^ I thought home was Somaliland for you. No? Castro, you going too far, no more somalinimo, no? I believe somaliland is part of somalia, anyways, any somali territory should a home for a somali person, unless we suffering from tribalism sickness!

Wasiiru-Dawlaha Warfaafinta Ibraahim Maxmed Deeq Ayaa Ku Tilmaamay Hadalkii Geeddi Ka Soo Yeedhay Mid Isaga U Gaar Ah, Baarlamaankuna Tallaabo Sharciya Ka qaadi doono. Wasiiru-dawlada Warfaafinta ee dawladda Federaalka Ibraahim Maxmed Deeq ayaa ku tilmaamay hadalkii ka soo yeedhay Raysal Wasaaraha Soomaali Cali Maxmed Geeddi ee uu ku sheegay in ay aqoonsanayaan Somaliland hadii adduunka aqoonsado mid isaga u gaar ah, lana weydiin doono waxa ku kallifay. Ibraahim waxa uu intaasi ku daray mar uu saxaafadda Gobolka Sool la hadlayey isaga oo ku sugan magaalada Jawhar in Geeddi ay kawada hadleen arrintan oo ka soo yeedhay, uuna u sheegay in afka loogu riday, hasa yeeshee waxa uu Ibraahim raaciyey in aan looga hadhay sidaas, ee mooshin baarlamaanka la horgeyn doono, lagu weydiinayo arrimahaas waxa ku kallifay. Waxa kale oo uu ka warramay Wasiiru-dawluhu in fulinta Federaalka Soomaaliya degmada Buuhoodle lagu bilaabi doono, taasina ay muujinayso in Aanay jirin arrinta odhanaysa in gobollada Sool, iyo Sanaag la raaciyey Somaliland. Raysal Wasaaraha Soomaaliya Cali Maxmed Geeddi ayaa kulan su’aalo lagu weydiinayey Laanta Afsoomaaliga ee BBCda , ku sheegay in ay dawladdiisu aqoon-sanayso maamulka isku magacaabay Somaliland, haddii ay adduunyadu aqoon sato, wuxuuna ku tilmaamay in ay yihiin dad u halgamaya xuquuqdooda, hadday helaana ay ku farxayaan, arrintaas oo buuq ka abuuray dhammaan gobollada Soomaaliya. Suxufiga weyn ee Soomaliyeed ee ku caanbaxay Sawirrada Arts-ka Amiin Caamir ayaa maanta ku soo bandhigay Boggiisa caanka ah Sawir ka turjumaya sida Cali Max’ed Geeddi ugu tuntay Midnimada Soomaaliya isagoo Miinshaar ku goynaya Soomaali weyn.

Midnimada Soomaaliyeed waa Muqaddas Axdi qarameedku wuxuu sheegayaa in midnimada Soomaaliyeed ay tahay Muqaddas aan meelna looga weecan karayn sidaasi daraadeed waxaan u arkaa hadalkii kasoo yeeray Ra’isul wasaare Geedi in uu yahay mid dhibaato uun u horseedaya umadda Soomaaliyeed meel walba oo ay joogaan , waana arin Axdiga ka hor imanaysa oo aan loo baahnayn in qof masu'uul ah uu ka hadlo. Waxaan qabaa anigu in Somaliland lala galo dib u heshiisiin ku saabsan midnamadeena Soomaaliyeed , waxaana wax lagu badali karaa oo kaliya waxa ay Soomaalidu ku heshiiyaan mar hadii Midnamada dalku ay tahay arin aasaasi ah oo danta umadda ku jirta, mana ahan in la yiraahdo waan ictiraafayaa hadii Caalamku Ictiraafo Somaliland, Aduunka iima yaalo , waxay soomaali ku heshiiso ayaa ii yaala, Somali ayay u taalaa oo kaliya, Waa in la wada hadlo, inta kale ayaanba wali baadi goobaynaa , waxaa inaga dhaxeeyay midnamadeena soomaaliyeed , Soomaalida Kenya , Soomaalida Ethiopia iyo jabuuti waxay doonayaan laftooda waa in la dhagaysto oo waxaa qof walba uu ka fikarayo waa sidii loo soo celin lahaa 5tii Soomaaliyeed.

Bro Ngonge I am sorry, if you thought I was serious, I was not serious, just teasing you, because I donot like clan-factions like Somaliland and puntland Mr. Ngonge, there is too much cantaro baqash in the article you referred to and frankly speaking your generalization is derived from a few loose canons and load mouths.. True, thread is meaningless Insha allaah, Allaah will help Somali people out of their crisis Sxb I think it is you who is reading to much into Ngonge's obsession. which I doubt if he has one. The guy would not know Somaliland if it hit him in the forehead let alone aspiring for its existance. It is well documented when Ngonge was asked to pinpoint Somaliland in the World Atlas, he confidently pointed at New Zealand and hugging the Atlas showing his affection for his motherland.... Jamatatu, I believe you reading to much into my response which wasnot more than an answer to ngonge hypothical questions, it is fact that is ngonge is well known advocate of self-declered state of Somaliland, the reason he could find somaliland in the map, is because most maps donot have somaliland Back to the topic under discussion. I think we all agree that the 'patron' of 'our' TFG is Ethiopia. Thus anything Geedi says or does, or for this matter his boss President Yeey, is conditionally pre-commissioned, pre-approved and censored by the patron. Need I state the wishes of the patron for Somalia? I agree with you, all so-called Somali politicians are ethoipian puppets; they all receive their weapons from Ethoipia, from Abdulaahi, Riyaale, Muuse Suudi, Qanyare, Mohamed Dheere, Shaati Guduud, Haabsade, etc True anything that ALL contemporary somali so-called politicians say or does is pre-approved from Ethoipia Now western somalia, Somaliland, Puntland, Central/southern Somalia (hiiraan, jowher, mogadisho, baydhabo, kismayo) are all in the Ethoipian hands Can we say Ethoipia outsmarted somali people?

Thanks Bro Red Sea Timacadde's poems are inspiring and instilling unity and brotherhood among Somali people. Timacadde is a shinning star, Somali people remember always those individuals who contributed positively, and forget those harmed Somali people

So far, Mr Yusuf did not make any comments denouncing his Prime Minster’s blunder! How dare the hero of Sool and Sanag abandon his people in such a way? Do they really not matter to him anymore? Or have the glittering lights of the TFG made him forget his humble beginnings? Is he the type that would sell his own beloved Puntland to the highest bidder, if political necessity calls for it or is it merely Sool and Sanag that he would sell? Where does all of this leave the people of S&S? I am, of course, being extra mischievous here. However, I can’t help wondering if, today, there are a few S&S people questioning their commitment and loyalty to Puntland (it were Yusuf that embraced them and it seems to be Yusuf that’s letting them down)! Regardless of what I say or any other opportunistic passers-by say, the paranoia has set in and the people of S&S shall not view Puntland the same way again. Time to setup a new republic to counter Somaliland and Puntland, methinks. What will they call it though, I wonder? Ngonge If tomorrow Riyaale changes his views toward Somaliland for example if says midnimade Somalia waa muqasas (you can expect politicians especially somlis, from anything like sifir Kulmiye’campaiagn manager) or Somaliland is clan state and awdal should independent Would Say?!!! What happen to Guulwade Riyaaleeee! How dare the hero of Somaliland abandon his people in such a way? Do they really not matter to him anymore? Or have the outside influence or presidency made him forget his humble beginnings? Is he the type that would sell his own beloved somaliland to the highest bidder, if political necessity calls for it or is it merely somaliland that he would sell? Where does all of this leave the people of somaliland? How about if we assume that many somaliland people would question their commitment and loyalty to Somaliland (it was Riyaale that they believed will bring recognitio, it seems to be Yusuf that’s letting them down)! Somaliland people will not view somaliland the same way again. Time to get rid of unreal somalilanders(guulwade) and only to be trusted the leadership of somaliland to genuine somalilanders 1) Political entities represent people of their constituencies, and NOT individual or figure. We know Puntlands was made by people of northeastern somalia-sool sanaag, cayn, bari, nugaal, and mudug (ssdf and usp in 1998), and somaliland was made by people of northwest Somalia-Hergeysa-barbara-burco triangle (snm in London in 1980s) 2) Good try - Delusion, You suggesting people of sool sanaag and cayn should rise up against Puntland! It is like saying boosaaso qardho rise up Puntland (Garowe), and Borame, loyacade, burco, barbara should rise up against Somaliland (Hergeysa) 3) I believe, In 1998 when elders of (sool, sanaag, cayn, bari, nugaal, and mudug) established The Regoinal state of Puntland, they made for people of Puntland and not for Yusuf, As elders of (hergeysa-barbara-burco triangle) on 1991 established Somaliland for people of Somaliland and TUUR. You see, even if individual like TUUR abandon somaliland ideology, Somaliland continued to exist with the leadership of egal, riyaale and we will see who follows !!!! same is true with Puntland, certainly even if indivuduals like Yusuf abandon puntland ideology, Puntland will continue to exist and thrive with the leadership of Muuse cadde, Afqudhac(who already spoke strongly against Ghhedi’s irresponsible commewnts)and will see who follows!!! Did Tuur sold off somaliland down the river?!!! Remember Yusuf is not anymore the president of Puntland as Tuur! There is NEW leadership in Puntland! First Gheedi is not from Puntland or Sool sanaag and cayn! Even if Yusuf would have made Irresponsible remarks, it will not make diffrence , because he will not be the first disgraceful politician , what you have to say about sifir, buubaa, qaybe, kaluun, tuur, etc I expect President Rayaale :confused: to make an announcement any minute now rejecting the comments of Prime Minster Geedi and reaffirming the independence of Somaliland. We don’t need any confirmation from Geedi or his boss to prove the existence of Somaliland, he will wildly say. You putting too much faith on Guulwade Riyaale, don't you know that he was senior Siad Barre's spy. I am sure he does not have the same devotion or obsession for Somaliland like you. Your arguments are meaningless and easily refutable Personally, I believe only somalia, and I am not fan of clan-feifdoms of Somaliland, Puntland, etc

1967-68 Somali Border Agreements [1] Roobdoon Forum Chronicles November 09, 2005 Somali-Ethiopia Border Agreements Preliminary Agreements on Territorial Dispute KINSHASA MEETING SEPTEMBER 1967 At the Organization of African Unity Heads of State Conference in Kinshasa during September, 1967, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and the Somali Prime Minister, Mr. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, agreed that Ministers from both countries should meet to prepare groundwork for a future conference of the respective Heads of State with a view to re­solving their long standing border dispute [2]. In accordance with this agreement, a Somali delegation, led by the Minister of Interior, Mr. Yasin Nur Hassan, visited Addis Ababa on September 19th, 1967. A communiqué issued at the end of the talks said Somali delegation had two meetings with the Emperor and that these exploratory talks were aimed at “paving the way for a future meeting between the Heads of State of the two countries to discuss major issues.†ADDIS ABABA AGREEMENT SEPTEMBER 1967 The Somali and Ethiopian delegations: I agreed to set up a joint military commission to deal with any complaint of violation of the pro­visions of the Khartoum Agreement, March 1964; II declared their willingness to abide by the letter and provisions of previous agreements reached in Khartoum and Accra, October 1965, providing for an end to hostile propaganda campaigns; III agreed that steps be taken to remove conditions which affect adversely relations between the two countries, irrespective of the nature of these conditions; IV agreed to lift all restrictions on the movement of their respective diplomatic representatives and staff and to accord for their treatment and freedom to the nationals of the other party in its territory; V agreed that Ethiopia should return the Cessna aircraft seized by her, and the Somali Republic the Ethiopian Dakota aircraft now held by Somalia at a future date to be decided upon jointly; VI agreed to set up a joint commission to investigate cases where property, either private or public, had been taken over by either side from nationals of the other party; VII agreed that the commission should report immediately its findings to the two Governments; (viii) agreed that the respective Governments should ensure the safety of persons who take refuge in the Somali Embassy in Addis Ababa and the Ethiopian Embassy in Mogadishu and grant immediately exit permits to these persons enabling them to leave their respective countries; VIII agreed that the regional governors and administrators of both sides should meet once ever, three months, or earlier if necessary, with a view to co-operating in matters affecting both sides of the border-the meetings to be held alternately in the two countries; IX agreed that cases of persons imprisoned or held by one country, but who are claimed by the other country as its nationals, should be examined carefully-such persons should not be intimidated and immediate steps should be taken to release them; X agreed that the current talks should be followed by a meeting in Mogadishu at a future date to he fixed jointly by both sides. MOGADISHU AGREEMENT FEBRUARY 1968 As a sequel to this visit, an Ethiopian delegation led by the Foreign Minister, Alo Ketema Yifru, arrived in Mogadishu on February 5th, 1968. A joint communiqué issued on February 8th stated that agreement had been reached as follows: I both sides re-affirmed their adherence to both the spirit and letter of the Khartoum and Accra Agreements of 1964, and 1965, respectively and stated their determination to implement them; II in order to improve relations between the two countries, special joint commissions shall be set up comprising governors and police officers or commandants on the provincial or regional levels, which will meet once every three months, or at any time, at the request of either country; III it was also agreed that the joint military commission established by the Khartoum Agreement should be reactivated, and should meet as and when necessary; IV the claims in respect of public and private property submitted by both sides were examined and, in some cases, agreement reached, that certain properties, would be returned on 20th March, 1968, at Tug Wajali while remaining claims would be investigated further: V both sides re-affirmed the previous agreements reached in Addis Ababa (see above) that nationals of either country who might have been held against their will, would be permitted to leave at any time it they so wished; VI both delegations expressed great satisfaction at the progress achieved in the improvement of relations between the two countries and agreed to continue the talks in Ethiopia at a date to be agreed upon through normal diplomatic channels; VII it was agreed by both sides that these discussion were a continuation of the exploratory talks, commenced in Kinshasa and continued in Addis Ababa in 1967 (see above). It is the sincere hope of both Governments that the present discussions would be finalized speedily so that a Summit Meeting on major issues might follow soon. ADDIS ABABA AGREEMENT SEPTEMBER 1968 The Somali Prime Minister, Mr. Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, visited Addis Ababa from September 1st to 5th, at the invitation of the Emperor, for official talks with the Ethiopian Government. A communiqué issued after the talks said that the two Governments had agreed as follows: I Both Governments reaffirmed previous undertakings to remove all causes of tension, and under­took not to engage in subversive activities against each other. II The two Governments have agreed to give over flight rights, and an agreement to this end will be concluded soon. In the meantime, the Imperial Ethiopian Government has graciously permitted the Somali Airlines to use the existing international routes. III In conviction that the suspension of the emergency regulations would contribute to the strengthening of good neighbourly relations between the two sister-countries, the Imperial Ethiopian Government has agreed to suspend existing emergency regulations along its border with Somalia as of September 16th, 1968. IV The two Governments have finalized the settlement of public and private property claims submitted by both sides. The exchange of property will take place at Tug Wajaleh on September 25th, 1961. V a The Imperial Ethiopian Government has submitted a draft cultural treaty which will be studied by the competent authorities in Somalia prior to its signature in the near future. b The two Governments have agreed to open forthwith negotiations over establishment of a tele­communications agreement. c The two Governments have agreed to conclude a trade agreement. In the meantime traditional trade between the two countries in the border areas will continue. VI The two Governments have reaffirmed the usefulness of the Special Joint Commissions set up by the two Governments in Mogadishu in February, 1968 (see above). They have further agreed to establish a Joint Ministerial Consultative Committee which will meet periodically to discuss major and miner problems between the two countries and submit recommendations to their respective Governments­ VII Both sides expressed - ear satisfaction at the progress achieved so far in the improvement o, relations between the two countries. VIII The two sides emphasized that these talks are of an exploratory nature aimed at the eventual settlement of major issues. IX H.E. the Prime Minister and members of the Somali delegation expressed their gratitude to His Imperial Majesty, the Government and people of Ethiopia for their warm welcome and generous hospitality accorded to them during their stay. Somali-Kenya Border Agreement Rapprochement over Territorial Dispute KINSHASA AGREEMENT SEPTEMBER 1967 The Somali and Kenya Governments agreed during the Organization of African Unity Conference at Kinshasa in September, 1967, to accept an invitation from the Zambian president, Dr. Kaunda, to hold a meeting in October “to work out ways of settling their differences and establishing normal co-operation.†[3] The following agreement was con­cluded between the Somali and Kenya Governments at Kinshasa: I Both Governments have expressed their desire to respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity in the spirit of Paragraph 3 of Article III of the OAU Charter; II the two Governments have further undertaken to resolve any outstanding differences between them in the spirit of Paragraph 4 of Article III of the OAU Charter; III the two Governments have pledged to ensure maintenance of peace and security on both sides of the border by preventing destruction of human life and property; IV furthermore, the two Governments have agreed to refrain from conducting hostile propaganda through mass media such as radio and the Press against each other; V the two Governments have accepted the kind invitation of President Kaunda of Zambia to meet in Lusaka, during the later part of October, 1967, in order to improve, intensify, and consolidate all forms of co-operation. The OAU conference, in a resolution recording this agreement, expressed "its sincere gratitude and congratulations to President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia as well as the Governments of Kenya and Somalia for their positive efforts to overcome differences in a fraternal manner." The conference requested "the Governments of Kenya and Somalia, as parties to the declaration, and the Government of the Republic of Zambia, as host and convener, to submit a progress report on the proposed meeting in Lusaka to the Secretary-General of the OAU." ARUSHA CONFERENCE OCTOBER 1967 President Kaunda convened a conference at Arusha (Tanzania) on October 28th which was attended by President Kenyatta (Kenya) and Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal (Somali), with President Nyerere (Tanzania) and President Obote (Uganda) officiating as observers. President Kaunda took the chair. During the conference, which lasted seven hours, officials of the three delegations accompanying the three Heads of State and Government, were asked to leave the hall from time to time whilst Presidents Kaunda, Kenyatta, and Prime Minister Egal conferred on their own. The final session, which approved a communiqué, was also attended by President Nyerere and President Obote as observers. President Kenyatta thanked the Somali Prime Minister for requesting that he, Mr. Kenyatta, should lead the Kenya delegation. MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING The following is the text of the "Memorandum of Understanding" signed by the President of Kenya and the Somali Prime Minister on October 28th and witnessed by the President of Zambia: Desirous of consolidating the Kinshasa Declaration on Kenya/Somalia Relations and recognizing the need to restore normal and peaceful relations between Kenya and Somalia, the two leaders reached agreement on the following points: I Both Governments will exert all efforts and do their utmost to create good-neighbourly relations between Kenya and Somalia, in accordance with the OAU Charter. II The two Governments agree that the interests of the people of Kenya and Somalia were not served by the continuance of tension between the two countries. III They therefore reaffirm their adherence to the declaration of the OAU conference at Kinshasa (see above), a copy of which is attached to this memorandum of understanding. IV In order to facilitate a speedy solution to the dispute and to ensure the maintenance of continued stood relations, both Governments have agreed to: a the maintenance of peace and security on both sides of the border by preventing destruction of human life and property; b refrain from conducting hostile propaganda through mass media such as radio and the press, against each other, and encourage propaganda which promotes the development and continuance of friendly relations between the two countries;

Regrettable Episode Unfolding Again!! (Special report for WardheerNews) A. S. Faamo - Roobdoon Forum November 21, 2005 Prime Minister Ali Muhammad Ghedi’s recent comments on the issue of “One Somalia†principle (or Somali Weyn concept) raised some eyebrows [1]. The Prime Minister spoke about the relations between the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia and the neighbouring countries of Kenya and Ethiopia, pointing out that there is no territorial (and people) dispute between them. Ghedi’s comments underlined that Somalia and its neighbours together, as IGAD members, could form the starting point for securing stability in the region and building an economic and political cooperation. This, in turn, can guarantee the basis for a new socio-political framework of permanent well-being of all Somalis in the Horn of Africa. This “optimistic outreach†has been interpreted differently, especially by Somalis in the Diaspora. However, the majority of the Somalis in the Diaspora insist that Ghedi chose to shorten his journey to political ascendancy; and more importantly, the new TFG which also opted to mute Somali Weyn cause will surely find itself navigating in unmarked, maybe dangerous waters, like the elected 1967 civil government. To realize the extent of the problem, many Somalis in the Diaspora have never, to begin with, accepted the peace-brokered efforts of Ethiopia and Kenya as genuine; they believe that it was a carefully orchestrated scheme set up to lead Somalis to relax its Somali Weyn vigilance. In gathering places, you see Somalis fiercely debating whether any peace brokered by Somali neighbours could be real! Furthermore, some political analysts have recently drawn to the conclusion that the Somali nation-State, as it was before the civil wars, is hardly to re-emerge. Yet, as an ethnic group, Somalis do play a vital role in the stability and the development of the region. This paradox is seemingly but exceptionally contradictory. Somali nomads were roaming in the Somali Peninsula for centuries, mostly without a Central Authority. Despite the many instances of clan-warfare, dismemberment, and anarchy, Somalis have always maintained the capabilities to deflect any permanent domination/occupation. There is always a common Somali denominator in the minds of the nomads, even though it does not manifest in their dealings of clan-politics. Therefore, foreign observers often find difficult to read nomads’ clan-politics; and therefore reach an elusive conclusion which frequently manifest itself in futile. This short paper will therefore attempt to reflect on the history of foreign complicity and manipulation in making “One Somalia†principle somehow redeemable. Since 1991, Somali neighbours (particularly, Ethiopia and Kenya) have launched a series of political maneuvers to realize their determination of convincing the general Somali populace to swallow the unassailable Somali Weyn identity and unification. Taking advantage of the current Somali debacle, our neighbours have regularly intimidated Somali clan-elders, faction leaders/warlords, and regional leaders to first and foremost abandon any attempts that unify the Somalis and thus regenerate challenges against the existence of artificial boundaries inherited from the European colonial administrations in the region. Thus, whenever a Somali peace reconciliation conference is held in Ethiopia or Kenya, the host takes a more drastic, but obvious covert actions to indicate to the Somalis that its toleration of any tendencies of Somali Weyn is wearing thin. However, failure of such political maneuvers to generate the desired intimidating effect will surely force the neighbouring countries to resort to either more reckless military attacks on Somalia or galvanize the West to “contain†Somalia for them. To measure Kenya and Ethiopia’s success or failure in resolving the territorial disputes, one has to look back the 1960s conflicts in the region. The 1960s Scenario At the inception of the Somali Republic in July 1st 1960, Somali leaders openly put forth their ambitions to rehabilitate the sovereignty of all Somalis in the Horn of Africa, including the ****** region of Ethiopia and the Northern Frontier District/Province of Kenya. This political line has immediately strained the relations between the new born Somali Republic and Ethiopia. For some time, the two sides accused each other for territorial violation and armed aggression on its borders. The late Premier Abdirashid A. Shermarke (1960 - 1963) These border clashes led Somalia to seek military aid from the former U.S.S.R. On an interview conducted in English at his office in November 30, 1963, the Prime Minister of Somalia, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, declared that “military aid promised by the Soviet Union is being accepted only because Somalia must defend itself from the Ethiopian attacks and pillaging of the Somali peoples.†Premier Shermarke also explained Somalia’s critical dilemma from an economic stand point in which he underlined that “ Somalia’s treasury could not much longer cope with the problem of feeding and sheltering thousands of Somali refugeesâ€, escaping from the mayhem caused by the Ethiopian soldiers in the ****** region [2]. F.M. Abdullahi Isse Mohamud (1960 -1963) Extensive Political and media provocations between the two sides have instigated a sudden but sporadic bloody border clashes, as early as January of 1964. The Somali Foreign Minister, Abdullahi Isse Mohamud had submitted an official protest letter to the Ethiopian Ambassador in Mogadishu, Ahadu Sabura. By March of that year, the conflict widened into a full-scale war, both arms confronting at border between Somalia and Ethiopia. In these border clashes, Ethiopian military planes destroyed numerous police posts and civilian houses inside Somalia. Ethiopian military campaigns caused indiscriminate killings of civilians and wounding many others. Ethiopian border soldiers raided livestock belonging to Somali nomads and opend fire when the nomads resisted. Moreover, Ethiopia and Kenya agreed to form a mutual defense pact that they referred as “a joint measures of dealing with the Somali disturbances†– a move which Somalis considered “as contrary to the spirit of the OAU†[3]. The few reconciliation efforts, in regional level, that have been arranged also failed to produce any peace settlements. At the Organization for African Union (OAU) Summit Conference in Cairo (July 23, 1964), African leaders have attempted to reach a ‘Resolution’ that satisfies on both sides; however, it failed to do so. Somali News in Mogadishu published that “Somalia will not be bound by the OAU ruling [which states] that its member-States’ present frontier are to be maintainedâ€, in which the Somali National Assembly had passed a motion against OAU ruling, in October of 1964. That is, the Somali government officially rejected the outcome of the Cairo Conference, regarding on frontier issues. In a net assessment of the outcome of the Somali-Ethiopian border skirmishes is that Super Power interventions in the region have officially began. Somalia sought the military and technical aid of the Soviets; while the Ethiopian regime involved actively in convincing, as it seems, the American Administration to tackle Somali Weyn cause. In September 1974, a conference held in Washington, sponsored by the Center for the National Security Studies has presented proceedings and papers on the subject of “The CIA and Covert Actionâ€. Roger Morris and Richard Mauzy presented a comprehensive piece of research which is, as they state, based on both written sources and many oral conversations that they had with US decision-makers and foreign policy officials who supplied them many of their research discourse [4]. The title of their research paper is: Following the Scenario: Reflection on Five Case Histories in the Mode and Aftermath of CIA Intervention. The late Prime Minister Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal (1967 - 1969) Morris and Mauzy unveil that the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency had been clandestinely funneling mainly a financial support to the political actors in Somalia since mid 1960s, in an effort to ward off Somali Weyn tendencies inside top brass leadership. In 1967 election campaigns, for example, the CIA provided thousands of dollars to assist in the election of the late Prime Minister Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal and some of his fellow Somali Youth League (SYL) members. Here is a selection from Morris and Mauzy’s case history of CIA ‘campaign of financing’ in the 1967 Somali elections: An impoverished land of less than three million along the northeastern coast of Africa where the Indian Ocean meets the Gulf of Aden, Somalia was of concern to Washington for a number of reasons. The late Emperor Haile Selassie of Ehtiopia Irredentist claims threatened border warfare with both Kenya and Ethiopia, the latter a long-time U.S. client state under Haile Selassie and the site of a major intelligence base. Somalia was also an early recipient of Soviet aid in Africa, and its coastline held potentially strategic ports for any future rivalry in the Persian Gulf or Indian Ocean, an interest shared by France and Britain. At that, however, the country was appar­ently not an urgent concern in U.S. diplomacy. When Somalia pre­dictably rejected a 1963 American offer of "defensive" arms, conditioned on the exclusion of all other supplies, the State Department leaked its "displeasure" but seemingly did no more. Over the next four years, 1963-1967, official U.S.-Somali relations were distant and U.S. aid next to nothing while Somali leaders visited the Soviet bloc, Somali newspapers published anti-American forgeries planted by Soviet intelligence, and the country fought a brief but bloody border war with Ethiopia. Then suddenly, early in 1967, history took a turn for the better. President AbdiRashid Shermarke was elected for a six-year term as President in June and in July appointed as Premier Muhammad Egal, American-educated and avowedly pro-Western. By fall, U.S. aid was resumed in amounts twice the previous total since independence, and Somalia had concluded a border agreement with Ethiopia [see the footnote to read the 1967-68 Somali Border Agreements with Ethiopia and Kenya] [5]. In 1968 Egal visited the United States, following a visit to Somalia by Vice President Humphrey, and was hailed by President Johnson as "enormously constructive in a troubled area of Africa." What the two leaders did not discuss, say official sources, was how "constructive" the CIA had been for Mr. Egal, whose rise, to power was reportedly facilitated by thousands of dollars in covert support to Egal and other pro-Western elements in the ruling Somali Youth League party prior to the 1967 Presidential election. In retrospect, this clandestine bankrolling in Somalia seems very modest by CIA standards, only a tiny fraction of what the Agency has spent in a month in Southeast Asia or even what it spent in the Congo in the early sixties. And its immediate benefits-in rising U.S. influence, in the detente with a grateful Ethiopia-no doubt seemed real enough at the time. In any event, several sources say the subsidies were discontinued in 1968. But the withdrawal was to be perhaps too late. On October 15, 1969, while Egal was again visiting the United States, President Shermarke was assassinated. A week later the Army seized power, dissolving the National Assembly and Constitution and arresting the entire Cabinet, including Egal. Among the charges against Egal would be corruption of the electoral process and complicity with foreign intelligence services. Ironically, the bizarre CIA political contributions before 1967 may have been a decisive factor in the eventual fall of the Agency's candidate [6]. Reflecting the unwise decisions made by the CIA about its covert political interventions and subsidies, Premier Egal’s government lasted less than three years. In October 21st 1969, a military led coup d'état replaced the civilian government, detaining and charging (as mentioned above) the civilian Prime Minister of ‘complicity with foreign intelligence’. The military men have actually spoiled the CIA agenda – whether this was also instance of complicity of another foreign factor/s or genuine local revolutionary respond that vehemently opposed to the unfolding scenarios of border agreements, is debatable. However, one thing was sure: the military takeover was a bloodless transition that succeeded to frustrate the pro-American elements in the country and ended the American subsidiary civilian government. Italian writer, Luigi Pestalozza, who observed and recorded the early unfolding events of the Somali military Revolution states that “No tears were shed for the men who thus left the stage forever, disappearing from the [political] history of Somalia [7].†The military regime soon declared to the commitments of “Greater Somali†doctrine, stressing that colonialism comes in all shades: White and Black – i.e. there are both White (European) and Black (referring to Ethiopians) colonizers. Despite the ousted government’s ‘marathon’ Border Agreements, the revolutionary regime simply regarded all border treaties as null and void; and thus an atmosphere of “no war and no peace†was created in the region. Gen. Mohamad Siyad Barre - The Somali military leadership also declared without hesitation that they will employ the use of force, as an ultimate answer, to unite Somalis in the region and resolve the territorial dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia. The leader of the Somali Revolution, Mohamad Siyad Barre, expressed his dissatisfaction with the OAU and the UN efforts to solve the prolonged Somali dilemma; and subsequently, he prepared the Somali nation to go to war. Therefore, the lessons to be learned from the 1960s’ foreign intervention in the politics of the Somali State have been disastrous. So far, all the previous means utilized by foreign forces/agencies to intervene in Somali politics – including misinformation, manipulation, and conspiracy against the Somali nation-State – produced bad harvests or may I say remained in the memories of few Somali individuals. Premier Ghedi’s Remarks: Flippant or Optimistic Outreach P.M. Abdirizak H. Hussien (1964 - 1967) Unless we overturn Premier Ghedi’s remarks (on Somali Weyn issue) and read it in the context of ‘optimistic outreach’, mainly catered to the ‘spirit’ of IGAD propositions and efforts of regional stability and cooperation, the 1960s futile strategies of “I jiid aan ku jiidee†scenario inside the Somali parliament seems unfolding again. For example, in mid 1964, an uproar and misunderstanding created a heated debate in the parliament, splitting the Somali National Assembly when the then Prime Minister, Abdirizak Haji Hussein put forth a sensitive program on the table, regarding the issue of Somali Weyn. Regrettably, the program was named: “The Destiny of the Somalis Living in Ethiopian Territory and NFD.†The importance and the sensitivity of the Somali Weyn feelings, inside the walls of the Somali Parliament, have been recorded expressively by Jeanne Contini in this manner: All opposition speakers chose to interpret the reference to “in Ethiopian territory, etc.†as government acknowledgment of Ethiopian and Kenyan Sovereignty over Somali inhabited areas, thus concluding that the government had no intention of liberating the territories under foreign rule. The Prime Minister explained that there had been a misprint in the first published version of the program, and that the reference was later corrected to read “The Destiny of Somali Territories under Ethiopian and Kenyan Domination.†In countering the attack, he also called the attention to the fact that a Minister (without portfolio) for Somali Affairs had been included in the Cabinet for the first time, and that his function was expressly to deal with the problems of “Greater Somalia.†(One deputy thereupon criticized the title of the new Minister as having been inspired by foreigners, because it should have been “Minister for the Somali Affairs under Foreign Ruleâ€) [8]. Bearing in mind the history of Somali Weyn controversy, conventional wisdom also informs us that due to the current tragic situation the TFG would not dare now to risk losing the support of Ethiopia and Kenya for the sake of Somali Weyn Principle. In addition, the clan-infested Somalis of today might also be reluctant to deal now any border disputes with their neighbours. Although we could not be certain about how Ethiopia and Kenya may respond to the re-emergence of Somali Weyn tendencies in Somalia, a military option will be their least option. Our neighbours are aware of the fact that Somali clannism presented them a valuable gift – i.e. an opportunity for covert operation. An open conflict between Clan-loyalty and State-loyalty is now fighting on the common grounds of Somalia once again. It is therefore very difficult to tell a Somali from a Kenyan or Ethiopian; in fact, all sides are represented by Somali clans. A token subsidy can provide opportunities for recruiting clan-oriented Somalis as foreign agents. P.M. Ali Mohamed Ghedi Publicly, Prime Minister Ghedi should not however risk appearing to be too soft on “One Somalia†Principle because, as he is aware of it, recruiting Somali nomads by foreigners will not last that long. After all, nomad-loyalty is like a moving cloud which often betrays, and often shows us the nakedness of the true blue-sky. Thus, he should rather be remembered for achieving a “truce’ and understanding with our neighbours, without creating a political blunder. Yet, he has also to make sense to attract Somalis in order to look credible and trustworthy. In doing so, the Prime Minister freezes his local enemies without a battle; he alienates them without insulting them and crushes their Isbaaro fiefdoms without military operations. To succeed in this strategy, the Premier has to convince all sides of the equation that he is prepared to act as a goodwill politician who is willing to avoid flippant remarks, irrespective of the consequences. In this way, the Prime Minister can reason his intent to tone down his declamatory speeches on the issue of Somali Weyn, unlike the forthright declamation speeches delivered by his predecessors. Finally, he should remind the Somali populace to espouse and commit their efforts to rebuild their shattered Somali Republic; and only then, when the Republic earns the rightful international recognition for the status of “recuperated†Somalia, can the issue of border talks resume on an equal footing. A. S. Faamo

Sifir : Midnimada Soomaaliyeed waa Muqaddas, Geedina wuxuu... Warays Somaliweyn - - - 21/11/05 Waxaa Waraystay Wariye Ridwaan Xaaji Cabdiwali mar uu ku sugnaa Mudane Sifir Magaalada London isagoo k yimid Dalka Maraykanka. Ridwaan: Su’aasha koobaad ee aan jeclahay in aan ku waydiiyo ayaa waxaa ay tahay sida aad la socoto waxaa jirta in siyaabo kala duwan loo arkay Jawaab uu Ra’isul Wasaare Cali Maxamed Geedi ka bixiyay BBCda oo ku saabsanayd Ictiraafka Somaliland oo uu sheegay in hadii caalamku aqoonsanayo uu soo dhoweynayo, hadaba sidee ayaad u argtaa arintaasi? Max’ud Sifir: Axdi qarameedku wuxuu sheegayaa in midnimada Soomaaliyeed ay tahay Muqaddas aan meelna looga weecan karayn sidaasi daraadeed waxaan u arkaa hadalkii kasoo yeeray Ra’isul wasaare Geedi in uu yahay mid dhibaato uun u horseedaya umadda Soomaaliyeed meel walba oo ay joogaan , waana arin Axdiga ka hor imanaysa oo aan loo baahnayn in qof masu'uul ah uu ka hadlo. Ridwaan: Adiga Fikir noocee ah ayaad ka qabtaa in la gaaro Midnimo Soomaaliyeed , gaar ahaana marka laga hadlayo Somaliland oo sheegatay in ay ka go’day Somaliya inteeda kale tan iyo 1991? Max’ud Sifir: Waxaan qabaa anigu in Somaliland lala galo dib u heshiisiin ku saabsan midnamadeena Soomaaliyeed , waxaana wax lagu badali karaa oo kaliya waxa ay Soomaalidu ku heshiiyaan mar hadii Midnamada dalku ay tahay arin aasaasi ah oo danta umadda ku jirta, mana ahan in la yiraahdo waan ictiraafayaa hadii Caalamku Ictiraafo Somaliland, Aduunka iima yaalo , waxay soomaali ku heshiiso ayaa ii yaala, Somali ayay u taalaa oo kaliya, Waa in la wada hadlo, inta kale ayaanba wali baadi goobaynaa , waxaa inaga dhaxeeyay midnamadeena soomaaliyeed , Soomaalida Kenya , Soomaalida Ethiopia iyo jabuuti waxay doonayaan laftooda waa in la dhagaysto oo waxaa qof walba uu ka fikarayo waa sidii loo soo celin lahaa 5tii Soomaaliyeed. Ridwaan: Waxaa Maalmahan soo ifbaxaya in ay jiraan dib u heshiisiin laga dhex wado Xubnaha Dawladda ee Jowhar iyo Muqdisho ee ku kala aragti duwan qaabka ay Dawladdu uga shaqaynayso gudaha Soomaaliya. Marka ma is leedahay waa la heshiin doonaa? Max’ud Sifir: Waxaa la isku hayaa waa kuraas iyo Awood, laakiin la iskuma haysto caqiido iyo wax kale , wada hadal cilmi ah in la galo ayaa loo baahanyahay ee looma baahna arimo kale oo khilaafka uun sii abuuraya , waxaan qabaa waa in la heshiiyaa oo danta ummada Soomaaliyeed xooga la saaro oo Soomaalidu ay isku filaato. Ridwaan: Waxaad moodaa in Dhinaca Jowhar ay dhaqaale ka helayaan Caalamka ama loo balan qaadayba , laakiin idinku aad wali dhutinaysaan? Max’ud Sifir: Ma jiro Caalam dhaqaale siinaya Dawladda oo khilaafkeedu uu jiro, inkasta oo ay jiraan kuwo gaar ah oo docfaruur ku wada arimaha Soomaaliya hase yeeshee waxaa xaqiiq ah oo aan kuu sheegayaa in aysan jirin dhaqaale si gaar ah loo siinayo cidna hadii aan la isku iman. Waa ay ogyihiin Caalamku in iyadoo khilaaf jiro hadii dhaqaale cid gaar ah la siiyo ay dhibaato ka dhalan karto.

Dr.Geeddi: "Dowladdii Cabdiqaasim haddaan been la sheegeyn waxaa dumiyey Ethiopia, mana ahan inaan annagu maanta isku dirno Ethiopia ee waa inaan xiriir dhow la sameysanaa. " “Waa laga soo gudbay markey Soomaaliya ahayd Soomaaliweyn. Distoorka Ethiopia ayay ku taallaa in gobol kasta go’i karo markii afti laga qaado dadka ee ay ku codeeyaan inay go’aan, sidoo kale NFD waxay ku jiraan Baarlamaanka Kenya, Djibouti-na waa xor oo waa dowlad gaar u taagan, mar walbana Soomaaliya waa la shaqeynaysay gobolladaas†Question To Gheedi: 1) IF Ethoipia destroyed Arta Government led by AbduQaasim Salad Hassan, Do we Somali people surrender to Ethoipia, and let Ethoipia to decide whatever it wants about Somalia? 2) If we abandoned Pan-Somalia (Somaliweyn), are we going back to colonial era, and colonial borders? Or we allowing every somali people/regoen self-determination, right to secede? 3) Why do we care Ethoipia’s constitution? Where is Somalia’s constitution? Are you saying Ethoipia’s constitution is answer to Somalia crisis, and Somaliland’s quest for secession? After 15 years (1991) Since Ethoipian constitution was created, today where are the promises of Ethoipian constitution for people of western Somalia and other nation-states within Ethoipian like Oromo and Anfar? Does our Prime minister think that somali in Western Somalia and NFD gained their full freedoms and rights under african colonials of Ethoipia, and Kenya?

Suldaan Northwest is a term that could have many meanings - If Northwest is the territories of all former british somaliland (not the current somaliland faction), than I am from northwest * But usually people refer northwest to Hergeysa-Burco-Barbara Triangle, then I am not northwesterner - If northeast is (bari,nugaal,mudug,sool, sanaag, and cayn), than I am from northeast * Sometime people refer northeast to only (bari, nugaal, and mudug), then I am not from north east - I believe the best term to describe the regoins of Sool, sanaag, and cayn is NORTH-CENTRAL SOMALIA People incorrectly refer all territories of former british somaliland colony as "North" and all territories of former Italian somaliland colony as "south", which does not make sence and goegraphically wrong. the best term to describe all former teritories of former british colony is NORTHWEST, then I as someone from Laascaanood will be northwesterner

Dr.Geeddi: "Dowladdii Cabdiqaasim haddaan been la sheegeyn waxaa dumiyey Ethiopia, mana ahan inaan annagu maanta isku dirno Ethiopia ee waa inaan xiriir dhow la sameysanaa. " “Waa laga soo gudbay markey Soomaaliya ahayd Soomaaliweyn. Distoorka Ethiopia ayay ku taallaa in gobol kasta go’i karo markii afti laga qaado dadka ee ay ku codeeyaan inay go’aan, sidoo kale NFD waxay ku jiraan Baarlamaanka Kenya, Djibouti-na waa xor oo waa dowlad gaar u taagan, mar walbana Soomaaliya waa la shaqeynaysay gobolladaas†Question To Gheedi: 1) IF Ethoipia destroyed Arta Government led by AbduQaasim Salad Hassan, Do we Somali people surrender to Ethoipia, and let Ethoipia to decide whatever it wants about Somalia? 2) If we abandoned Pan-Somalia (Somaliweyn), are we going back to colonial era, and colonial borders? Or we allowing every somali people/regoen self-determination, right to secede? 3) Why do we care Ethoipia’s constitution? Where is Somalia’s constitution? Are you saying Ethoipia’s constitution is answer to Somaliland’s quest for secession? After 15 years (1991) Since Ethoipian constitution was created, today where are the promises of Ethoipian constitution for people of western Somalia and other nation-states within Ethoipian like Oromo and Anfar? Does our Prime minister think that somali in Western Somalia and NFD gained their full freedoms and rights under african colonials of Ethoipia, and Kenya? Posted to the Web Nov 18, 06:41 Ra’iisal Wasaaraha dowladda Soomaaliya, Dr Cali Maxamed Geeddi ayaa caawa shir ballaaran la wadaagay xubno ka socay jaaliyadaha Soomaalida ee ku nool Britain, Belgium, Germany iyo Holland. Kulankan oo uu xiriirinayey Sayid Axmed Sheekh Daahir, Wasiirkii hore ee Maaliyadda, waxaa aayado Qur’aan ah ku furay Axmed Suleymaan Dafle oo ahaan jiray Madaxweyne ku-xigeen iyo Taliyaha ciidanka sirdoonka Soomaaliya. Dafle ayaa aayadaha Qur’aanka kaddib, waxa uu ku bogaadiyey Dr Geeddi howlaha uu galay iyo najaxa uu kala kulmay, waxaana ku faraxsanahay ayuu yiri inuu Ra’iisal Wasaaruhu ka nabadgalay shirqool loo qoolay iyo dilkii lagu dili gaaray bomb-kii kula qarxay Muqdisho. Wasiirka Maaliyadda Dr Saalim Caliyow Ibrow oo isna halkaas ka hadlay ayaa ku dhiirri-geliyey jaaliyadaha Soomaalida ee ku nool Europe inay waddanka dejintiisa gacan ka geystaan, isagoo xusay in dareenka dadka dibadda ku nool uu muujinayo inay diyaar u yihiin inay mar uun arkaan Soomaaliya oo nabad noqota. Dr Geeddi oo kaddib hadalku ku wareegay, waxa uu sheegay inuu noqday mas’uulkii labaad ee Africa ee ugu horreeyey ee loo shiriyo 25-ka dale ee ku jira Ururka Midowga Yurub. Waxa uu carrabaabay in haddii wax badan dowlado la soo dhisay oo la tuuray ay arki jireen aan xukuumaddiisa la tuuri karin. Waxa uu ku soo celceliyey in dowladdu ay socon doonto feker kasta oo lagu kala duwan yahay. Waxa uu yiri, “Danta aan annagu leennahay waa inaan taariikhda ku galno inaan nabadeynay dalka, ciddii muraad kale leh iyadey jirtaa, waan ka soo horjeednaa dagaal.†Waxa uu sheegay in hoggaamiyeyaasha kooxaha Muqdisho ay kula dirirsan yihiin laaluush na sii. “Nimanka akhyaarta ah wixii ay rabaan haddaan u yeelayo ma dirirneen, gacanta ayay igula qabsan lahaayeen qalinka†ayuu yiri. Dr Geeddi, waxa uu farta ku fiiqay in laga yaabo in dadku ay maqlaan mas’uul dowladeed oo leh yaan lacag la siin dowladda inta laga heshiinayo. Mas’uulka noocaas ah ayuu yiri waxaa shaki ku jiraa Soomaalinimadiisa. “Waxaan arki jirnay dad ku farxaya wixii la siiyo dalkooda, waxaan hadda aragnaa dad ka naxaya wixii dalka la siiyo†ayuu yiri. Mar su’aalo is daba joog ah ay ka soo qayb galayaashu ka weydiiyeen arrinta caasimadnimada Muqdisho, waxa uu carrabka ku adkeeyey in Muqdisho tahay caasimaddii dalka, cid ka beddeli kartaana aysan jirin. Waxa uu dadka xusuusiyey in Jowhar tahay xarun ku meel gaar ah ee aan caasimadda loo rarin. Si kasta ha noqotee, waxa uu yiri, “Xukuumaddeydu waa ku dhiman lahayd Muqdisho haddaan geyn lahaa.†Murankii dhinaca baaritaanka shiidaalka ee dhinaca Puntland, waxa uu tilmaamay in dalka oo aan sharci laga sameyn aan hal gram oo kheyraadkiisa ah la soo bixin doonin. “Waan baahanahay baqtiga looma cuno, waan baahanahay kaalaya socon mayso. Kheyraadka dabiiciga ah ee dalka waxaa mas’uul ka ah dowladda dhexe. Maamul goboleedyadu shaqo kuma lahan, kumana xadgudbi karaan intaan noolnahay†ayuu yiri. Dr Geeddi, waxa uu ku canaantay dowladaha Carabta inaysan wax kaalmo ah u fidin dowladdiisa. “Carabtii la lahaa iyagaa dad idiin xiga waxba nooma qaban, haddey Carabi dad wax u qabanaysana Palestine ayay wax u qaban lahayd†ayuu yiri. Waxaa kale oo uu eedeeyey hay’adaha gargaarka oo uu sheegay in 15-kii sano ee ugu dambeey ay ahaayeen dowladda keliya ee dalka ka jirta, sidaas darteedna aanay fududeyn sida wax looga qabto. Isagoo la weydiiyey inuu aqoonsaday dowladda Somaliland, arrintaasna tahay mid uu dalka ku kala jarayo, waxa uu yiri “Cali Maxamed Geeddi ma kala goyn karo Soomaaliya xitaa hadduu isku dayo.†“Waa laga soo gudbay markey Soomaaliya ahayd Soomaaliweyn. Distoorka Ethiopia ayay ku taallaa in gobol kasta go’i karo markii afti laga qaado dadka ee ay ku codeeyaan inay go’aan, sidoo kale NFD waxay ku jiraan Baarlamaanka Kenya, Djibouti-na waa xor oo waa dowlad gaar u taagan, mar walbana Soomaaliya waa la shaqeynaysay gobolladaas†ayuu yiri. Dowladda Ethiopia iyo kaalinta ay ku leedahay xukuumaddiisa oo dadku ay weydiiyeen, waxa uu yiri, “Dowladdii Cabdiqaasim haddaanan been isu sheegeyn waxaa dumiyey Ethiopia, mana ahan inaan annagu maanta isku dirno Ethiopia ee waa inaan xiriir dhow la sameysanaa. Nin wadaad ah ayaa la weydiiyey Fandhicil ma xalaal baa, mise waa xaaraan, wuxuu ku jawaabay sheegsheeggiisa ayaaba laga roon yahay.†Dr Geeddi oo ka jawaabayey, waxa uu ka yeelayo baaqii ka soo baxay hoggaamiyeyaasha Muqdisho ee ahaa inay si shuruud la’aan ah kula shirayaan garabka Jowhar, waxa uu ku nuuxnuuxsaday in taasi ay muujinayso qof kasta oo aan xaq ku taagnayn inuu is beddelayo. “Shisheeye ha idin dhex-dhexaadiyo yeeli maayo, gadaal u noqdana yeeli mayno, waxaan leennahay Gole Baarlamaan, isagaan ku wada hadlaynaa. UN-ku ha joogo iyo Ambassador Francois Fall ha joogo wax soconaya ma ahan. Ambassador Fall waxaa ku filan inaan iraahdo persona non garata†ayuu yiri. Dr Geeddi, waxa uu sheegay in UN-ku ay u soo dirsadeen Soomaaliya nin tuugsanaya oo u tagaya wadammada Carabta oo leh “keena lacag anigaa Soomaaliya heshiisiinayee.†Sida dowladda loola xisaabtami karo haddii dhaqaale soo galo, waxa uu yiri, “Maxkamad igu saara haddaad aragtaan lacag la xadayo, jeeb dheer oo lacagtu aysan ka soo bixi karin ma qabo anigu.†Dr Geeddi oo la weydiiyey sida ay u wada shaqeeyaan dowladda iyo saxaafadda gudaha, waxa uu shaaca ka qaaday in raadiye Muqdisho uusan jirin oo ay jiraan FM-yo buu yiri ay leeyihiin shaqsiyaad iyo shirkado waxay rabaan sheega, “waxaana ayba noqdeen aalado loo isticmaalo burburka xukuumadda†ayuu yiri. Maxamed Xaaji (Ingiriis) Brussels, Belgium Email: Ingiriis@yahoo.com

Waxa sida aynu wada ogsoonahay ka soo yeedhay Mr. Geedi oo ah Ra’sulwasaaraha Dawladda ku meel gaadhka ah oo soomaaliyeed labada hadal oo runahaantii qof soomaaliyeed oo mas’uuliyad intaa le’eg haya aan afkiisa u qalmin lagana dhawrayn. Inkastoo la wada maqlay hadana waa haboontahay in aan mar kale ku celiyo, waxay kala yihiin: (a) Fikradda uu ka qabo midnimada (Somali Republic) oo markaa ku kooban labadii qaybood oo midna Talyaanigu gumaystey midna Ingriisku. Wuxuu Madal Soomali oo dhami dhegaysanayso qaarna goobjoogba ka ahaayeen ka sheegay in uu maamulka hargaysa taageerayo oo aqoonsanayo haddii cid kale aqoonsato. Wuxuu kale oo ku daray in uu u arkidoono in ay soo dhacsadeen xaq ka maqnaa. Sida aan qiyaasayo hoosna waa uga duceeyey si ay ugu guulaystaan. (b) Wuxuu kale oo inoo muujiyey in isaga fekradiisa dadka Soomaaliyeed oo ku hoos nool Itoobiya iyo Keniya ay bash bash iyo barwaaqo ku jiraan dad iyo dal Soomaali ka maqanna aysan ahayn.

nasiib daro maanta dhibaatada soomaalida haysata, dhamaaan hogaamiyaal ku sheega soomalida kuli waa isku cadow, mid kas tana Ethoipia ayuu la saxiib yahay oo na wadata!!! Bal maxaa diiday marka hore inay soomaalidu midoobaan, saxiibaan, iswataan, oo hishiiyaan!!! cajiib

Markii Cadawgu Inoo Taliyay! Ismail A. Hassan (Khalil) November 13, 2005 “Waxaa la ii magacaabi doonaa jagada Ra’iisal Wasaaraha Soomaaliya waayo waxaa i wadata Itoobiya†Shacabka Soomaaliyeed wuxuu ka mid yahay shucuubta adduunka kuwa ayaan darrada ugu weyni ka soo gaadhay gumaystayaashii reer Yurub ee miiska korkiisa ku kala qaybsaday quruumaha adduunka ee ay ka itaalka roonaayeen. Inta ay gumaysteen ka dib xornimadooda may siin ee qaybo muhiim ah oo dhulka Soomaaliyeed ka mid ayay u gacan geliyeen wadamada deriska ee Itoobiya iyo Kenya iyadoon shacabka dhulkaas waxba laga weydiin rabitaankooda. Dhalashadii Jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliyeed ka dib siyaasadda dawladdihii kala dambeeyay ee xukunka soo qabtay, waxay ahayd in la raadiyo sidii ay dadka Soomaaliyeed ee gacanta wadamada deriska ku jiraa ay aayahooda uga tashan lahaayeen. Siyaasaddaasi waxay ahayd mid ka tajumaysa dareenka shacabka Soomaaliyeed iyo himiladooda in la helo qaran Soomaaliyeed oo ay ku midaysan yihiin shantii gobol ee gumaystayaashu Soomaaliya u kala qoqbeen. Taasi oo ay astaan u tahay xiddigta shangeesta ah ee badhtamaha kaga taal calanka Soomaaliya. Hadaba cadaawadda iyo dagaalada u dhexeeyay Soomaaliya iyo wadamada la deriska ah siiba Itoobiya ma ahayn kuwa la bilaabmay dhalashadii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya, balse waa kuwo soo taxnaa muddo dheer ayna saldhig u ahaayeen siyaasadihii dhul balaadhsiga ee Boqortooyadii Abasiiniyiinta. Sida ay taariikhdu ina barayso masiixiyiinta Itoobiya oo ay taageerayaan saancaddaalayaashii reer Yurub, waxay ahaayeen kuwa markasta ku hamiya sidii ay gacanta ugu dhigi lahaayeen guud ahaanba dhulka Soomaaliyeed ayna u hoos keeni lahaayeen xukunka Boqortooyadooda. Soomaalida oo horseed u ahaa Muslimiinta Geeska Afrika ayaa iyagu mar walba sutida u hayay dhul ballaadhsiga Xabashida. Heshiisyo qarsoodi ah oo dhex maray gumaystayaashii reer Yurub siiba Ingiriiska iyo Boqortooyadii xabashida ayaa ugu dambeyntii Itoobiyaanka u suurto geliyay inay gacata ku dhigaan qaybo ka mid ah dhulka Soomaaliyeed. Hadaba shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee ku hoos jira gumysiga Itoobiya iyagoo taageero hiil iyo hooba ah ka helaya walaaalahooda Soomaaliyeed ee xornimadooda hantay ayay halkii ka sii amba qaadeen halgankii xornimo doonka Soomaaliyeed, waligoodna isumay arag inay yihiin qayb ka mid ah dhulka Itoobiya, balse waxay ahaayeen shacab la gumaysto. Jamhuriyadda Soomaaliya oo ahayd dawlad haybad iyo awood ku leh mandaqadda Geeska Afrika ayaa mar walba u arki jirtay in uu waajib muqaddas ahi ka saarana yahay taageeridda dhaqdhaqaayada xornimodoon ee ay ku jiraan Soomaalida la gumaystaa, halka ay Itoobiyaankuna dhankooda ka aaminsanaayeen in sida keliya ee ay dhulkaas ku sii haysan karaan ay tahay in la burburiyo qaranka Soomaaliyeed uuna noqdo mid ay iyagu u arrimiyaan. Hadaba Itoobiyaanku waxay guushii ugu weyneyd gaadheen ka dib markii ay heleen shakhsiyaad Soomaaliyeed oo iyagu diyaar u ah in ay hawsha burburinta qaranimada Soomaaliya horseed u noqdaan. Kooxihii kala duwaanaa ee Itoobiyaanku u deegsadeen burburinta Soomaaliya sida SSDF, SNM, USC iyo SPM ayaa ahaa kooxo ay hamigooda xukun jacayl iyo qabyaaladdu ka indhasaabtay khatarta ay u horseedi karaan dalka iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed. Guushii kooxahan ayaa dhanka kale waxay ahayd dhammaadkii Soomaaliya xor ah oo laga haybaysto. Khudbaddii uu keligii taliye Mingiste Xayle Maryam u jeediyay shacabka Itoobiya dharaarihii ugu dambeysay xukunkiisa ayaa si cad inoogu muujinaysa ujeedooyinkii uu ka lahaa taageeridda wixii loogu yeedhi jiray xoogagga mucaaridka hubaysan ee Soomaaliyeed. Hadaladii uu ugu manno sheeganayay shacabka Itoobiya ayaa waxaa ka mid ahaa inuu burburiyay cadawgii ugu weynaa ee Itoobiya! Dhanka kale dawladda Kenya ayaa iyana weligeedba waxay Istiraatajiyo midaysan ka lahaayeen Itoobiyaanka marka ay noqoto siyaasadaha ku jihaysan Soomaaliya. Hadaba arrinta isweydiinta mudan ayaa waxay tahay suurto gal ma tahay in cadawgaagii oo aad burbirisay dib isugu soo noolayso? Waxaan filayaa in arrintaas jawaabteedu iska caddahay. Waxaan si fiican uga dheehan karnaa hadaladii madaxweynihii hore ee Kenya Daniel Arab Moi oo mar uu booqanay dalka Maraykanka xiligii uu socday shirkii dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida ee Kenya sheegay in Kenya iyo Itoobiya aanay rabin in mar kale ay dawlad Soomaaliyeed dhalato. Hadaba hogaamiyayaasha horbooda siyaasadda Soomaalida ayaa iyagu ahaa kuwo meel kasta oo looga baaqo in shir dib u heshiineed loogu samaynayo Soomaalida iska xaadiriya, iyagoon isla markaana dhanka kale isweydiin siyaasaddaha dawaladahaas ka leeyihiin Soomaaliya. Dawladda Itoobiya oo iyadu faraha kula jirtay siyaasadda Soomaaliya tan iyo intii ay ka burburtay dawladda Soomaaliyeed, ayaa ahayd midda saamaynta ugu weyn ku leh hogaamiyayaasha Soomaaliyeed. Waxay mudadaas wadanka si deeqsinimo leh ugu soo daldalaysay hub fara badan taasi oo qayb weyn ka ahayd sii hurinta colaadda iyo dagaalada Soomaaliya ka taagnaa. Waxay hadba taageero u fulinaysay hogaamiyihii u dhaga nugul amaradeeda iyadoo isla markaana abaabushay isbahaysiyo iyada ka talo qaata. Waxay Itoobiyaanku si cad uga horyimaadeen dawladdii Carta maadaama aanay ahayn dawladdaasi mid ay madaxdeeda iyagu soo magacawdeen, taasoo ay fashiliyeen ugu dambeystii iyagoo adeegsanaya dagaal oogayaasha ka amar qaadan jiray. Shirkii Kenya ayaa waxa uu noqday fursad ay Itoobiya muddo dheer sugaysay si ay talada Soomaaliya faraha ugu geliso wakiilo iyada ka amar qaata. Ra'iisal Wasaare Geeddi Haddaba markii ugu horeysay taariikhda ayaa qof Soomaaliyeed oo mas’uuliyad sheeganayaa dafiray in ay jiraan Soomaali qarnigan 21aad ku hoos jira gacanta gumaystayaasha. Hadaladii uu Ra’iisal Wasaare Cali Maxamed Geeddi ka yidhi BBC-da 11kii bishan November ayaa ahaa kuwa aan la yaab ku noqonayn Soomaali badan, marka aad fiiriso shakhsiyaadka hogaamiya Dawladda FKMG Soomaaliya iyo sida ay mansabkaas ku heleen. Cali Maxamed Geeddi oo siyaasadda Soomaaliya daaqadda ka soo galay xilli uu gabagabo marayay shirkii dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida ee Kenya, ayaa u muuqda nin ay karti darro iyo waayo aragnimo la’aan siyaasaddeed isu biirsadeen. Madaxweyne C//llaahi Yuusuf & Ra'iisal Wasaare Cali Maxamed Geeddi Markii Col. Cabdilaahi Yuusuf oo Itoobiyaanku taageerayeen loo doortay Madaxweynaha dawladda FKMG Soomaaliya, ayaa dadku aad isu weydinayeen cidda uu u magacaabi doono jagada Ra’iisal Wasaarenimada oo dagaal oogayaal badan hunguri ka hayay. Waxaa magaca Cali Maxamed Geeddi iigu horeysay maqalkiisa war aan ka akhriyay mid ka mid ah websiteyada Soomaaliyeed oo inta badan wuxuu qoro aanan rumaysan. Waxay soo qoreen in nin la yidhaa Maxamed Cali Geeddi oo aan xubin ka ahayn Baarlamaanka uu sheegtay in isaga loo magacaabi doono jagada Ra’iisal Wasaaranimada Soomaaliya. Sababta magacaabiddiisa waxa uu ku sheegay hal qodob, qodobkaasi : Ma hayn in uu yahay aqoonyahan Soomaaliyeed oo aan ka qayb qaadan dagaalada sokeeye. Ma ahayn in uu yahay nin kalsooni ka haysta xubnaha Baarlamaanka iyo guud ahaanba shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Ma ahayn inuu yahay nin karti iyo waayo aragnimo leh oo Soomaalida ka saari kara dhibta iyo dawlad la’aanta ay ku suganyihiin. Ma ahayn in uu yahay nin taageero ka haysta beesha caalamka siiba dawladaha waaweyn oo ay adduunyadu wax la qaban doonto xukuumaddiisa. Ma ahayn ….ma ahayn… Sababta xilkaas loogu magacaabayo ayaa waxa uu ku sheegay oo keliya in uu yahay “nin ay Itoobiya wadatoâ€!. Waa astaanta(qualification) ugu xun ee siyaasi Soomaaliyeed ku kasban karo jagada Ra’iisal Wasaaranimada iyo masuuliyad kasta oo qaran heerkay doonto ha ahaatee iyo masalo nin damiir lihi in uu afkiisa soo mariyo aan laga filayn. Maalmo ka dib arintii sidii la sheegay bay u dhagaday. Si jidka loogu sii xaadho magacaabistiisa ayaa Maxamed dheere oo ay isku beel yihiin kana mid ah dagaal oogayaasha gacansaarka la leh Itoobiya u banneeyay xubinimadiisii Baarlamaaka. Hadaba ninka xilka sidaas ku helay ma lala yaabi karaa in uu ku hadaaqo hadaladii runta ka fogaa ee uu ka sheegay BBC-da laanteeda Soomaaliga? Waxaan shaki lahayn in maanta Jigjiga iyo Jawhar aanay waxba ku kala duwanayn maadaama ay labada meeloodba ka taliyaan wakiilada Males Zanawi, Itoobiyana ay gaadhay ujeeddooyinkeedii ay mudada dheer ku taamaysay ee ku aaddan Soomaaliya. Hadaba shacabka Soomaali Galbeed iyagoo abaal weyn u haya walaalahooda Soomaaliyeed aqoonsannaa dadaalkii naf iyo maalba lahaa ee ay u soo galeen sidii ay heeryada gumaysiga uga dul qaadi lahaayeen guud ahaanba Soomaalida gacanta shisheeyaha ku jirta, ayaa hadana mawqifka dawladda Soomaaliyeed oo is bedelaa aanu waxba ka bedeli doonin xaqa ay u leeyihiin in ay aayahooda ka tashashadaan dagaal iyo nabad mid kii la doonaba ha lagu gaadhee. Ismail A. Hassan(khaliil)

As warlords, faction leaders, members of the Transitional National Government and others gather in the western Kenyan town of Eldoret for "make-or-break" peace talks, a small group of "alternative" invitees is slowly making its voice heard. The Somali national reconciliation conference opened on 15 October after months of wrangling and delays. Confused mediation by the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and disagreements between Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya - the technical committee members set up to pave the way for the meeting - led to the repeated postponement of the talks, originally slated for April this year. But warnings by the IGAD organisers that this was the last chance and there would be no further postponements finally brought many of the opposing sides together. As the talks progressed, more faction leaders who originally said they would not attend, started arriving in the Kenyan highland town. Hopes were raised that the conference might achieve something where numerous prior attempts had failed. Leading the chorus of voices for peace and change are representatives of civil society organisations invited to attend the talks. They comprise women’s groups, human rights groups, traditional elders and religious leaders – many of whom stress their non-partisan characteristics. Hirsi Hurre Du'ale, better known as Calanside (flag bearer), is described by many Somalis as the "only true patriot left in Somalia". Originally from Burao in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, he dismisses the notion of separate states within Somalia, and advocates a federal administration with a strong central government. Calanside - who was an active member of the independence movement, the Somali Youth League (SYL) - was invited to the talks as a respected Somali elder, an independent thinker. "I am one of the few Somali people who has left his clan behind," he says, alluding to the clan-based nature of Somali society. "I am a Somali nationalist. This clan mentality must be crushed." He strongly believes that the way to bring Somalis together is to instil nationalist values into them, and this, he says, can be achieved by reminding them of their traditional culture. "I want to show them the Somali nationalist is still alive, so I always carry the Somali flag and the SYL uniform, and always I sing Somali national songs," he says. "I want Somalis to remember themselves as they were before, not what they are now." He thinks the nationalist mentality is in the heart of many of his countrymen, but they are too afraid of their clans to expose it. Calanside notes that Somalia was always a clan-based society, with fights over water and land. But the problem of clans spiralled out of control after independence in 1960. The Italian colonialists favoured ‘pro-Italians’ over nationalists when it came to handing over the administration at independence, and this started creating deep divisions. The problem worsened after Muhammad Siyad Barre came to power in a 1969 coup, and injustice and nepotism became the order of the day, says Calanside. "The civil war [triggered by Barre’s ouster in 1991] came when everyone was ready to explode, and they did," he adds. Calanside advocates inculcating a true sense of ‘Somali-ism’ into his countrymen through national songs and culture. "We should use traditional Somali ways to bring Somalis together," he says. But he does acknowledge that this will take time. "People are so far gone," he notes sadly. Human rights activist Maryam Husayn Muhammad also longs for more radical ways of bringing about peace in her country. She is the co-director of the Mogadishu-based Isma'il Jimale human rights organisation – the oldest and most-established rights group in the country. Maryam Hussein Muhammad Maryam is weary of peace conferences. "I have seen many such conferences and nothing substantial has come out of them," she says. The only difference this time is that more faction leaders have come. There may be some change of attitude." But, she says, the faction leaders should not form part of any government. "They all have blood on their hands. They are worse than [former Yugoslav leader Slobodan] Milosevic, and he is on trial." "I am confident that if the warlords and faction leaders were out of the picture, there would be peace and unity," Maryam stresses. She believes that if the warlords were threatened with punitive measures such as sanctions, they would "compromise more". "After 12 years of war, people are just fed up," she points out. Maryam is angry over what she describes as the "marginalisation" of women at the Eldoret conference. "Only 13 women were invited [out of some 300 delegates] and not all of them have managed to come," she says. "We [women] are always the largest group to be victimised, but the smallest group to be invited to reconciliation conferences. This is a mistake. Men respond more to pressure from women than from men." She underscores the human rights abuses committed against women and children in war-torn Somali society. "Children are the first victims of fighting," she says. "And for the women, we register so many rapes." She says, however, that the number of rapes appears to be decreasing, and that the biggest human-rights problem now is a rise in kidnappings and abductions. "This has been created by the economic situation," she explains. "There are so many freelance militiamen, with no job. They need money. So they abduct prominent people, or people who work for international organisations." Maryam stresses that unless the current pervasive gun culture is abandoned, there will never be peace in Somalia. "The biggest single obstacle to peace is the number of guns," she says. "Before any action can be taken, before even a government can be formed, everyone should be disarmed, and the issue of the proliferation of weapons addressed."

nice

Brother Red Sea Thank you for presenting the true somali position concerning Ethoipia's use of somali ports, whether its Barbara, Bosaso, or Hobyo. In this Case Barbara its important that we somalis, think deeply and understand Ethoipia's strategic national interests (and somali little feithdoms like somaliland and puntland or Mogadisho factions) VS Somalia nationnal Interests. Bro Suldaan and Northerner Ethoipia is harming more than it is helping, Ethoipia occuping a third of land of Somali (western Somalia) and oppressing Somali people in those regoens. Also Ironically, Ethoipia is a friend and supplieas weapons to all and each somali war criminals whether its Somali transitional government led by Abdulaahi Yusuf in Jowher, Mogadisho factions like Qanyara muuse suudi, caydiid, etc, Mohammed Dheere of Jowher, Kismayo groups, Baydhobo groups, Riyaale of Somaliland, and Puntland. Therefore, low-paying jobs in Somali ports are insignificant benefit, when we look the bigger picture. I would like to advice to both Suldaan and northner to think outside the box of narrow Somali factions/tribal interstes and look what is best for all Somali people!!! Suldaanka, Bro Red Sea is real northwesterner; he makes remember Timacade when I read his valuable posts.

Thanks again bro Red sea for the great pictures

Nugaal University (NU) Las-anod, Somalia Sanad Guuradii koowaad ee Jaamacada Nugaal University oo Saaka Dhacday Sannad Guuradii Koowaad Ee Jaamacadda Nugaal Oo Maanta La Xusay Si Rasmiyana Loo Furay, Prof Xayd Oo Isna Buugaagtii Ku Wareejiyey Jaamacadda Nugaal.

Originally posted by Red sea: SALAMU CALAYKUM, My sister Seeker, you kind of jumped and so does everyone else about this topic so far. At first, I responded because I wanted to check out what you were talking about and how you missed home. When I open the thread I found a language that I couldn't understand at all and I am sure I didn't see the name of Somalia in there, it was just bala bala bala and not a single word that even resembles Somali could be seen in there. However my point is if you said that you were from Kenya or Djibouti and you missed home then I could see why but you specify neither of those. You just want out and spoke af Jinni. Then another fellow nomad responded by saying he missed Nairobi, hint: the topic is about home sickness, so I thought what is this Somali guy who is saying that he misses Nairobi and calling foreign country home. So that is then when I went bannanas. First of all some of you, although I don't want to point fingures said that there are whole regions occupy IN Kenya and in Ethiopia and counted those regions as part of Kenya and Ethiopia. Forexample, the so called NFD has actually nothing to do with Kenya. The English unrightfully gave away our land to Kenyans and large portion of Western Somalia to Ethiopians as reserve area. If these places are the places you are making part of other countries and calling anyone who lives there to be Ethiopians or Kenyans, then I don't except it one bit for both of those regions were wrongly taken away from Somalis just to weaken us. So please brothers and sisters don't you dare ever and call this places part of Kenya or Ethiopia but part of our land;somalia. The soil and the people are proof of that. Both of these regions have nothing in common with Ethiopia and Kenya. In order to be true Somali you need to one blood, one culture, one religion and also one single nation. Salamu Calaykum. well said Red sea, as allways again you showed your true somalinimo and wadanimo, the english caused all conflicts in the world somalia-ethopia, somalia-kenya, Iraq-iran, Isreal-palestine, india-pakistan.......

13 Year-Old Palestinian "Sheik" Wins Hearts and Minds in Gaza The following are excerpts from a a report about a 13-year-old "sheik" Amjad Abu Sidu, who gives lectures in Gaza. Al-Arabiya TV aired this report on June 7, 2005, Reporter:With confident steps, the 13-year-old went up to the mosque's podium to deliver the Friday sermon, in a rare spectacle. Those present seemed to be in a distant world of faith because of the powerful words of the boy-sheik Amjad Abu Sidu and because of his coherent sentences and his profound, logical ideas, which are conveyed in an interesting and impressive manner. He gesticulates with his hands in a manner displaying the depth of his insight into the sermon's topic. Abu Sidu: "I must study the content of a Hadith, who delivered it, and the meaning of the words I will use in the sermon. I must raise the question in the sermon, and answer it. I must prepare the message of the sermon and its structure, step by step." Reporter: Amjad, the boy who pursues the path of the great religious scholars, comes from a small and humble family in a Gaza neighborhood. His life was not easy before people came to know him and sing his praises. At first he was not allowed to lecture at one of the mosques, but he persevered in his short journey, and now he lectures at forty religious centers and mosques, including the religious school where he studies. Abu Sidu: I grew up in a family that cared about religion and education. I grew up in a family that raised its sons to love Allah and His messenger. Allah be praised, I delivered my first and second lessons in the mosque, and I have continued in this mission for over four months, without help from anybody. Reporter: The admiration of those who love the little sheik does not prevent him from getting on with his life as a child, who plays and uses modern means to communicate with the world. He receives hundreds of petitions, and he responds to each and every one. Woman: I have attended his lessons more than once. Each of his lectures is devoted to a specific subject. When he lectures to women, he deals with women's issues. He was very impressive. Some of the women even burst into tears.

Palestinian boy given title of sheikh Friday, 10 June , 2005 08:22:00 Reporter: Mark Willacy PETER CAVE: At 13 years of age you'd expect Amjad Abu Seedo would be like other Palestinian boys in the Gaza, attending high school and playing football with his friends. Instead the boy who's already preached at 40 Gaza mosques is being hailed as a religious wonder and given the honorary title of "sheikh". Palestinian militant groups such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad are falling over themselves to claim him as their own, but young Amjad is rejecting their overtures, saying he'll remain independent. Middle East Correspondent Mark Willacy reports from the Gaza Strip. MARK WILLACY: Jammed shoulder-to-shoulder into Gaza's El Imam Alshafe'e mosque, more than a hundred worshippers have come to see the boy they call the "young Sheikh". Small children, their fathers, even old men sit entranced as 13-year-old Amjad Abu Seedo fires out God's message. For more than 10 minutes the young preacher recites some of the most complicated verses of the Koran, the congregation responding to his calls. Wearing the red and white "ar-mama" head covering and long robe of a devout Muslim, the 13-year-old looks tiny standing on the elevated platform in the front of the congregation. But what Amjad Abu Seedo lacks in size he makes up for in sheer belief. "My main aim is to remind people about the importance of Islam and the prophet Mohammed," he tells me. "I have visited more than 40 mosques, giving lessons after the main prayers," he says. After today's prayers the freckle-faced teenager is approached by grown men who speak to him with the unfailing reverence usually reserved for the most senior of sheikhs. "It is something very amazing to see a small child having this power and ability," says this Muslim worshipper. "I wish my kids will be like him and will memorise the Koran," he says. "I want to be just like this boy and to be able to memorise the Koran," says this youngster. Amjad Abu Seedo’s ability to mesmerise crowds has brought him to the attention of the Islamic militant groups. Both Hamas and Islamic Jihad have tried to woo the boy, but so far without success. "Some leaders mentioned that I belong to specific militant groups, they say I'm with Fatah, or I'm a Hamas boy," he says. "I don't belong to any organisation or group," the teenager tells me. It's the final day of the academic year at Amjad Abu Seedo's Islamic school in Gaza. And the guest speaker is none other than the boy preacher himself. "My friends, you have to work hard to prove to the world that we, the Palestinians, are still standing firmly on our land," he tells his classmates. "We the Palestinian youth still have the ability of using the weapon of education to choose our own future," he says. Words of wisdom which are not often heard from adults here, let alone a boy of 13. This is Mark Willacy in the Gaza Strip for AM. Teen makes his mark in Gaza mosques By Matthew Gutman, Special for USA TODAY GAZA CITY — The 150 men stuffed into Gaza City's A-Shamma Mosque were riveted by each word of the Friday sermon. Honorary Sheik Amjad Abu Seedo, 13, delivers the traditional speech during prayers at a refugee camp in the Gaza Strip. By Kevin Frayer, AP Over the past year, Amjad Abu Seedo, a baby-faced 13-year-old, has captivated a swelling throng of faithful with his spellbinding Quranic tales and trance-like delivery. The boy's sermons, punctuated by sweeping gestures, have injected a dose of vitality into mosque life, where sermons had become monotonous during the recent years of the intifada, or Palestinian uprising. "Our mosques in the intifada have become too politicized," says A-Shamma Mosque's muezzin, or regular prayer leader, Muhammed Fayyis Radwan. "We hear the same sermons over and over, and now we need to go back to social issues. Amjad was great in this respect, because he delivered something different." Jihad Yassin, a 15-year-old carpenter's apprentice, couldn't believe that "a boy his age could utter the words that came from his mouth." Amjad's sermon so moved Yassin that afterward he vowed to "be in the mosque a lot more," and to stop "wasting time watching TV." And the appearance of the imam prodigy may be just another sign of Islam's growing hold on Gazans. Since the Palestinian uprising began in September 2000, "there has been a marked increased traditionalism," says Khalil Shikaki, director of the Palestine Center for Policy and Survey Research. "In a society under stress with a weak central government, people return to traditional sources of protection: generally family and religion." Over the past five years, hundreds of mosques have sprung up all over Gaza, where unemployment hovers near 40%, according to the World Bank. The mosque increasingly has become the hub of male social activity here. Gaza's Islamists shuttered movie theaters more than a decade ago. Palestinian-brewed Taybeh Beer was banned in Gaza in 2000, Nadim Khoury, the beer's master brewer, says in a telephone interview. AP al-Amari mosque, Gaza City Amjad, who spends hours a day poring over the Quran, discovered his talent for oration only a year and a half ago. A friend at the Waqf School, where he is in eighth grade, asked him to present a composition he had written. "So I memorized the sermon and delivered it, and people kept asking me to do it again." Since then, at an age when his peers in Israel celebrate their Bar Mitzvahs — the Jewish ritual passage into manhood — Amjad writes and then pumps out his sermons. Swaying in his preacher's robes, and showering the kneeling men and boys with fire and brimstone, Amjad riffs on mystical Islamic fables, and harangues the faithful, "I beseech you to cease sinning ... to return to the mosque, the critical place in your life, the place to reach God." The men on their knees in the gallery murmur in assent. Women pray at separate times. Amjad has preached in 40 mosques in the Gaza City area over the past year, and his popularity is growing. While Islam commands its faithful to pray five times daily, preachers only deliver sermons at noon prayers on Fridays. Most imams are older men, who have studied for years, and few people can recall an example of a preacher as young as Amjad. "To preach at such a young age is indeed unusual, but it is possible if the lad memorizes the Quran and is well learned," says Muhammed Abu Layla, chairman of Islamic Studies at Cairo's Al-Azhar University. Amjad himself says there are stories in the Quran, Islam's holy book, of teenage boys leading Islamic armies into battle. Outside the mosque, the flags of the militant groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad flap in a dusty breeze. Portraits of "martyrs" — Palestinians who either blew themselves up trying to kill Israelis or died in urban fighting against the Israeli army — decorate the street. (Related story: Sharon warns against Palestinian violence) Amjad says militant groups constantly try to recruit him. At home after the sermon, he logs into his e-mail account and produces an angry message from a group purportedly linked to the Palestinian Authority's ruling Fatah Party. Amjad says he has rejected their recruiting attempts. A newspaper clipping with a headline calling Amjad, "Hamas' Wonder Boy," hangs over the young preacher's desk. While he likens himself to Quranic Islamic warriors who in their teens led Islamic armies into battle, he angrily denies any affiliation with the militant group. "There are some youth who hold a gun in their right hand," he says, "and others, like me, who hold the Quran in their right hand. ... I depend on God." During his life, Amjad could depend on little more. His father, who left his mother to marry a woman 20 years her junior, has had no contact with the family in years. Amjad's home is a five-story walk-up in Gaza's Shejahiya neighborhood. Plastic flowers complement the red, plastic lawn set that serves Amjad and his five siblings as their living room furniture. He receives nothing for his preaching. "It is a holy duty," he says. The family is supported with the help of his older siblings. While he delights in pleasing his mother, Zinat, through his preaching, Amjad insists, "I am a normal child. I play with my friends and love swimming in the (Mediterranean) sea Preacher boy stuns believers in Gaza mosques 13 year-old Amjad Abu Sidu dreams of becoming an ‘alem’ like his two role models Kishk and Shaarawi. By Adel Zaanoun - GAZA CITY Robed in a white tunic, his head wrapped in a turban, the tiny figure climbs the steps one by one to the pulpit to address the congregation. Amjad Abu Sidu is only 13 years old and already has the makings of a preacher who can leave his congregation spellbound. "I have already delivered 140 sermons in more than 50 mosques in the Gaza Strip," the youngster said. "I think that I have been accepted by the believers who come to see me preach every Friday." "Sheikh Amjad" delivered his first sermon last June to a congregation of 2,000 people in a mosque in the town of Jabaliya, just north of Gaza City. Initially surprised to see one so young preaching from the pulpit, which has traditionally been a platform for venerable imams, the crowds were soon captivated by his words. His sermons - sometimes fiery and impassioned - focus on the need for solidarity and justice within Palestinian society, while warning about the danger of hypocrisy, he says. "It makes me very happy when I see the congregation coming to the mosque to hear me or to hear other preachers on Friday," says Amjad, who cuts a diminutive figure at just under five feet tall (1.40 metres). "Many people have shown their support and encouraged me to continue." After requesting donations to help fund a Koranic school, Amjad presses the flesh with the worshippers before going to a section of the mosque reserved for women to deliver a course in religion. Raised in a theological school run by the Palestinian Authority's ministry of religious affairs, Amjad says he has long dreamed of becoming an "alem" (man of learning). Two of his role models are Egyptian sheikhs: Abdel Hamid Kishk and Mutawalli al-Shaarawi, whose words of wisdom continue to inspire the faithful on the banks of the Nile years after their deaths, as well as the Saudi cleric, Khaled Errashed. Nidal Aissa, an official at the ministry of religious affairs says they decided to allow Amjed to preach on Fridays "because he is a sound boy, an excellent speaker and a strong personality." Amjad, Aissa predicts, has "a rosy future". The teenage cleric, who comes from a poor family from a working class neighbourhood in western Gaza City, receives a monthly allowance of around 110 dollars which he shares with his mother to cover household needs. However, Amjad says it is not enough to cover the cost of a telephone or Internet connection. He would love to finish his theological studies in Saudi Arabia, he says while admitting that his ambition is completely at odds with his family's extremely difficult material circumstances. Amjad's mother and father have separated, and his dad has remarried. "He does help us out but only a little because of his own financial difficulties," he says. During the holy month of Ramadan, Amjad is fervently hoping he might be able to make a trip to Jerusalem's Old City to preach at the Al Aqsa mosque -- the third holiest site in Islam. "I've asked the ministry if I can go to preach at Al Aqsa during Ramadan like Sheikh Ekrema Sabri," he said, referring to the Jerusalem Mufti. Aside from studying in Saudi Arabia, Amjad has another wish: to meet Palestinian leader Mahmud Abbas "I want to meet our brother president Abu Mazen during Ramadan and to tell him that Palestinian children are not only martyrs, but they are also sheikhs and young geniuses who need someone to take an interest in them and to encourage them."

really the guy is crazy!!