09-29, SCC/SSC confirms that this election will not take place in Sool, Sanaag and Cayn regions of Sool/Sanaag clans, which is nearly half of the former British Somaliland and of which it's people have never wavered in their nationalism and belonging to Somalia. Finally, as the “parliamentarian election†has nothing to do with SSC, it is committee's ardent hope that the “ Somaliland †administration will confine its election within the limits of Hergeysa/Burco clans and will not carry out any provocative move which can jeopardise the hard-won peace and stability of the region.

Suldaan No one in Sool Sanaag and Cayn needs Hergeysa malitia’s boxes- its no more than waste contianers

Somaliland horta wax jira mayahay Somaliland is nonexistent and a clan dream No one interested to talk about Somaliland, Unless Hergaysa’s clan militia meddles others regoins affairs like sool sanaag and cayn Most parts of Somalia is very peaceful from east to west, and from north to south, Somalia nation-state while somaliland is a clan-faction wax isku dhow maaha

70% of Sool region will be going to the polls on election day, Allah willing. And it will hopefully be peacefull. The only district which unfortunately will miss out this histric elections will be the district of Taleeh. All the other 3 districts Xuddun, Caynaba, and Half of Laascaanood district will be going to the polls. Suldaan Waa maxey beentan iska soo cad, waxaan ku oran lahaa hadii aad ku khasbanthay inaad been sheegtid mid run u eeg sheeg So-called elections will not be held anywhere in Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn. “Half of Laascaanood district will be going to the polls’ walaahay you dreaming Hergaysa Faction (Somaliland) should stop its aggression against Sool Sanaag and Cayn people. Local governments of Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn banned the worthless boxes, and anyone who was detained while sneaking these worthless boxes will be criminally charged Hargeysa factions (Somaliland) held numeruos fabricated elections before one, this faction became known for its untrue elections, and the upcoming so-called election will be NO Different Fortunately, Sool Sanaag and Cayn never participate all previous fabricated elections and will never participate a future fiction because its waste of time

Somalia: President Abdulahi Yussuf and the mess he left behind Somali president, Mr. Abdulahi Yusuf Ahmed is in New York for the United Nation’s 60th anniversary summit. About 150 head of states are meeting in New York, USA. Representing Somalia at this meeting is one step forward for Somalia’s interim government which was established in Nairobi, Kenya last year. The president will share with the rest of the world information about the mess he left behind when he flew from a makeshift small airport near Jowhar town, his temporary office - unimaginable public disorder. Somalia, a country of about 12 million people has been going backwards for the past fifteen years. Colonizing a new land of its size would be much easier and cheaper than to rehabilitate ruined Somalia. Once called African Pearl for its beautiful beach, the capital is now controlled by more than a dozen feuding warlords, self-employed gunmen and militias loyal to business tycoons who have been strangling the city for over a decade now. Time will tell if President Abdulahi is the right man for undertaking this monstrously enormous task of reviving Somalia. The bright side of his long curriculum vita includes his leadership in Puntland (a good junk of the country) before his current job as the head of Somalia which he gained after two-year-long national reconciliation conference in Kenya. As Puntland president, he never allowed armed opposition of any size which saved that region from the kind of chaos that plagued many parts of the country, including Mogadishu. On the other side, he is the undisputed father of Somalia’s fall. It is true that he was the commander of the first armed rebellion in Somalia’s history. He escaped to Ethiopia after a failed coup in 1978 and established his armed rebellion against then president Mohamed Said Barre near the border between Somalia and Ethiopia. Somalia was in a downward spiral from that day. Now, his desire to rule Somalia angered many militia leaders in the south who see him as direct threat to their advantage over the rest. More than ten militia leaders who control most of the south are flexing their muscles with emergency meetings and media campaigns. One after another, they all said the time to defeat Ethiopia and its puppy in Somalia has come. Ethiopia Factor The new president has very close ties with Ethiopian government which gives his rivals undeniable propaganda tool – remind the public about Somali land and people under Ethiopian rule. Ethiopia occupies Somali land the size of almost one third of sovereign Somalia and has always been Somalia’s sworn enemy. The two nations have fought many wars including the infamous 1977 in which world superpowers, Soviet Union and the USA were involved. Somalia, one of the most powerful countries in Africa at that time won the first round of the war capturing city after city deep inside the disputed territory. Somali fighter jet pilots were at one point begging for permission to bombard Adis Ababa after they knocked out much of Ethiopian air defense. The country was in a victory mode in this phase of the war. Somali government started recruiting future civilian administrators of the region and a total victory seemed inevitable. Military man, Mohamed Siad Barre didn’t like that the soviets were arming both sides and foreign communist fighters from Cuba, East Germany and other countries were fighting were aiding the Ethiopian side. Somalia’s ruling military partly decided to dump the Soviet after they secured America’s support. After the last Soviet person was expelled from Somalia, President Carter of the USA decided not to engage war in East Africa with the Soviets, and Somalia was crashed in a humiliating defeat. After the tables were turned and Somalia started losing the war, Siad Barre decided swift retreat which angered many commanders in the war who later tried to overthrow him in 1978. After hundreds of thousands of lost from both sides lost their lives, Somali military was pushed back to the original disputed border. Rebellions Both Ethiopia and Somalia started to recruit rebellions from the other country after the war. Melle Zanawi and Isaias Afwerki, Ethiopia and Eretria’s current presidents respectively were trained, armed and hosted in Somalia. They used Somali passports to travel while struggling with Ethiopian regime at that time. Coincidently, President Abdulahi Yusuf of Somalia was being hosted by Ethiopia at the same time. Both regimes fell but Ethiopia was saved from ugly and prolonged civil war by its people. Adis Ababa was never looted when Mogadishu’s loot of national infrastructure and private properties continues today. Religion Role Somalia is Sunni Muslim country and its first system of choice was democracy since it was colonized by western countries. That system and western influence ended with 1969 military coup by Colonel Mohamed Siad Barre who took communism over democracy. Religious leaders who graduated from Egyptian and Saudi universities were outlaws and prosecuted under the communist regime while traditional sheiks (wadaado) were allowed to teach Islam in mosques and private Koran schools for children. After the fall of Siad Barre’s regime, Middle East oil rich countries poured the country with humanitarian aid which gave them influence in the general public. They built schools and water wells, and invested in private ventures like Islamic universities. Thousands of Saudi educated men came back to Somalia and started teaching Islam and starting businesses. Armed religious group, Al-Ittihad Alislami tried to kill President Abdulahi and capture the port city of Bosaso when he was ruling Puntland in early 1990s. They failed and paid a dear price in the region. Now, like Siad Barre, Abdulahi Yusuf prefers traditional self-educated sheiks over the new breed from the Middle East. The war of words between the two sides is getting lauder by the day. Mogadishu religious leaders, of whom some armed to the teeth, said they are mobilizing all of their assets to wage jihad war against what they called Ethopia and ist puppy in Somalia. Abdulahi and his group fought back with labeling those men localized Al-Qaeda. Which camp is right? It all depends on who you ask. Mogadishu Black Hole The most powerful man after Siad Bare, General Aidid was killed in Mogadishu. The first and second Interim governments headed by Ali Mahdi and Abiqasim Salad Hassan respectively were defeated by Mogadishu warlords who are now determined to do the same one more time. The question that boggles everyone’s mind is what do Mogadishu strong men want and how long will they hold Somalia in hiatus? Abdulahi’s government will either do what its predecessors could not and succeed in triumph, or it will be defeated by Mogadishu warlords and religious leaders who will then go back into hibernation until another group with national ambitions comes to their turf. Somali People Somali people populate the horn of Africa and had indigenous tribal governance system before the western colonizers came into the region divided it among themselves. Three sections were taken by European colonizers and became British Somaliland, French Somaliland and Italian Somaliland while Ethiopia and Kenya annexed the remaining. British and Italian Somaliland got their independences and joined in 1960. The French part got its independence in 1977 and became sovereign Djibouti. Ethiopia and Kenya still control their shares of Somali land and people. Source: Somalilandnet. http://somalinet.com/news/world/Somalia/917)

Editorial: With Roland Marchal's uncalled expulsion, Somaliland chooses to be a rogue state On 31st August 2005, Somaliland's strong Minister of Interior Mr. Ismail Adan Osman, alias Ismail Yare, ordered his forces to evict Roland Marchal, a reputable French academic and an expert researcher on Somali affairs, from his hotel in Hargeisa and forcefully take him to the airport. In a statement to the local press later the Minister accused the academic of being an anti-Somaliland activist. Mr. Marchal's pleas to allow him to spend the night in the Mansoor Hotel where he had stayed the previous six-days and leave the country with his scheduled flight the following day were ignored by the Minister who according to Mr. Marchal had simply watched from a short distance as he was roughed up, pushed and shoved into the car like a criminal. It is worth mentioning here that Mr. Roland Marchal who obtained his first degrees both in Mathematics and Social Sciences from the University of Strasbourg and the higher from the Ecole des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHEES/School of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences) and University Paris VI, is a Senior Research Fellow Affiliated to National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS), Paris, and the Editor-In-Chief of the main French academic journal on African politics, Politique Africaine. He has published a number of books on Somalia/Somaliland and dozens of articles and research papers on Africa, war torn societies and the Middle East. And as Mr. Marchal mentioned in a letter he sent to the Somaliland local media, he was a frequent visitor to Somaliland since 1993, sometimes as a guest of the Somaliland government and sometimes as a consultant for various companies and organizations including the World Bank, UNDP, EC and the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, this familiarity with the country and people couldn't buy him the Minister's sympathy to allow him to stay overnight in Mansoor hotel or to be allowed to spend the night in the custody of Dr. Ahmed Hussein Esa, a friend and former fellow-researcher at the Institute Pasteur in Paris. Mr. Marchal cited in his letter that over the last 27 years he had seen Somali/Somaliland asylum seekers go to his country and knew that none of them had been deported or asked to leave France without legal process. The irony is that the Minister himself was a former asylum seeker in the UK and still clings dearly to his British passport, while he chose to shamefully and illegally kick out Mr. Marchal, a fellow European, who came to Somalialnd legally as a visitor and researcher and was spending his own money in the country. This is not the first time that Somaliland's strong Interior Minister acts in a way that is reminiscent of the notorious NSS forces of the dictatorial military regime of Siyad Barre and the intelligence services of the old communist countries. This is not the first time as well that the Strong Minister displays his dictatorial tendencies and acts outside the precincts of the country's constitution and carelessly tramples on human rights regardless of any consequences of his actions to the reputation and cause of Somaliland. From the cruel and inhuman deportation of hundreds of fellow Ethiopian-Somalis, to the arrest, torture and imprisonment of the teenage girl Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh in 2004, the arbitrary killing of Khadar Adan Osman Dhabbar of the minority Gabooye clan on 13 May 2005 and the collective detaining of the people who came to demand justice for his killing, to the raid of his police force on the headquarters of the main opposition party, Kulmiye, in early April this year and the frequent imprisonment and gagging of media personnel, the Strong Minister of Interior has done more harm than good to Somaliland's international standing and has portrayed his administration as rogue state. It is unfortunate that the Minister turns a blind eye to the hordes of foreign Islamists that come to the country for their annual conferences in Hargeisa at the detriment of Somaliland's cause and reputation and instead chooses to use his power to abuse respected international academics and Somaliland's civil society. One may wonder to what calling the Strong Minister answers. This last episode of manhandling a peaceful foreign academic and expelling him on the grounds o f being anti-Somaliland activist is an insult to the intelligence of the international community and a disservice to Somaliland which is seen by many regional observers as a shinning example of Africa's growing democracies and free speech. This is also a slap in the face to the few goodwill ambassadors of academics, diplomats and pressure groups who relentlessly advocate Somaliland's cause worldwide as well as to the Somaliland people who are eagerly and enthusiastically preparing to go to the polls on September 29 to vote for the country's first elected lower house and the dozens of foreign observers and international press who are expected to arrive in the country. It is time that President Dahir Riyale has to choose between his Strong Minister and the demise of Somaliland as a country governed by the rule of law and a tolerant state where dissent voices can feel free to express their opinions without any fear of harassment or abuse of their human rights. Meanwhile, Awdalnews Network would like to apologize to the respected French academic on behalf of the Somaliland people whose traditional hospitality and cultural values he knows and respects better than the Strong Minister. © 2005 Awdalnews Network

Somalis in Minnesota: Divided and Confused! Abdullahi Daud They live in the most advanced country in the world, the United States. Yet they dance to the tune of warlords in the most chaotic and least developed country in the world, Somalia. It should have been the other way round. Hard to believe but true. Having witnessed the grass-rooted democratic process, the unprecedented information-based economy and the due process of law, Somalis in Minnesota have the greatest potential to positively influence the events taken place in their home country. Nonetheless, they refuse to shed their clan structure. Indeed, the community is divided. This meaningless division within the community confuses not only ordinary Somalis but also the American elected officials both at Federal and State/local levels. The Problem: Most Somalis have indeed good hearts. Then, what is the problem? Regardless of their clan identity, ordinary Somalis have fostered good relationships in work places, businesses, educational institutions and residence neighborhoods. If you, for instance, start a new job somewhere, you will know well most of Somalis in your work area pretty quickly. They are good at assisting each other; some may give you a ride if you don’t have one; others may help you know around the work environment. I am sometimes moved in tears when I meet a Somali in workplace or school and he/she tells me his/her whole story and background within few days. This is their sprit. Most of them have indeed good hearts. Then, one may ask, what is the problem? The problem is simple and clear. We, Somalis, do not stand up to those who want divide us on regional and clan lines. We never question the self-styled so-called leaders who cash on our division. In fact, the likes of them is what brought us here in the first place. Local Somali reporter once asked a Minneapolis Mayor “why did not you help Somalis in your city?†“How could I help people whom each group I meet discredits the other group who just left my officeâ€, answered the Mayor confidently. The Mayor’s answer is obvious and does not need further explanation. To add insult to the injury, local elected officials are familiar more with clan and regional names of Somalis than the issues that the Somali community cares the most. Does the Mayor of Minneapolis or St. Paul care about clan names or regions we belong to? The answer is clearly no! Moreover, these local officials have no control over U.S. foreign policy, which falls under the jurisdiction of the Federal government. Then why Somali politician who visit Minnesota meet State and local officials? The self-styled Somali front-runners want to impress these visiting politicians in order to gain favor from them in case some opportunities pups up back home. They are doing so at the expense of local community here in Minnesota. The members of U.S. Senate from Minnesota also get confused when they meet opposing Somali groups who pursue conflicting interests. For instance, U.S. Senator Norm Coleman (R-Minn.) recently met a group of Somalis who requested him to use his influence to get his government’s support for President Abdullahi Yusuf. To undo these efforts, another group of Somalis arranged a meeting between the Speaker of the Parliament, Sharif Hassan, and Minnesota’s two sitting Senators: Norm Coleman (R-Minn.) and Mark Dayton (D-Minn.). What impressions will these opposing groups leave with the Senators? A Possible Solution: First and foremost each one of us has the moral responsibility to stand up to those who so far benefited from our division. We have to question the conventional wisdom within our clan. In other words, we have to think ‘outside of the box.’ If we only keep on justifying our respective clan’s point of view, we will stuck where we are now. Do not expect changes to come from somewhere else: start from yourself. Stop arguing on behalf of your clan. Grill and question those who are famous to advocate clan propaganda. Secondly, the community should elect a representative body that could speak on its behalf. This is, of course, easier said than done but we have to give a try. There are agencies now, which are merely service providers but misleadingly have “community†before their names. These agencies are not elected representative of the community but mostly are “a one man showâ€. However, I am not suggesting that these “communities†are not useful---it is up to the recipients of their services to determine that. What I am trying to get a cross, nonetheless, is that these agencies are not the representatives of the community. Thirdly, the community should define their pressing issues that impact their daily lives locally. These include, but may not limit to, save neighborhoods, affordable housing, youth programs etc. Most local Somalis have these common interests and I do not see a problem here. Once these interests are defined, the community could approach State and local officials for lobbying. Lastly, the community should come into consensus on issues that may benefit Somalis back home. There are plenty of issues to choose from. Obvious one is to lobby the U.S. government to increase the humanitarian aid to Somalis in the Horn of Africa. Another one could be to seek the help of U.S. government in the reconciliation efforts. These are some of the issues that the Senators Coleman and Dayton could help us with. It is time for us to end our misery both here in America as well as back home. We have to unchain ourselves from clan slavery. Deny these self-styled, clan front-runners from the free ride that they have so far enjoyed. Grill them. Question their logic. Confront them. Once we are no longer confused, we could then ask our elected Federal and State/local officials for assistance with our issues. Let us seize the moment! We owe this to next generation. Abdullahi Daud is a graduate student of Information Management, College of Management, Metropolitan State University, Minneapolis, MN He could be reached at daudab@go.metrostate.edu

Building a neutral force from different clans: First step to a peaceful solution Abdisalam M. Garjex “camey†September 18, 2005 After 15 years, we stand at the end of the road for any peaceful resolution to our country's mounting problems. Every faint light of hope dashes away before it is realized. In the past, Somali leaders, politicians, civil societies, international community and intellectuals in the Diaspora have proposed ideas and blueprints for rebuilding a Somali state and saving the suffering masses. All efforts were to no avail. I have a duty and responsibility to my country and as I did numerous times, I will contribute proposals and submit my opinions to the general public for a lasting peace in my homeland. Taking the divisions of the new government and members of the parliament, which led us into a new era of hostilities and the lack of international assistance both in economic and peace enforcing into consideration, the transitional federal government should come-up a sensible plan of action to forward its objectives and ways to marginalize the warlords. The first and foremost is to gather a 10.000 thousand strong force from all regions and train them in three different locations. These forces should be given enough food and salary for them and their families. Training should include civic responsibilities and lessons in rule of law. United Nations and African Union must be able to assist and train a well disciplined army. Relocate the government to Mogadishu After completing the training of the national army, the government of Prime Minister Geedi and Abdullahi is to negotiate their way to Mogadishu to establish center of their administration with a backdrop of 10.000 well-trained forces, which will guard the officials, offices and properties. The national force will be located at the north, south and center of Mogadishu neighborhoods. Short term goals • I. Demobilize armed thugs into camps – absorb some of them into the national forces and others into vocational training centers. • II. Resolve differences between the two sides of the government and parliament and establish a mutual atmosphere of cooperation. • III. Select a management team for Mogadishu province. Nominate a mayor and three deputies. Assign each deputy to a responsibility of one the three major divisions. • IV. Open the seapor

The state of the State of Somaliland Ali Gulaid September 18, 2005 [This is the text of Mr Ali Gulaid's Presentation at the SOPRI conference in Los Angeles on June 26, 2005] To my knowledge this is the second time so many Somalilanders came from all over the world to meet outside the country and that makes it a golden opportunity, an opportunity not to waste. The first one was (of course) in London when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded about twenty years ago. The resolution to dislodge the Siyad regime from the country which the SNM adopted in London was bold, drastic and risky but the payoff was worth the risk. The two conferences have similarities and some differences but it isn't my intention to compare and contrast the two events but it is my intention to remind you that the struggle isn't over yet. Today, the dictator is gone and that should have been a cause for joy but this administration practices and perpetuates without shame the inhumane practices that bedeviled Siyad's regime and it is up to the participants of this conference to seize the moment and condemn the lack of rule that is prevalent in Somaliland . In light of that it isn't the time to exchange few pleasantries nor is it the time for Somalilanders to soak themselves with unfounded self aggrandizement and denial. We are all here, I assume, to assist Somaliland transition from half-way house to a home. But to do so would first require SL meet the minimum acceptable standard and if the headlines from Amnesty International, Africa Right, and the State Department are any measure this administration is repressive and that is alarming but what is more alarming is the predominant sentiment among the diaspora of thou shall not speak of this administration's poor human rights record lest it jeopardizes recognition To illustrate the magnitude of the problems beset on Somaliland, I would scratch the surface in this short analysis some of the reactionary practices, the dictatorial tendencies and the misallocation of scarce funds and would conclude since this administration has failed to restore democratic values and the basic human rights, the prospects of recognition are getting slimmer and only a resolution as bold and as risky as the London resolution could restore hope. The Repressive Policies and practices Dahir Rayaale Kaahin - President of Somaliland To start with, Rayaale presides over a cabinet of sixty-five (65) including himself, the vice-president and fourteen (14) advisors. That makes the cabinet of sixty-five (65) larger than the cabinet of the most recent government in India - a nation of about one BILLION- which is mere sixty (60). On paper, Somaliland and Somalia are like day and night. Somaliland had local and Presidential elections; it has two Houses of Parliament, albeit unelected, a constitution that guarantees human rights, freedom of the press and separation of powers and other fundamental rights. On the other hand, Mogadishu has no constitution, has no central government, no functioning institutions and the recently crowned and foreign imposed government remains still in exile. With that profile, it is natural to deduce that Hargeysa is democratic but appearance is deceiving. One has unconstitutional Islamic Courts sanctioned by the Chief Justice, unconstitutional Security Courts sanctioned by the President and pays lip service to the independent media; it has banned public demonstrations, public debates, the right to peacefully assemble and private broadcasting all under the pretext of national security. Further, it constantly harasses journalists and activists and recently has busted the opposition party headquarter in a Watergate like style, and its ruling party militia mowed down the office of the same opposition party with machine gun. If you guessed that is Mogadishu you are wrong; that is the reality in Hargeysa. The litany of lawlessness is too long but the following few examples are cited as representative just to prove a point. The Minister of information, Mr. Abdilahi Dualeh, has banned private broadcasting claiming that it is a threat to National security and President Rayaale has reiterated that policy recently in an interview he gave to the BBC. The editor of Jamhuuriya, daily newspaper, Mr. Hassan Saeed has been arrested 15 times within two years. The forum “Cawa Caqlikeen†which the civil society under the leadership of Dr. Hussein Bulhan have recently launched to debate the issues of the day was banned and its license revoked. On May 18, 2004 students who demonstrated peacefully were arrested and 156 of them were summarily sentenced by the illegal Court in less than five minutes to a maximum one year in jail, so were 11 students from Borama and so were the Gabiley students who complained to authorities about the lack of playing grounds and the list goes on but the one that baffled all was sentencing a 17 year old girl for five years for alleged espionage without due process. To add that the two recent episodes where the government cordoned off the House of the representatives and banned the Berbera local government council from convening a session to block the impending impeachment of the President and the Mayor of Berbera puts it in the same league with that of Siyad Barre. This tendency of abuse glaringly extends itself over the economic affairs as well. The economic mismanagement The road map to economic development of any nation is reflected on its budget, how it assesses and prioritizes its needs and how it ultimately allocates the available resources to its needs. If the adopted budget of this administration is a map to go by, it would exacerbate poverty and misery. Education, health, justice, agriculture, livestock, infrastructure and everything else shares forty-percent (40%) while the remaining 60% covers the salary of the President, the vice-president and the office of the presidency and security. To give you a flavor, the President and his vice-President earned $ 515, 916 and $186,200 respectively last year. That is more than twice what President Clinton and Al-Gore made in their final year in office. The entertainment budget of the Minister that coordinates the two Houses of parliament that are housed in the same building is $7,123 which is more than 30% of his whole budget. Over 10% of the total budget of about 22 million is for the salary of the president, the vice-President and the presidency. To illustrate the bigger picture, the salary of the duo and the budget of the office of the presidency for the five year term of this administration would be $12,120,276. The President alone would earn a whopping $2,931,528 in his five-year term while a police officer would earn less than $2,000 for the same period and there is more heart ache. The Education $1,062,928 and health budget $650,890 combined are less than that of the office of the Presidency $1,703,927 and the budget of the prison guard is more than the budget of 15 Ministries combined. It is also almost twice the budget of health services and is almost equal to that of education. The negligence and the mismanagement of the economy doesn't stop there. The ban on livestock is still in effect and no appreciable effort was expended to lift the ban or find another market. The business people have migrated to Bossasso port due to bureaucracy; heavy handedness, high tariff and inefficiencies on Berbera Port and the diaspora have forgone the family summer visits because of harassment and unreasonably too high airport tax. Somaliland prides herself to own a passport, currency and a flag and that is all true. But neither the currency nor the flag gained currency. While the flag and the currency are all confined to the capital, the passport is reserved for one Party. Over the Eastern part of the country starting from Burcao the Siyad Barre shilling is tendered while the Ethiopian Birr and the Djibouti Franc are the coveted ones in Awdal region. The hottest commodity in Somaliland today is the passport and like any other hot commodity it is closely controlled and used, as another tool to buy friends while holding it from those deemed anti-administration. Dejavu! If the passport is reserved for the governing party loyalist, the wildlife including some rare species are sold to the rich Arab Sheiks for a hefty sum. The trees has been killed for charcoal fuel export to the Middle East and the fragile flora has been destroyed by the constant fleets of high-powered vehicles that roam the grazing plateau hunting rare species without regard to conservation with the government blessing. Territorially, since this administration was inaugurated, Somaliland has shrunk. On the Eastern front, Puntland has occupied Sool region and some parts of Sanaag since Riyaale ordered his administration to pull out of that region. That is known but what isn't so known is that on the Western side Djibouti authorities freely operate inside Somaliland borders with the supervision of this administration and moving the border outposts from Lyacado to as far interior as Seylac is said to be on the offing. Hargeysa has many pressing matters, and I dare say MORE pressing than recognition. The lack of due process, arbitrary arrest, control of media, skyrocketing corruption, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful security courts, inability to expand the administration beyond the capital, misappropriation of funds are only few. By the way, recognition would not be a panacea. On the contrary many believe where there is neither transparency nor accountability and corruption is the order of the day, loans and financial aid would just fuel the unfettered looting and saddle the poorest Nation on earth with another unbearable burden. Gabooye Like few other cultures Somaliland has a cast society called “Gaboye†and many as of this day call them “Midgan†a derogatory term equivalent to Niger or untouchable but the plight of the Gaboye in SL is unpublicized and not to condemn such oppression in gatherings like this one is unacceptable. Isn't it ironic that SL wants to be recognized as a Nation equal to other Nations while she discriminates and tolerates that some of her own people are less equal than others. Rare platforms like this one should play a role in dispelling that ignorance. Conclusion In a region where the benchmark of a semblance of government is Mogadishu , Hargeysa is relatively Copenhagen . To the outsiders, Hargeysa remains a beacon of democracy “shan-karoon†as long as it doesn't sink as low as Mogadishu but to the internationally renown human rights activist, Ms. Rakiya Omaar and to Sultan Rabi whom she chronicled his ordeal and maltreatment in Hargeysa prison so vividly and to Zamam Ahmed, the 15 year girl sentenced for five years (5) without due process because of alleged espionage, and to the Gaboye (lower caste) community that is discriminated against, Hargeysa is a nightmare. If the SNM objective and the London resolution was to rid the Siyad regime from proper Somalia and the objective of the subsequent conferences in Burcao and Borama was only to withdraw from Somalia without structural changes, this administration has succeeded but if the objective was all along to restore the democratic principles and other inalienable rights, it has failed. To characterize this administration which has failed on democratic principles and the rule of law for four consecutive years as a shining star is far from the truth. This administration is suffering from Siyad Barre's syndrome. The success or the failure of this administration should be measured against what is under her power to change such as the repressive policies not on matters that are beyond her power such as political recognition. Nor should the success or the failure of this administration be measured against one, two or even three elections. Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa are nothing but a back door to dictatorship and Somaliland is a case in point. Somaliland is held back not by the absence of political recognition as this administration would like us to believe but is held back by her own poor record on fundamental rights and corrupt practices. On my humble account, as well as the account of human rights activist and more importantly that of the US State Department Somaliland ranks the lowest in terms of rule of law, constitutional liberties, the freedom of the press and human rights. And that is unacceptable. SL had a tradition of carrying out justice under a tree for centuries; for it doesn't require much but equity, transparency, consistency and good faith effort. On matters of such importance, the level of tolerance should be zilch and records as bad as this administration be reprimanded. The state of the State of Somaliland is in peril. Presently, disenchantment is in; euphoria is out and hope is fading. Chaos is looming and the thought of another furlough in a refuge camp is discomforting. The anticipated dividends of dislodging the brutal dictator, the subsequent painful separation of enjoined twins and the concerted colossal effort of long impassioned clan negotiations have being squandered. Many have hoped that Somaliland's painful past would help her avoid the fatal missteps that have caused the collapse of the defunct Somali Republic and would further motivate her work harder to earn enough marks for good behavior to graduate from a half-way house (unrecognized) to a nation that is FIRST democratic and SECOND politically recognized but as of today Somaliland has fooled no body but herself. Therefore, this conference should seize the golden opportunity and demand democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and due process at minimum; not to demand these basic rights and cover up oppression is indeed riskier Ali Gulaid, San Jose, CA September 18, 2005 [This is the text of Mr Ali Gulaid's Presentation at the SOPRI conference in Los Angeles on June 26, 2005] To my knowledge this is the second time so many Somalilanders came from all over the world to meet outside the country and that makes it a golden opportunity, an opportunity not to waste. The first one was (of course) in London when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded about twenty years ago. The resolution to dislodge the Siyad regime from the country which the SNM adopted in London was bold, drastic and risky but the payoff was worth the risk. The two conferences have similarities and some differences but it isn't my intention to compare and contrast the two events but it is my intention to remind you that the struggle isn't over yet. Today, the dictator is gone and that should have been a cause for joy but this administration practices and perpetuates without shame the inhumane practices that bedeviled Siyad's regime and it is up to the participants of this conference to seize the moment and condemn the lack of rule that is prevalent in Somaliland . In light of that it isn't the time to exchange few pleasantries nor is it the time for Somalilanders to soak themselves with unfounded self aggrandizement and denial. We are all here, I assume, to assist Somaliland transition from half-way house to a home. But to do so would first require SL meet the minimum acceptable standard and if the headlines from Amnesty International, Africa Right, and the State Department are any measure this administration is repressive and that is alarming but what is more alarming is the predominant sentiment among the diaspora of thou shall not speak of this administration's poor human rights record lest it jeopardizes recognition To illustrate the magnitude of the problems beset on Somaliland, I would scratch the surface in this short analysis some of the reactionary practices, the dictatorial tendencies and the misallocation of scarce funds and would conclude since this administration has failed to restore democratic values and the basic human rights, the prospects of recognition are getting slimmer and only a resolution as bold and as risky as the London resolution could restore hope. The Repressive Policies and practices Dahir Rayaale Kaahin - President of Somaliland To start with, Rayaale presides over a cabinet of sixty-five (65) including himself, the vice-president and fourteen (14) advisors. That makes the cabinet of sixty-five (65) larger than the cabinet of the most recent government in India - a nation of about one BILLION- which is mere sixty (60). On paper, Somaliland and Somalia are like day and night. Somaliland had local and Presidential elections; it has two Houses of Parliament, albeit unelected, a constitution that guarantees human rights, freedom of the press and separation of powers and other fundamental rights. On the other hand, Mogadishu has no constitution, has no central government, no functioning institutions and the recently crowned and foreign imposed government remains still in exile. With that profile, it is natural to deduce that Hargeysa is democratic but appearance is deceiving. One has unconstitutional Islamic Courts sanctioned by the Chief Justice, unconstitutional Security Courts sanctioned by the President and pays lip service to the independent media; it has banned public demonstrations, public debates, the right to peacefully assemble and private broadcasting all under the pretext of national security. Further, it constantly harasses journalists and activists and recently has busted the opposition party headquarter in a Watergate like style, and its ruling party militia mowed down the office of the same opposition party with machine gun. If you guessed that is Mogadishu you are wrong; that is the reality in Hargeysa. The litany of lawlessness is too long but the following few examples are cited as representative just to prove a point. The Minister of information, Mr. Abdilahi Dualeh, has banned private broadcasting claiming that it is a threat to National security and President Rayaale has reiterated that policy recently in an interview he gave to the BBC. The editor of Jamhuuriya, daily newspaper, Mr. Hassan Saeed has been arrested 15 times within two years. The forum “Cawa Caqlikeen†which the civil society under the leadership of Dr. Hussein Bulhan have recently launched to debate the issues of the day was banned and its license revoked. On May 18, 2004 students who demonstrated peacefully were arrested and 156 of them were summarily sentenced by the illegal Court in less than five minutes to a maximum one year in jail, so were 11 students from Borama and so were the Gabiley students who complained to authorities about the lack of playing grounds and the list goes on but the one that baffled all was sentencing a 17 year old girl for five years for alleged espionage without due process. To add that the two recent episodes where the government cordoned off the House of the representatives and banned the Berbera local government council from convening a session to block the impending impeachment of the President and the Mayor of Berbera puts it in the same league with that of Siyad Barre. This tendency of abuse glaringly extends itself over the economic affairs as well. The economic mismanagement The road map to economic development of any nation is reflected on its budget, how it assesses and prioritizes its needs and how it ultimately allocates the available resources to its needs. If the adopted budget of this administration is a map to go by, it would exacerbate poverty and misery. Education, health, justice, agriculture, livestock, infrastructure and everything else shares forty-percent (40%) while the remaining 60% covers the salary of the President, the vice-president and the office of the presidency and security. To give you a flavor, the President and his vice-President earned $ 515, 916 and $186,200 respectively last year. That is more than twice what President Clinton and Al-Gore made in their final year in office. The entertainment budget of the Minister that coordinates the two Houses of parliament that are housed in the same building is $7,123 which is more than 30% of his whole budget. Over 10% of the total budget of about 22 million is for the salary of the president, the vice-President and the presidency. To illustrate the bigger picture, the salary of the duo and the budget of the office of the presidency for the five year term of this administration would be $12,120,276. The President alone would earn a whopping $2,931,528 in his five-year term while a police officer would earn less than $2,000 for the same period and there is more heart ache. The Education $1,062,928 and health budget $650,890 combined are less than that of the office of the Presidency $1,703,927 and the budget of the prison guard is more than the budget of 15 Ministries combined. It is also almost twice the budget of health services and is almost equal to that of education. The negligence and the mismanagement of the economy doesn't stop there. The ban on livestock is still in effect and no appreciable effort was expended to lift the ban or find another market. The business people have migrated to Bossasso port due to bureaucracy; heavy handedness, high tariff and inefficiencies on Berbera Port and the diaspora have forgone the family summer visits because of harassment and unreasonably too high airport tax. Somaliland prides herself to own a passport, currency and a flag and that is all true. But neither the currency nor the flag gained currency. While the flag and the currency are all confined to the capital, the passport is reserved for one Party. Over the Eastern part of the country starting from Burcao the Siyad Barre shilling is tendered while the Ethiopian Birr and the Djibouti Franc are the coveted ones in Awdal region. The hottest commodity in Somaliland today is the passport and like any other hot commodity it is closely controlled and used, as another tool to buy friends while holding it from those deemed anti-administration. Dejavu! If the passport is reserved for the governing party loyalist, the wildlife including some rare species are sold to the rich Arab Sheiks for a hefty sum. The trees has been killed for charcoal fuel export to the Middle East and the fragile flora has been destroyed by the constant fleets of high-powered vehicles that roam the grazing plateau hunting rare species without regard to conservation with the government blessing. Territorially, since this administration was inaugurated, Somaliland has shrunk. On the Eastern front, Puntland has occupied Sool region and some parts of Sanaag since Riyaale ordered his administration to pull out of that region. That is known but what isn't so known is that on the Western side Djibouti authorities freely operate inside Somaliland borders with the supervision of this administration and moving the border outposts from Lyacado to as far interior as Seylac is said to be on the offing. Hargeysa has many pressing matters, and I dare say MORE pressing than recognition. The lack of due process, arbitrary arrest, control of media, skyrocketing corruption, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful security courts, inability to expand the administration beyond the capital, misappropriation of funds are only few. By the way, recognition would not be a panacea. On the contrary many believe where there is neither transparency nor accountability and corruption is the order of the day, loans and financial aid would just fuel the unfettered looting and saddle the poorest Nation on earth with another unbearable burden. Gabooye Like few other cultures Somaliland has a cast society called “Gaboye†and many as of this day call them “Midgan†a derogatory term equivalent to Niger or untouchable but the plight of the Gaboye in SL is unpublicized and not to condemn such oppression in gatherings like this one is unacceptable. Isn't it ironic that SL wants to be recognized as a Nation equal to other Nations while she discriminates and tolerates that some of her own people are less equal than others. Rare platforms like this one should play a role in dispelling that ignorance. Conclusion In a region where the benchmark of a semblance of government is Mogadishu , Hargeysa is relatively Copenhagen . To the outsiders, Hargeysa remains a beacon of democracy “shan-karoon†as long as it doesn't sink as low as Mogadishu but to the internationally renown human rights activist, Ms. Rakiya Omaar and to Sultan Rabi whom she chronicled his ordeal and maltreatment in Hargeysa prison so vividly and to Zamam Ahmed, the 15 year girl sentenced for five years (5) without due process because of alleged espionage, and to the Gaboye (lower caste) community that is discriminated against, Hargeysa is a nightmare. If the SNM objective and the London resolution was to rid the Siyad regime from proper Somalia and the objective of the subsequent conferences in Burcao and Borama was only to withdraw from Somalia without structural changes, this administration has succeeded but if the objective was all along to restore the democratic principles and other inalienable rights, it has failed. To characterize this administration which has failed on democratic principles and the rule of law for four consecutive years as a shining star is far from the truth. This administration is suffering from Siyad Barre's syndrome. The success or the failure of this administration should be measured against what is under her power to change such as the repressive policies not on matters that are beyond her power such as political recognition. Nor should the success or the failure of this administration be measured against one, two or even three elections. Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa are nothing but a back door to dictatorship and Somaliland is a case in point. Somaliland is held back not by the absence of political recognition as this administration would like us to believe but is held back by her own poor record on fundamental rights and corrupt practices. On my humble account, as well as the account of human rights activist and more importantly that of the US State Department Somaliland ranks the lowest in terms of rule of law, constitutional liberties, the freedom of the press and human rights. And that is unacceptable. SL had a tradition of carrying out justice under a tree for centuries; for it doesn't require much but equity, transparency, consistency and good faith effort. On matters of such importance, the level of tolerance should be zilch and records as bad as this administration be reprimanded. The state of the State of Somaliland is in peril. Presently, disenchantment is in; euphoria is out and hope is fading. Chaos is looming and the thought of another furlough in a refuge camp is discomforting. The anticipated dividends of dislodging the brutal dictator, the subsequent painful separation of enjoined twins and the concerted colossal effort of long impassioned clan negotiations have being squandered. Many have hoped that Somaliland's painful past would help her avoid the fatal missteps that have caused the collapse of the defunct Somali Republic and would further motivate her work harder to earn enough marks for good behavior to graduate from a half-way house (unrecognized) to a nation that is FIRST democratic and SECOND politically recognized but as of today Somaliland has fooled no body but herself. Therefore, this conference should seize the golden opportunity and demand democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and due process at minimum; not to demand these basic rights and cover up oppression is indeed riskier Ali Gulaid, San Jose, CA

The state of the State of Somaliland September 18, 2005 [This is the text of Mr Ali Gulaid's Presentation at the SOPRI conference in Los Angeles on June 26, 2005] To my knowledge this is the second time so many Somalilanders came from all over the world to meet outside the country and that makes it a golden opportunity, an opportunity not to waste. The first one was (of course) in London when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded about twenty years ago. The resolution to dislodge the Siyad regime from the country which the SNM adopted in London was bold, drastic and risky but the payoff was worth the risk. The two conferences have similarities and some differences but it isn't my intention to compare and contrast the two events but it is my intention to remind you that the struggle isn't over yet. Today, the dictator is gone and that should have been a cause for joy but this administration practices and perpetuates without shame the inhumane practices that bedeviled Siyad's regime and it is up to the participants of this conference to seize the moment and condemn the lack of rule that is prevalent in Somaliland . In light of that it isn't the time to exchange few pleasantries nor is it the time for Somalilanders to soak themselves with unfounded self aggrandizement and denial. We are all here, I assume, to assist Somaliland transition from half-way house to a home. But to do so would first require SL meet the minimum acceptable standard and if the headlines from Amnesty International, Africa Right, and the State Department are any measure this administration is repressive and that is alarming but what is more alarming is the predominant sentiment among the diaspora of thou shall not speak of this administration's poor human rights record lest it jeopardizes recognition To illustrate the magnitude of the problems beset on Somaliland, I would scratch the surface in this short analysis some of the reactionary practices, the dictatorial tendencies and the misallocation of scarce funds and would conclude since this administration has failed to restore democratic values and the basic human rights, the prospects of recognition are getting slimmer and only a resolution as bold and as risky as the London resolution could restore hope. The Repressive Policies and practices Dahir Rayaale Kaahin - President of Somaliland To start with, Rayaale presides over a cabinet of sixty-five (65) including himself, the vice-president and fourteen (14) advisors. That makes the cabinet of sixty-five (65) larger than the cabinet of the most recent government in India - a nation of about one BILLION- which is mere sixty (60). On paper, Somaliland and Somalia are like day and night. Somaliland had local and Presidential elections; it has two Houses of Parliament, albeit unelected, a constitution that guarantees human rights, freedom of the press and separation of powers and other fundamental rights. On the other hand, Mogadishu has no constitution, has no central government, no functioning institutions and the recently crowned and foreign imposed government remains still in exile. With that profile, it is natural to deduce that Hargeysa is democratic but appearance is deceiving. One has unconstitutional Islamic Courts sanctioned by the Chief Justice, unconstitutional Security Courts sanctioned by the President and pays lip service to the independent media; it has banned public demonstrations, public debates, the right to peacefully assemble and private broadcasting all under the pretext of national security. Further, it constantly harasses journalists and activists and recently has busted the opposition party headquarter in a Watergate like style, and its ruling party militia mowed down the office of the same opposition party with machine gun. If you guessed that is Mogadishu you are wrong; that is the reality in Hargeysa. The litany of lawlessness is too long but the following few examples are cited as representative just to prove a point. The Minister of information, Mr. Abdilahi Dualeh, has banned private broadcasting claiming that it is a threat to National security and President Rayaale has reiterated that policy recently in an interview he gave to the BBC. The editor of Jamhuuriya, daily newspaper, Mr. Hassan Saeed has been arrested 15 times within two years. The forum “Cawa Caqlikeen†which the civil society under the leadership of Dr. Hussein Bulhan have recently launched to debate the issues of the day was banned and its license revoked. On May 18, 2004 students who demonstrated peacefully were arrested and 156 of them were summarily sentenced by the illegal Court in less than five minutes to a maximum one year in jail, so were 11 students from Borama and so were the Gabiley students who complained to authorities about the lack of playing grounds and the list goes on but the one that baffled all was sentencing a 17 year old girl for five years for alleged espionage without due process. To add that the two recent episodes where the government cordoned off the House of the representatives and banned the Berbera local government council from convening a session to block the impending impeachment of the President and the Mayor of Berbera puts it in the same league with that of Siyad Barre. This tendency of abuse glaringly extends itself over the economic affairs as well. The economic mismanagement The road map to economic development of any nation is reflected on its budget, how it assesses and prioritizes its needs and how it ultimately allocates the available resources to its needs. If the adopted budget of this administration is a map to go by, it would exacerbate poverty and misery. Education, health, justice, agriculture, livestock, infrastructure and everything else shares forty-percent (40%) while the remaining 60% covers the salary of the President, the vice-president and the office of the presidency and security. To give you a flavor, the President and his vice-President earned $ 515, 916 and $186,200 respectively last year. That is more than twice what President Clinton and Al-Gore made in their final year in office. The entertainment budget of the Minister that coordinates the two Houses of parliament that are housed in the same building is $7,123 which is more than 30% of his whole budget. Over 10% of the total budget of about 22 million is for the salary of the president, the vice-President and the presidency. To illustrate the bigger picture, the salary of the duo and the budget of the office of the presidency for the five year term of this administration would be $12,120,276. The President alone would earn a whopping $2,931,528 in his five-year term while a police officer would earn less than $2,000 for the same period and there is more heart ache. The Education $1,062,928 and health budget $650,890 combined are less than that of the office of the Presidency $1,703,927 and the budget of the prison guard is more than the budget of 15 Ministries combined. It is also almost twice the budget of health services and is almost equal to that of education. The negligence and the mismanagement of the economy doesn't stop there. The ban on livestock is still in effect and no appreciable effort was expended to lift the ban or find another market. The business people have migrated to Bossasso port due to bureaucracy; heavy handedness, high tariff and inefficiencies on Berbera Port and the diaspora have forgone the family summer visits because of harassment and unreasonably too high airport tax. Somaliland prides herself to own a passport, currency and a flag and that is all true. But neither the currency nor the flag gained currency. While the flag and the currency are all confined to the capital, the passport is reserved for one Party. Over the Eastern part of the country starting from Burcao the Siyad Barre shilling is tendered while the Ethiopian Birr and the Djibouti Franc are the coveted ones in Awdal region. The hottest commodity in Somaliland today is the passport and like any other hot commodity it is closely controlled and used, as another tool to buy friends while holding it from those deemed anti-administration. Dejavu! If the passport is reserved for the governing party loyalist, the wildlife including some rare species are sold to the rich Arab Sheiks for a hefty sum. The trees has been killed for charcoal fuel export to the Middle East and the fragile flora has been destroyed by the constant fleets of high-powered vehicles that roam the grazing plateau hunting rare species without regard to conservation with the government blessing. Territorially, since this administration was inaugurated, Somaliland has shrunk. On the Eastern front, Puntland has occupied Sool region and some parts of Sanaag since Riyaale ordered his administration to pull out of that region. That is known but what isn't so known is that on the Western side Djibouti authorities freely operate inside Somaliland borders with the supervision of this administration and moving the border outposts from Lyacado to as far interior as Seylac is said to be on the offing. Hargeysa has many pressing matters, and I dare say MORE pressing than recognition. The lack of due process, arbitrary arrest, control of media, skyrocketing corruption, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful security courts, inability to expand the administration beyond the capital, misappropriation of funds are only few. By the way, recognition would not be a panacea. On the contrary many believe where there is neither transparency nor accountability and corruption is the order of the day, loans and financial aid would just fuel the unfettered looting and saddle the poorest Nation on earth with another unbearable burden. Gabooye Like few other cultures Somaliland has a cast society called “Gaboye†and many as of this day call them “Midgan†a derogatory term equivalent to Niger or untouchable but the plight of the Gaboye in SL is unpublicized and not to condemn such oppression in gatherings like this one is unacceptable. Isn't it ironic that SL wants to be recognized as a Nation equal to other Nations while she discriminates and tolerates that some of her own people are less equal than others. Rare platforms like this one should play a role in dispelling that ignorance. Conclusion In a region where the benchmark of a semblance of government is Mogadishu , Hargeysa is relatively Copenhagen . To the outsiders, Hargeysa remains a beacon of democracy “shan-karoon†as long as it doesn't sink as low as Mogadishu but to the internationally renown human rights activist, Ms. Rakiya Omaar and to Sultan Rabi whom she chronicled his ordeal and maltreatment in Hargeysa prison so vividly and to Zamam Ahmed, the 15 year girl sentenced for five years (5) without due process because of alleged espionage, and to the Gaboye (lower caste) community that is discriminated against, Hargeysa is a nightmare. If the SNM objective and the London resolution was to rid the Siyad regime from proper Somalia and the objective of the subsequent conferences in Burcao and Borama was only to withdraw from Somalia without structural changes, this administration has succeeded but if the objective was all along to restore the democratic principles and other inalienable rights, it has failed. To characterize this administration which has failed on democratic principles and the rule of law for four consecutive years as a shining star is far from the truth. This administration is suffering from Siyad Barre's syndrome. The success or the failure of this administration should be measured against what is under her power to change such as the repressive policies not on matters that are beyond her power such as political recognition. Nor should the success or the failure of this administration be measured against one, two or even three elections. Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa are nothing but a back door to dictatorship and Somaliland is a case in point. Somaliland is held back not by the absence of political recognition as this administration would like us to believe but is held back by her own poor record on fundamental rights and corrupt practices. On my humble account, as well as the account of human rights activist and more importantly that of the US State Department Somaliland ranks the lowest in terms of rule of law, constitutional liberties, the freedom of the press and human rights. And that is unacceptable. SL had a tradition of carrying out justice under a tree for centuries; for it doesn't require much but equity, transparency, consistency and good faith effort. On matters of such importance, the level of tolerance should be zilch and records as bad as this administration be reprimanded. The state of the State of Somaliland is in peril. Presently, disenchantment is in; euphoria is out and hope is fading. Chaos is looming and the thought of another furlough in a refuge camp is discomforting. The anticipated dividends of dislodging the brutal dictator, the subsequent painful separation of enjoined twins and the concerted colossal effort of long impassioned clan negotiations have being squandered. Many have hoped that Somaliland's painful past would help her avoid the fatal missteps that have caused the collapse of the defunct Somali Republic and would further motivate her work harder to earn enough marks for good behavior to graduate from a half-way house (unrecognized) to a nation that is FIRST democratic and SECOND politically recognized but as of today Somaliland has fooled no body but herself. Therefore, this conference should seize the golden opportunity and demand democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and due process at minimum; not to demand these basic rights and cover up oppression is indeed riskier