American Foreign Policy demystified Qoraaga After the tragic event of Black Hawk Down, in 1993, it seems Somalis are left the begging question of what the American foreign policy towards their country is. Despite reading the publications of many in the know organisations such as American Foreign Policy Council, Foreign Policy Institute and Foreign Policy Research Institute and listening to many well-informed people such as Ambassador Cohen, Somalia is unable to fathom out where American foreign policy stands although once it used to be at the top of American foreign policy agenda. As a result Somalia chooses to discontinue the guessing game and demystify the American foreign policy by holding direct, open and honest conversation with America. The conversation goes like this: Somalia: Uncle Sam let me ask you what seems to be an age-old question: what is your foreign policy? America: Skinny, tell me yours first. Somalia: I wish I had one. America: Let me refresh your irretentive memory. You were just 3 years old (1963) when you severed diplomatic ties to Britain and had border dispute with Kenya. When you were 4 years old (1964), armed conflict erupted along the border between Ethiopia and you. When you were 17 years old (1977), you invaded Ethiopia and ejected all Soviet advisers and personal from your country. Throughout your short independent history, you wanted to bring Somalis inhabited parts of Kenya and Ethiopia back to Somalia. Furthermore, during the cold war, you played around with all the big powers. More disastrously, Early 1990s you killed our boys. Somalia: Enough history lessons. Just for the record, you failed to mention that the big powers had divided me into five spheres of influence. And for the neighbouring countries, I just wanted to take back what was mine. You didn’t say much about your current foreign policy. Let me ask you blatantly. It is reported that you are now in cahoots with Somali warlords. What do you say about that? America: Wow! You are shocked to learn that I may work with the warlords. You made them your leaders. You bankroll their activities. You are prepared to die for them. I would call this a double standard. In other words, you can work with or work for warlords but I cannot use them even in the war on terror. And if you and I ever go astray from our expected positions, it results in dismay and shock. Just for your information, warlords have been in the business of killing long before September 11, and it is not something we commissioned in 2006. Somalia: Have you paid the warlords handsomely? America: Read their bank statements. Somalia: I am under the impression that you will have no remonstration if Somalia breaks up into small fiefdoms. Am I right? America: You are already doing that without my blessing. However, I may just help you to intensify that process. Somalia: Ethiopia’s blessing is more than enough and there is no need to seek yours. How are you going to help me do it? America: My partners and I are just prolonging the chaos in the south until those diehard unionists accept breaking up Somalia is the only way forward. We almost silenced members of the old guard those who used to advocate bringing Somalis inhabited parts of Kenya and Ethiopia back to Somalia. And if you care to listen to those who still want revive the Somali Republic, you can detect that they have started to falter because of Mogadishu’s unabated unruliness. The debate is moving from ‘Somali unity is sacred’ to ‘Somalia unity is divisible’ to ‘how many countries’. I believe few years down the line everyone will accept breaking up Somalia is inevitable. Somalia: That explains! It is little wonder that you always fail to support the outcome of any Somali peace reconciliation despite your involvement in the negotiation process. In 2000, Abdiqasim became the president of Somalia's transitional government but you refused to support him. In fact, you alleged him to have links with extremist Islamic groups. In 2004, we replaced him with Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf who is known to have fought against Islamic militias when he was the president of the semi-autonomous region of Puntland. Strangely, you are not keen to back him up. Recently you bypassed him and chose to work with his chief political rivals. It is little surprise the Colonel feels neglected if not ambushed politically. America: Abdullahi Yusuf is our ally against terrorism along with Ethiopia but he is unable to govern from the centre. Somalia: What do you mean from the centre? America: I mean Mogadishu, thickhead. Somalia: That is rich coming from you. Me! Thickhead! What about Bush. Anyway, when it comes to East Africa, I heard Paul Henze, a former American diplomat and historian, saying there is “a lot to choose between the two countries [somalia and Ethiopia]. Somalia is a poor scraggly desert there isn't much wealth in Somalia, not too many people either, it is the sort of tag end of things, it is the edge of the horn; while Ethiopia is a very big, rich country and very talented people.†Is that why you are always tilted in favour of Ethiopia and against Somalia? America: Every time I am asked this question I find it rather puzzling. But let me ask you how many Somalis are there who act as Ethiopia’s proxy in your country. If Ethiopia manages to install a puppet regime in Somalia, naturally I prefer to deal with the master and not the marionette. Listen, I wish we could talk more but I have to go in order to deal with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez who is becoming a pain in the neck. Mohamed Mukhtar London Email: mohamed323@hotmail.com

Counter-Terrorism in Somalia: Losing Hearts and Minds? Africa Report N°95 11 July 2005 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Nearly four years after 9/11, hardly a day passes without the "war on terrorism" making headlines, with Iraq, Afghanistan, Indonesia and now London holding centre stage. But away from the spotlight, a quiet, dirty conflict is being waged in Somalia: in the rubble-strewn streets of the ruined capital of this state without a government, Mogadishu, al-Qaeda operatives, jihadi extremists, Ethiopian security services and Western-backed counter-terrorism networks are engaged in a shadowy and complex contest waged by intimidation, abduction and assassination. The U.S. has had some success but now risks evoking a backlash. Ultimately a successful counter-terrorism strategy requires more attention to helping Somalia with the twin tasks of reconciliation and state building. During the 1990s, jihadism in Somalia was synonymous with al-Itihaad al-Islaami, a band of Wahhabi militants determined to establish an Islamic emirate in the country. Al-Qaeda also developed a toehold, contributing to attacks on U.S. and UN peacekeepers in the early part of the decade and using the country as a transit zone for terrorism in neighbouring Kenya; some leading members of al-Qaeda's East African network continue to hide in Somalia. Since 2003, Somalia has witnessed the rise of a new, ruthless, independent jihadi network with links to al-Qaeda. Based in lawless Mogadishu and led by a young militia leader trained in Afghanistan, the group announced its existence by murdering four foreign aid workers in the relatively secure territory of Somaliland between October 2003 and April 2004. Western governments, led by the U.S., responded to the threat of terrorism in and from Somalia by building up Somali counter-terrorist networks headed by faction leaders and former military or police officers, and by cooperating with the security services in Somaliland and neighbouring Puntland. The strategy has netted at least one key al-Qaeda figure, and as many as a dozen members of the new jihadi group are either dead or behind bars. Despite these successes, counter-terrorism efforts are producing growing unease within the broader public. Few Somalis believe there are terrorists in their country, and many regard the American-led war on terrorism as an assault on Islam. Unidentified surveillance flights, the abduction of innocent people for weeks at a time on suspicion of terrorist links, and cooperation with unpopular faction leaders all add to public cynicism and resentment. Without public support, even the most sophisticated counter-terrorism effort is doomed to failure. Militants have responded by assassinating at least a dozen Somalis working for Mogadishu's Western-backed counter-terrorism networks. Meanwhile, an Ethiopian intelligence network hunts Islamist militants and insurgents among Somalia's small, fearful community of Oromo migrants and refugees. Since the formation of the new Transitional Federal Government (TFG) for Somalia, in October 2004, the dirty war between terrorists and counter-terrorist operatives in Mogadishu appears to have entered a new and more vicious stage that threatens to push the country further towards jihadism and extremist violence unless its root causes are properly addressed. Urban terrorism has claimed the lives of a female BBC producer, two young Somali footballers and a Somali woman working for an international NGO. Eager to earn the support of Western governments as an ally in the war on terrorism, the TFG leadership has attributed the attacks to Islamist extremists but some of the evidence appears to implicate supporters of the interim president instead. The threat of jihadi terrorism in and from Somalia is real. But attempts by the new Somali leadership and its regional allies to exploit this threat for short-term political gain risk plunging the country into even greater crisis. Several key leaders in the deeply divided transitional government are notorious for smearing adversaries and critics with allegations of terrorist linkages -- conduct that threatens to deepen the schisms within the government. More alarmingly, the faction of the TFG aligned with the interim president has tried to use the threat of terrorism to justify deployment of a regional intervention force to Somalia -- a widely unpopular and deeply divisive proposition that would not only irrevocably split the government and trigger renewed conflict, but would also dramatically strengthen the jihadis. Ultimately, the threat of jihadi terrorism from Somalia can only be addressed through the restoration of stable, legitimate and functional government. Dealing with that threat requires Somalia's friends to do more to assist in bringing Somali society together again and rebuilding the state. But such assistance must be carefully planned and finely calibrated in order to ensure that it does not empower one faction of the TFG at the expense of another or otherwise destabilise a fragile peace process. A successful counter-terrorism campaign requires more engagement with the broader public, including civil society organisations and more moderate Islamist groups. Somalis must be persuaded not only that some individuals guilty of terrorism are indeed in their country but also that the counter-terrorism agenda does not involve subjugation by factional or foreign interests. At the same time, Somalia's partners must become involved with the peace process, helping to overcome the TFG schisms and to forge a genuine government of national unity. If they fail to do so, jihadis will gradually find growing purchase among Somalia's despairing and disaffected citizenry, and it will only be a matter of time before another group of militants succeeds in mounting a spectacular terrorist attack against foreign interests in Somalia or against one of its neighbours. Nairobi/Brussels, 11 July 2005

Mogadishu's Quiet But Future is Uncertain The East African (Nairobi) NEWS June 13, 2006 Posted to the web June 13, 2006 By Abdulkadir Khalif, Special Correspondent Nairobi The expulsion of Somali business tycoon Abdikadir Hussein Shiry from Nairobi by the Kenyan government on grounds that he was involved in the destabilisation of Somalia, particularly Mogadishu, was received with mixed reactions in Somalia. Many welcomed the move and commended the Kenyan government for no longer treating Somali warlords as dignitaries. Others, however, saw the action as a plot organised by Shiry's political enemies in Somalia, especially from his own clan, who wanted him removed from the political scene. Whatever the case, the action of the Kenyan government may influence some other countries and the international community to deal with violent elements, regardless of their political or doctrinal inclinations. During a radio talk show, a caller said the Inter-Governmental Agency on Development countries, the African Union, the European Union, the United Nations, the Arab League and the United States should emulate Kenya's rejection of warlords, to boost the position of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government, which has been unable to move from the provincial town of Baidoa to Mogadishu. On February 18, a group of Mogadishu businessmen and warlords who are also ministers in the transitional government, formed a nine-member "peace restoration and anti-terrorism coalition." Their aim was to counter the growing influence of Islamists who were becoming a threat to the warlords. Before then, Shiry was better known for his business empire than involvement in violent political manoeuvring. His deportation from Kenya should serve as a lesson to other warlords, whether secular or extreme Islamists who engage in violence. Mogadishu has experienced almost four months of fighting between heavily armed groups. The leaders of the Islamic courts have vowed to establish an Islamic state, while the secular warlords were determined to uproot what they term as elements harbouring international terrorists linked to the al Qaeda network. Dialogue has failed to resolve the differences in opinion as city suburbs were turned into killing fields with thousands displaced and businesses closed. Sunday, June 5, was a milestone in the fight for Mogadishu as the last pockets of the secular warlords' militia were pushed out almost 20km out of the city to beyond the provincial town of Balad, north of Mogadishu. Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the leader of the Islamic courts network declared that the war was finally over with the defeat of what he termed as the "forces of evil." Among the warring secular warlords in Mogadishu, were those who attended the Somali reconciliation conference at Eldoret in Kenya and signed a cessation of hostilities agreement renouncing violence. The Islamist militia had the people's sympathy and support primarily because the populace was fed up with secular warlords who have been perpetuating clan hegemony and violence for over 15 years. On the downside however, there is uncertainty and the word on the street is that the sheikhs led by Sheikh Sharif and an Islamic council and other stakeholders of the political affairs of Mogadishu are meeting to map out the next move. Observers believe that the Islamists have limited options for manoeuvre. This because they have to respect the traditional Somali clan structure, which in many ways contradicts the dictates of religious principles. If some clan elders object to some aspects of what the clergy is doing, they may cause trouble by proposing counter opinions or even fresh hostilities. The leaders' next hurdle is transferring the responsibility of establishing rule of law in the capital to the transitional government in Baidoa. If experience is anything to go by, the Islamists need to act fast. Aidarous Ahmed, a Mogadishu intellectual said, "Their biggest mistake would be to ignore the role of the transitional government, especially by committing acts that will link them with religious fundamentalists around the world, and not necessarily only al-Qaeda." The Islamists should also not challenge the existence of the transitional government that enjoys the full recognition of the neighbouring states, the AU and to some extent the Arab League and the EU. Such a move would be suicidal, considering that the US used just such an excuse to crush the radical Taliban in Afghanistan.

Somali warlords slapped with E. Africa travel ban Tue Jun 13, 2006 5:58 PM BST By Marie-Louise Gumuchian NAIROBI (Reuters) - Seven east African nations placed travel bans on Somali warlords and froze their assets on Tuesday in an effort to push them into peace talks. Kenya, where the seven nations comprising the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) met to talk about Somalia, last week banned the warlords and deported one. "IGAD member states will apply the same sanctions against all warlords as has been applied by Kenya including (a) travel ban and freezing of accounts," a joint communique said. Kenyan officials recommended the ban and asset freeze in 2003 during peace talks it hosted to form the Somali government, as a way to force the warlords to stay at the bargaining table, Kenyan intelligence sources said. Many of the warlords have extensive business and property interests in IGAD members Kenya, Uganda, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan. Somalia is the seventh member, but its interim government operates outside Mogadishu and has little power. "We will not allow them to use our banks, we will not allow them to use our airports, we will not allow them to bring their kids to school here," Kenyan Foreign Minister Raphael Tuju said. "We will not allow them to enjoy the facilities in our five-star hotels when they create hell in their own country." The ministers also said they would offer amnesty to those who used arms illegally to "terrorize and harm innocent civilians" who agree to surrender for dialogue within the framework of the interim Somali government. The measure is a further blow to the self-styled coalition of anti-terrorism warlords -- widely believed to have been backed by Washington -- who this month lost control of the Somali capital they had lorded over for 15 years. Militia loyal to Islamic courts seized Mogadishu after battles which killed at least 350 people, in some of the worst violence seen there since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre ushered in an era of anarchy. COURTS POPULAR IGAD ministers again urged Uganda and Sudan to mobilise peacekeepers -- approved by the body a year ago -- as part of a Somali government plan which was hotly disputed. That would require an exemption under a U.N. Security Council arms embargo in place since 1992, which IGAD again urged the U.N. to grant. Somali sources say the warlords have real estate, import-export and transport interests around east Africa and the Middle East, particularly Kenya and Dubai. Two warlords contacted by Reuters earlier said they do not care about a ban. "We stay inside Somalia, we have no more interest going to IGAD countries, and every country has a right to give and block visas," said one of them, Abdi Hassan Awale. Some of the warlords have threatened to fight their way back, but look increasingly isolated despite the support they received from Washington earlier this year, analysts say. So attention has shifted to the relationship between the interim government and the newly prominent Islamic Courts Union, which joins 14 courts with both moderate and hardline elements. Despite early overtures on both sides, relations have stumbled over the thorny issue of foreign troops. Warlords of the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism have said the courts harbour Islamic extremists, some linked to al Qaeda -- a fear apparently shared by the U.S. government. The courts have denied that. Funded by local businesses and Somalis abroad, the courts are popular in Mogadishu for imposing a semblance of order in one of the world's most lawless cities, analysts say. Somali experts say the courts are broadly moderate, but have a small number of radicals in their midst. (Additional reporting by Guled Mohamed, Bryson Hull and Andrew Cawthorne in Nairobi, and Mohamed Ali Bile in Mogadishu)

Las Anod a bit too far East. Well, Las-Anod is located North-Central Somalia region, like math, relative to distance from a reference point Shiekh is a great choice, due to its climate Insha Allah, I will settle a Muslim country specifically one of the Gulf States, luckily it will be very easy for me to visit Hergeysa, Las-anod, and Bosaso on every holiday

Albright’s take on religion and politics Noting that when in office she came to realize that she and many others knew too little about Islam and Arab history, Albright invites readers to join her in learning more, says James Zogby. What struck me most about former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s new book, The Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God and World Affairs, was its humility. Throughout the book, Albright covers a range of topics, from the role of religion and morality in policy-making, to the myriad of issues facing the US in the contemporary Middle East. And through it all, she asks far-reaching questions about how best to shape policy options, and acknowledges mistakes she and other US officials have made. Noting that when in office she came to realize that she and many others knew too little about Islam and Arab history, Albright invites readers to join her in learning more. Given the breadth of issues covered in the book, one can, of course, find flaws and weaknesses in such an ambitious undertaking. I could, for example, argue with her treatment of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. After initially appearing to acknowledge the injustice inherent in the Balfour Declaration, she resorts to a rather conventional treatment of the conflict’s history, ignoring the importance that this injustice plays in shaping Palestinian and Arab realities. I would also suggest that her discussion of the role religion plays in both political movements and governance would have been strengthened had she buttressed her case by examining the writings of anthropologists and sociologists who have done significant work in this area. But even with these concerns, I recommend The Mighty and the Almighty, not only for its humility but also for the courageous challenge it poses to many of the assumptions that now pass for “wisdom†in discussions about the “war on terror.†At one point, for example, after recalling a conversation with former President Bill Clinton in which he observed that “we must be willing to admit that we are not in possession of the whole truth,†Albright opines that “we must once again become known as a country whose leaders listen, admit mistakes and work hard at addressing global challenges.†She understands how after the horror of 9-11, many Americans wanted certitude, and why they embraced the “with us or against us†mind set they were offered. But she notes the danger and errors in judgment and practices that can flow from such an approach to policy-making. In a number of instances, Albright engages readers in a discussion of the difficult choices government officials must face in confronting complex issues. These choices, she notes, are not between clear cut good and evil options, but frequently between “less than good†courses of action. She discusses how this problem affected decisions made during the Cold War or, during her tenure in government, with how the Clinton Administration was to deal with the Haitian refugee crisis or the conflict in Bosnia. In one telling example, she relates the difficulties her Administration faced in inheriting the UN-mandated sanctions policy against Saddam’s Iraq. As US officials became aware of the human suffering created by the sanctions, and the way the regime was handling the program, the US sought ways to provide more food and medicine for the people, while still hoping to continue the containment of Saddam’s government. It was in this context that Albright relates a story about a comment she made in a “60 Minutes†interview, which she called “one of the worst mistakes I ever made.†In response to a question as to whether, after all human suffering and death resulting from sanctions, that policy was “worth it,†she said, “I think this is a very hard choice, but the price - we think the price is worth it," As she explains in the book, what she meant to say was, “Of course not, that is why we are doing everything we can to see that Iraq has the money it needs to buy food and medicine.†She meant to describe the difficulties inherent in choosing between two less than good options, but as she noted, “words failed†her. Other themes which Albright discusses at length are the principles of the “just war†and unintended consequences that sometimes spring from decisions made by policy-making. These themes are brought together in Albright’s treatment of the Bush Administration’s invasion of Iraq, which she concludes does not qualify as a “just war.†Of special concern were the unintended consequences of this war which, she observes, are so grave that neither we, the Iraqi people, nor the Middle East, as a whole, are safer or more secure. Because the US knew too little about Arabs and Islam, in general, and Iraq, in particular, the Administration’s expectations for the war and the anticipated positive consequences for Iraq and the greater Middle East, were mistaken. Albright notes that when she was Secretary of State she often wrote reminders to herself to learn more about Islam. Given the crisis in which the US now finds itself, that injunction has become an imperative. Thus, the last half of The Mighty and the Almighty is devoted to a thoughtful presentation of Islam and an exploration of a number of issues in Arab history and US policy toward several Muslim countries. In his introduction to the book, President Bill Clinton notes how many of Albright’s friends cautioned her against writing this book - it is overly ambitious, it admits mistakes and it is quite critical of many of the policies pursued by the current Administration. It may not be perfect, but, I, for one, am glad she wrote it.

Survey: Muslim women don’t feel oppression They least admire moral decay, promiscuity and pornography in West Muslim women do not mind veil, want to vote as they wish, link sexual equality with the West. NEW YORK - Muslim women do not mind the veil but want to vote as they wish, according to a survey released Thursday, in which respondents did not feel oppression in Muslim countries. Lebanon had the highest proportion of women who feel they should be allowed to make their own decisions on voting, at 97 percent, followed by Egypt and Morocco, each at 95 percent. Lowest was Pakistan, with 68 percent, according to The New York Times reporting on a Gallup poll. None of the 8,000 women surveyed even mentioned the use of the head scarf or the full-lenth burqa in open-ended questions, the Times said. Despite the suffragist leanings, Muslim women set aside their own issues and said their countries had greater problems, such as violent extremism, corruption and lack of unity among Muslim countries. Although women largely said they should be able to work outside the home and serve in the highest levels of government, they linked sexual equality with the West: 78 percent in Morocco, 71 percent in Lebanon and 48 percent in Saudi Arabia, the New York daily reported. However, when asked what they least admired about the West, they said moral decay, promiscuity and pornography, which degraded women. A majority of the women said that economic or political advancement in Muslim countries would not improve with the adoption of Western values, the survey said, according to the New York daily. Face-to-face interviews were conducted among 8,000 women in 2005 for "What Women Want: Listening to the Voices of Muslim Women," part of The Gallup World Poll, a project to canvass 95 percent of the world's people. Overwhelming majorities of the women said the best aspect of their cultures was their countries' "attachment to moral and spiritual values," the Times said of the poll. "Women's empowerment has been identified as a key goal of US policy in the region," said Dalia Mogahed, of The Gallup World Poll. However, Mogahed said that what Muslim women really want has not been plumbed. Egyptian-born Mogahed wears a head scarf, and said that Muslim women have not been brainwashed, according to the Times. She cited as proof statements of the respondents that they deserved certain rights. "In every culture there is a dominant narrative, and in many cases it is constructed by people in power who happen to be men," she was quoted as saying in the Times.

Abayas turn fashionable in Gulf From butterflies to crystals, women in Muslim Gulf region take pride in their trendy black robes. By Lydia Georgi - DUBAI They come with sparkling crystal beads, pearls, satin flowers, embroidery, or patches in colored fabrics. Abayas, the long black robes worn by women in the Muslim Gulf region, have become trendy. For a wedding or other special occasion, the abaya must be as stylish as the dress underneath - and the shinier, the better. But add to the abaya what you will, one thing remains sacred: it must be made of black fabric, with crepe the top choice in the United Arab Emirates. "We here must wear abayas. So, much as other people like to show off their clothes, the only thing we can take pride in is our abayas," said Hana Mohsen, a 26-year-old Emirati broker picking a new outfit in a Dubai shopping mall. "Since the abaya is black, they (designers) introduce novelties on it. If you go to a wedding, you will see abayas more expensive than the gowns," she said. "I choose my abayas as I would choose a bag or a ring. I have a cupboard just for abayas. My relatives in Saudi Arabia do the same," said Mohsen, adding she would spend up to 3,000 dirhams (820 dollars) on a wedding abaya and half that amount on one meant for other outings. The abaya, though, is only part of the story. The "shaila", or large scarf wrapped as head cover, must be matching. Alternatively, a fancy shaila will liven up a plain abaya worn at work or on daily errands. A 19-year-old Emirati university student, who asked not to be named, explained why one of the patches on her head cover was in jeans fabric. "It's because I'm wearing jeans," she said, slightly pushing back the front of her plain abaya to show her trousers. "The cuts differ too," said Amer Batah, a Syrian sales manager at an abaya boutique. "You've got the French cut for instance, which fits the body and becomes wider at the bottom. And there's the butterfly, which is trendy at the moment," he said, showing off a sample of the "butterfly" with a wings-like cut under the sleeves. "Kuwaiti women love the 'butterfly'," said Hassan Humaidi, another abaya salesman. While classic black lace is still used, Swarovski crystal beads, single or multi-colored, are the hit for dressy abayas. "They have a special sparkle. And they don't fall if you wash the abaya," said Humaidi, explaining why these particular crystal beads are so popular. Saifullah Nouraei, an Iranian designer and branch manager at one of the leading abaya retailers, said things had changed a great deal since women in the oil-rich region wore only plain abayas that came in a single piece covering them from head to toe. "They now follow the fashion in everything. You can't be wearing a Giorgio Armani dress with a 100-dirham (27-dollar) abaya on top," he argued. "We can't change the black color of the abaya, so we work on the design," he said. Nouraei, whose displays include dazzling hand-made abayas fetching between 1,000 and 2,000 dollars apiece, said many customers choose their own designs, and the price depends on the load of precious metals they want sown on their garment. "Of course, not everyone wears crystal ... Not everyone drives a Rolls-Royce, right?," Nouraei said. "Some ladies design abayas at home and sell them. It doesn't cost much that way," said Aysha Abdullah, an Emirati housewife who wore an abaya embroidered with thick thread in different shades of gray. The simple traditional abaya, costing in the range of 55 dollars, is still holding its own even in liberal-minded Dubai, especially among the older generation. But advocates of fancier versions are convinced they can combine fashion and modesty. "I cannot have my wife going around in a short dress while I am wearing a dishdasha," said Rashed Mohammad, a Kuwaiti man in the long white garment worn by men in the Gulf as he strolled with his Moroccan wife in a shopping mall. Never mind that his elegant consort, sporting an abaya decorated with golden metal and matching head cover, could cause more heads to turn than a less attractive woman in a short skirt. "Abayas are now both decent and fashionable. Everyone follows the fashion nowadays," Mohammad said.

Somali Islamists denies any links to terrorism Chairman of Mogadishu's 11 Islamic courts says movement has no intention of imposing Islamic law across country. NAIROBI - In their first diplomatic overture since seizing control of most of the lawless Somali capital Mogadishu this week, Islamic court leaders have denied any links to terrorism or radical anti-western Islam. The chairman of Mogadishu's 11 Islamic courts said in an open letter to diplomats that the movement is religious and not political in nature and that its armed wing was formed solely to combat rampant insecurity in the city. "We share no objectives, goals or methods with groups that sponsor or support terrorism," Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed said in the letter, which was delivered to the diplomatic corps in the Kenyan capital on Tuesday. A day earlier, Islamist militia claimed victory in the battle for Mogadishu after four months of bloody fighting with a US-backed warlord alliance that accuses the courts of harboring terrorists, including Al-Qaeda members. The letter rejects those accusations and seeks to allay fears that Somalia may become a new Afghanistan under an African version of the Taliban militia. "We wanted to inform the United States that our only agenda is to ensure peace and order in Mogadishu," the official said. "If we achieve that, it would be easy to spread it across Somalia." "We are a group of peacemaking people who want to live in harmony," the official said on condition of anonymity, adding that the courts had no intention of imposing Islamic law across the country unless the people wanted it. "We have no such plans," the official said. "Islam is the main religion here and our core values are guided by the Koran but we will not impose what people do not want. Everything will be based on the will of the people." Most Somalis are moderate Muslims who have little time for extremist elements but western intelligence agencies have warned for years that the anarchic nation could become a breeding ground for radical Islam. Mogadishu's Islamic courts have grown in influence in recent years as they have been able to restore a semblance of order to the city, which has been wracked by chaos under the rule of warlords for the past 15 years. The rise of the courts, some members of which are believed to have links to Al-Qaeda, alarmed the warlords who in February formed the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT) with US support. US officials are convinced that at least three Al-Qaeda operatives blamed for the 1998 attacks on the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania and a 2002 attack on an Israeli-owned hotel in Kenya are now in Somalia. Washington has never publicly confirmed or denied its support for the alliance but US officials have said they have given the warlords money and intelligence to help to rein in "creeping Talibanization" in Somalia. Despite Tuesday's letter, suspicions of the Islamists remain high as some top clerics have denounced the United States as an "enemy of Islam," vowed to impose strict Sharia law and called for a war against "infidels."

The Signs Say Somaliland, but the World Says Somalia By MARC LACEY HARGEYSA, Somalia — Edna Adan Ismail may get angry when she reads this. In fact, she may pick up the phone and vent, berating anyone with the gall to suggest that this city sits inside Somalia. She will go on at length about the unique history of this region in the northwestern part of a place that she says used to be called Somalia but no longer is. She will describe the declaration 15 years ago making this an independent land and the referendum a decade later affirming it. She will emphatically say that this is not Somalia. It is Somaliland. Got it? But she may be a bit premature in making that claim. Sure, Ms. Ismail, the foreign minister of the breakaway republic of Somaliland, considers this an independent land. But even a decade and a half after the area's so-called independence, no country in the world recognizes it as such. The African Union, which is made up of all the countries on the continent, does not acknowledge a Somaliland nation, nor does the United Nations. In fact, just the other day, Ms. Ismail was chastising Eric Laroche, the United Nations' humanitarian coordinator for Somalia, because he dared send a letter to her government calling himself just that. She was outraged and offended, she said, and at a diplomatic reception that was anything but diplomatic she let Mr. Laroche know what she thought of his missive, which did not acknowledge Somaliland. Next time, she said in her rather blunt way, she will send such a letter back. "We feel slighted, discriminated against, ignored and isolated," she explained later. "We've been doing our own thing for the last 15 years. We have put our act together. Instead of encouraging us, we are being pushed toward Somalia, which continues to fall apart." Somaliland does have a rather unique history. After being a British protectorate since 1884, Somaliland became an independent country on June 26, 1960. The rest of present-day Somalia, then administered by Italy, became independent several days later. Within days, the two lands decided to merge. But Somalilanders felt slighted almost from the start, since most of the power went to the south of the country. Somalilanders rejected a referendum on a unitary constitution in June 1961 and, later that year, military officers in Hargeysa began an unsuccessful rebellion to reassert Somaliland's independence. Over the years, the leaders in Mogadishu fought to keep control of Somaliland. In 1988, a full-scale civil war broke out between the Mogadishu-based government and Somaliland rebels. In May 1991, as Somalia descended into anarchy with the fall of the government of Gen. Mohamed Siad Barre, Somaliland declared itself independent. A decade later, a referendum in Somaliland on the issue showed 97 percent of the population in favor of independence, and Somaliland has essentially ruled itself, given the lack of a central government in Somalia. But getting recognition from the rest of the world has proved nettlesome. African leaders are hesitant to acknowledge the claim for fear of stirring up more chaos in Somalia. They also do not want to encourage rebels elsewhere on the continent who desire independent states of their own. Still, an African Union fact-finding mission declared last year that Somaliland's status was "unique and self-justified in African political history," and that "the case should not be linked to the notion of 'opening a Pandora's box.' " The International Crisis Group, a nonprofit advocacy group based in Brussels that tries to prevent and resolve conflicts, recommended in a recent report that the African Union address the issue soon "to prevent a deeply rooted dispute from evolving into an open conflict." Somalilanders celebrated those words, and then they continued doing what they have been doing for so long — waiting. It is not easy being a Somalilander. The Somaliland passport — which bears the region's logo and looks as official as any other nation's — is not recognized by any country in the world, although the neighboring countries of Ethiopia and Djibouti do allow people to travel with it while still not officially recognizing Somaliland as a country. The Somaliland president, Dahir Rayale Kahin, is regarded more as a governor by other nations, even though he considers himself to be as much a president as, say, Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, Mwai Kibaki of Kenya or Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, three prominent presidents on this continent. "I don't want to live in an isolated portion of this planet," said Mohamed M. Jamma, a law lecturer at the University of Hargeysa. "We fulfill all the criteria of a modern state. We've had elections. We have rule of law. Yet we are on the periphery." Fifteen years is a long time to live in limbo, although Somalilanders have not just been biding their time. They have been hard at work, trying to rebuild a place that was in a shambles when it declared itself independent. The capital was virtually leveled by the government in Mogadishu as it sought to quell the rebellion. The countryside was littered with land mines. The same kind of bitter clan rivalry that has led to the collapse of the rest of Somalia was alive and well here, too. Somaliland is now an oasis of sorts, a relatively peaceful, reasonably well functioning corner of a country that lies in ruins. Gunmen do not rule the streets here. The local police do. A series of elections have been held, including a presidential contest that was closer than the one in which George W. Bush beat Al Gore. The courts declared Mr. Kahin the victor and the populace accepted it. In essence, Somaliland has been able to manage interclan rivalry and build basic democratic institutions, whereas the rest of Somalia has found itself in an anarchic struggle for control. Hargeysa is still a rundown place, although those who know what it was like 15 years ago rave about how it has risen from the rubble. There are still plenty of people living in squalor here, although Somalilanders point out that their fledgling nation has become a refuge for people from across the area in search of something Somaliland offers but the rest of Somalia does not — stability. "Why not recognize us?" asked Khara Ahmed Biih, 44, who was walking down Hargeysa's main street the other day carrying a cane. "It makes us frustrated because if you see our country we have everything any other country does." It is an argument Ms. Ismail, a midwife turned diplomat, has made many times, and is likely to make again, on the phone, any time now.

Originally posted by Suldaanka: But I just want to let you know... jalxaddihii ingriisku biyaha ku shubanjiray waagii isticmaarka ayaa wali Lascaanood la isticmaala. The people of lascanod looked well after them - intact, while the clans of Burao and Hargeisa destroyed them on the eve of 1960s. Suldaan, Hergeysa was the base of British rule in Somali colony Most of the sub-clans of northwest had a separate agreement with British While the people of Laascaanood never signed an agreement with British, British rule faced the strongest resistance in Laascaanood, Daraawiish - a Pansomali national movement Ayada aano lasocono in ey reer Laascaanood diideen in hishiis la galaan ingriiska, Jalxadaha ingriiska Laascaanood waxey ku yimaadeen xoog waxaana la keenay kadib markii daraawiishtii lajabiyey, Illaahay mahadii ka sidii wali dagaal kama dhicin Laascaanood lagu kala guuru, Reer Laascaanood dagaal sokeeye waa ey kasoo horjeedaan in uu ka dhaco dhulkooda, Waxaad mooda dad yar sida marwo Edna iney yihiin xaasidiin oo la jecel Laascaanood dagaal sokeeye waayo had iyo jeer waxey ku dhaartaan inay ka xun yihiin jiingadihii cadan iyo jalxadihii ingriiska ee wali yaala Magaalada Laascaanood Runtii, Hergeysa madaama ey aheed xaruuntii xukunkii gumeysiga ingriiska waxaa is ka cad jalxadu iska daaye Hergeysa dhismayaal badan oo wali ka jira in uu ingriisu dhisay Ma dadka qubuurihii askarta gumeysiga qurxinaya baad leedahay jalxadey buburinayaan Anuu waxaan u maleenayaa jalxaduhu waxey kaga burbureen dagaalkii sokeeye Askartii Gumeysiga Ingriiska oo loo duceenayo

The New York Times June 8, 2006 Efforts by C.I.A. Fail in Somalia, Officials Charge By MARK MAZZETTI WASHINGTON, June 7 — A covert effort by the Central Intelligence Agency to finance Somali warlords has drawn sharp criticism from American government officials who say the campaign has thwarted counterterrorism efforts inside Somalia and empowered the same Islamic groups it was intended to marginalize. The criticism was expressed privately by United States government officials with direct knowledge of the debate. And the comments flared even before the apparent victory this week by Islamist militias in the country dealt a sharp setback to American policy in the region and broke the warlords' hold on the capital, Mogadishu. The officials said the C.I.A. effort, run from the agency's station in Nairobi, Kenya, had channeled hundreds of thousands of dollars over the past year to secular warlords inside Somalia with the aim, among other things, of capturing or killing a handful of suspected members of Al Qaeda believed to be hiding there. Officials say the decision to use warlords as proxies was born in part from fears of committing large numbers of American personnel to counterterrorism efforts in Somalia, a country that the United States hastily left in 1994 after attempts to capture the warlord Mohammed Farah Aidid and his aides ended in disaster and the death of 18 American troops. The American effort of the last year has occasionally included trips to Somalia by Nairobi-based C.I.A. case officers, who landed on warlord-controlled airstrips in Mogadishu with large amounts of money for distribution to Somali militias, according to American officials involved in Africa policy making and to outside experts. Among those who have criticized the C.I.A. operation as short-sighted have been senior Foreign Service officers at the United States Embassy in Nairobi. Earlier this year, Leslie Rowe, the embassy's second-ranking official, signed off on a cable back to State Department headquarters that detailed grave concerns throughout the region about American efforts in Somalia, according to several people with knowledge of the report. Around that time, the State Department's political officer for Somalia, Michael Zorick, who had been based in Nairobi, was reassigned to Chad after he sent a cable to Washington criticizing Washington's policy of paying Somali warlords. One American government official who traveled to Nairobi this year said officials from various government agencies working in Somalia had expressed concern that American activities in the country were not being carried out in the context of a broader policy. "They were fully aware that they were doing so without any strategic framework," the official said. "And they realized that there might be negative implications to what they are doing." The details of the American effort in Somalia are classified, and American officials from several different agencies agreed to discuss them only after being assured of anonymity. The officials included supporters of the C.I.A.-led effort as well as critics. A C.I.A. spokesman declined to comment, as did a spokesman for the American Embassy in Kenya. Asked about the complaints made by embassy officials in Kenya, Thomas Casey, a State Department spokesman, said: "We're not going to discuss any internal policy discussions. The secretary certainly encourages individuals in the policy making process to express their views and opinions." Several news organizations have reported on the American payments to the Somali warlords. Reuters and Newsweek were the first to report about Mr. Zorick's cable and reassignment to Chad. The extent and location of the C.I.A.'s efforts, and the extent of the internal dissent about these activities, have not been previously disclosed. Some Africa experts contend that the United States has lost its focus on how to deal with the larger threat of terrorism in East Africa by putting a premium on its effort to capture or kill a small number of high-level suspects. Indeed, some of the experts point to the American effort to finance the warlords as one of the factors that led to the resurgence of Islamic militias in the country. They argue that American support for secular warlords, who joined together under the banner of the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism, may have helped to unnerve the Islamic militias and prompted them to launch pre-emptive strikes. The Islamic militias have been routing the warlords, and on Monday they claimed to have taken control of most of the Somali capital. "This has blown up in our face, frankly," said John Prendergast of the International Crisis Group, a nonprofit research organization with extensive field experience in Somalia. "We've strengthened the hand of the people whose presence we were worried most about," said Mr. Prendergast, who worked on Africa policy at the National Security Council and State Department during the Clinton administration. The American activities in Somalia have been approved by top officials in Washington and were reaffirmed during a National Security Council meeting about Somalia in March, according to people familiar with the meeting. During the March meeting, at a time of fierce fighting in and around Mogadishu, a decision was made to make counterterrorism the top policy priority for Somalia. Porter J. Goss, who recently resigned as C.I.A. director, traveled to Kenya this year and met with case officers in the Nairobi station, according to one intelligence official. It is not clear whether the payments to Somali warlords were discussed during Mr. Goss's trip. The American ambassador in Kenya, William M. Bellamy, has disputed assertions that Washington is to blame for the surge in violence in Somalia. And some government officials this week defended the American counterterrorism efforts in the country. "You've got to find and nullify enemy leadership," one senior Bush administration official said. "We are going to support any viable political actor that we think will help us with counterterrorism." In May, the United Nations Security Council issued a report detailing the competing efforts of several nations, including Ethiopia and Eritrea, to provide Somali militias and the transitional Somali government with money and arms — activities the report said violated the international arms embargo on Somalia. "Arms, military matériel and financial support continue to flow like a river to these various actors," the report said. The United Nations report also cited what it called clandestine support for a so-called antiterrorist coalition, in what appeared to be a reference to the American policy. Somalia's interim president, Abdullahi Yusuf, first criticized American support for Mogadishu's warlords in early May during a trip to Sweden. "We really oppose American aid that goes outside the government," he said, arguing that the best way to hunt members of Al Qaeda in Somalia was to strengthen the country's government. Senior American officials indicated this week that the United States might now be willing to hold discussions with the Islamic militias, known as the Islamic Courts Union. President Bush said Tuesday that the first priority for the United States was to keep Somalia from becoming a safe haven for terrorists. The American payments to the warlords have been intended at least in part to help gain the capture of a number of suspected Qaeda operatives who are believed responsible for a number of deadly attacks throughout East Africa. Since the 1998 bombings of the United States Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, American officials have been tracking a Qaeda cell whose members are believed to move freely between Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and parts of the Middle East. Shortly after an attack on a hotel in Mombasa, Kenya, and the failed attempt to shoot down a plane bound for Israel that took off from the Mombasa airport, both in November 2002, the United States began informally reaching out to the Somali clans in the hopes that local forces might provide intelligence about suspected members of Al Qaeda in Somalia. This approach has brought occasional successes. According to an International Crisis Group report, militiamen loyal to warlord Mohammed Deere, a powerful figure in Mogadishu, caught a suspected Qaeda operative, Suleiman Abdalla Salim Hemed, in April 2003 and turned him over to American officials. According to Mr. Prendergast, who has met frequently with Somali clan leaders, the C.I.A. over the past year has increased its payments to the militias in the hopes of putting pressure on Al Qaeda. The operation, while blessed by officials in Washington, did not seem to be closely coordinated among various American national security agencies, he said. "I've talked to people inside the Defense Department and State Department who said that this was not a comprehensive policy," he said. "It was being conducted in a vacuum, and they were largely shut out." Marc Lacey contributed reporting from Nairobi for this article, and Helene Cooper from Washington.

SOMALIA: Kenya slams the door on Somali faction leaders 07 Jun 2006 14:12:29 GMT Source: IRIN Printable view | Email this article | RSS [-] Text [+] Background Myanmar displacement Somalia troubles More NAIROBI, 7 June (IRIN) - A day after Kenya banned leaders of Somalia's armed factions and their associates from entering the country, authorities deported a prominent Somali businessman with alleged links to a group of secular politicians who have been engaged in a bloody conflict with Islamists in Mogadishu. The Kenyan government said the faction leaders were undermining efforts by the nascent transitional administration to restore stability in the war-scarred Horn of Africa country. "The government would like to reiterate its previously stated position that it will not permit its territory to be used by those who persist in destabilising Somalia and undermining our ongoing efforts to restore peace and security in that country," Kenya's Foreign Ministry said in a statement issued on Tuesday. Police arrested Abdirashid Hussein Shire from a hotel in Nairobi on Wednesday but freed him when he said he was already booked to leave Kenya on a flight to Dubai. "He has already left for Dubai," an associate who answered the businessman's mobile telephone told IRIN. Shire is said to be a backer of the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism, which was ousted from Mogadishu on Sunday by forces loyal to the city's Islamic courts. Kenya hosted and played a key mediation role during the lengthy reconciliation talks between Somalia's numerous factions, which culminated in the formation of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in 2004. However, the TFG has been beset by internal divisions and opposition from various faction leaders, undermining its ability to establish its authority in Somalia. "The warlords have become some kind an internal opposition to the Transitional Federal Government, and Kenya hopes that by sanctioning them it will help strengthen the TFG," said an analyst on Somali affairs. "Putting pressure [on the warlords] is useful, but one of the main problems has been failure by the TFG to develop a strong constituency, especially among the ****** [clan] in Mogadishu to create a more inclusive government." Several of the most influential warlords in Mogadishu belong to the ****** clan. Veteran Kenyan diplomat Bethuel Kiplagat, who was the chief mediator during the Somali reconciliation conference in Nairobi, said Kenya's decision to ban the warlords from visiting the country would have little effect on the political situation in Somalia because most of them have already been discredited at home. "They have already been discredited by the majority of the people. They spoilt something [the transitional government] that was very delicately negotiated here [Nairobi]. They should have discussed with the government," said Kiplagat. Mohammed Affey, Kenya's ambassador to Somalia, said his country was only interested in strengthening the TFG and was determined to hinder any efforts to scuttle that process. "The underlying fact is that we want a strong, credible government in Somalia, and we will discourage those who instigate trouble and then come here to recuperate when the going gets tough," he told IRIN. "We [Kenya] invested heavily in the process of establishing a government for Somalia, and we will help only those forces that want stability in Somalia," said Affey. The Kenyan capital of Nairobi is a regional business hub, and many Somali leaders have homes or business interests in Kenya. The Kenyan government hosted Somalia's entire government, including the transitional parliament, in Nairobi for about eight months following its creation because the Somali leadership could not agree on where the new administration would be based inside Somalia. There are more than 100,000 Somali refugees living in three camps in the Dadaab area of Kenya's Northeastern Province, which borders on Somalia. Most of the refugees in Dadaab arrived in the 1990s, having fled factional warfare and war-related famine that engulfed the country following to ouster of Muhammad Siyad Barre in 1991. Thousands of Somali immigrants live in Nairobi, where most of them are engaged in trade.

U.S. leaves open dealing with Somali Islamists By Sue Pleming WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States may be open to dealing with Islamic militia who took over Somalia's capital this week, possibly signalling a new approach to the lawless Horn of Africa country that Washington worries could become a base for terrorists. U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said on Wednesday the Bush administration would "reserve judgement" about the group loyal to sharia courts which seized Mogadishu from a self-styled coalition of anti-terrorism warlords widely believed to get backing from Washington. "I think that as a matter of principle that we would look forward to working with groups or individuals who have an interest in a better, more peaceful, more stable, secure Somalia ... who are also interested in fighting terrorism," said McCormack when asked if Washington would deal with the Islamic militia. This week Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, chairman of the Islamic Courts Union, wrote to the United States and others to allay concern that Somalia would become a safe haven for terrorists. "We categorically deny and reject any accusation that we are harbouring any terrorists or supporters of terrorism in the areas where the courts operate," said the letter. And in comments to Reuters on Wednesday, he appeared to back away from comments made at a rally in which he vowed to turn Somalia into an Islamic state. "Socialism was tested as a way of ruling the world but failed, democracy has been tested and is failing, the only way now is to try Islam. But it's up to the people to decide," he told Reuters. McCormack said there were a "number of different voices" within the Islamic group that sent the letter and some of them were trying to restore order in Mogadishu and lay the groundwork for institutions in a country that has not had an effective central government since 1991. NEW APPROACH U.S. State Department officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said U.S. policy was still being formulated towards Somalia but there was a move towards dealing with the Islamic militia. Some members of the administration argued that despite concern about the Islamists developing a Taliban-style rule in Somalia, it would be short-sighted to cut off all contact with them as they could bring some form of stability. The United States has long regarded Somalia as a haven for terrorists seeking to use the Horn of Africa country as a springboard for attacks on America and its allies. President George W. Bush reiterated that on Tuesday, saying the administration was concerned Somalia should not become "an al Qaeda safe haven." The State Department's annual terrorism report released in April said a small number of al Qaeda terrorists responsible for the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania operated in Somalia and were helped by "elements within the complicated Somali clan structure." A new approach to dealing with Somalia also followed a meeting this week between Bush and African Union chief Denis Sassou Nguesso during which the Congolese leader urged Washington to play a more active role there and not to support one group of warlords over another. Washington, which has shied away from direct involvement in Somalia since the 1994 exit of U.S. and U.N. troops, has refused to discuss reports it is funneling $100,000 (54,000 pounds) a month to warlords, but says it will support anyone fighting terrorism. But there have been conflicting views within the U.S. government over which groups should be co-opted in fighting terrorism and whether support for warlords was the right route in the first place. Somalia expert John Prendergast said it was important the United States speak to all the actors in Somalia, whether they were Islamists or otherwise. He criticized the United States for what he said was 15 years of failed policies in Somalia and for its funding to a warlord group which had little legitimacy. "The absence of the United States in the peace process has been felt widely and contributed directly to the lack of traction that this interim administration has been able to achieve," said Prendergast of the International Crisis Group. © Reuters 2006. All rights reserved. Republication or redistribution of Reuters content, including by caching, framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of Reuters. Reuters and the Reuters sphere logo are registered trademarks and trademarks of the Reuters group of companies around the world.

Better training helped Islamists win by Wednesday 07 June 2006 5:55 PM GMT Somalia's Islamists are better trained than their rivals Islamic militias captured Mogadishu - the Somali capital which no single group could control for 15 years - because of superior training, popular support and religious motivation, analysts say. "Increased military-style tactical training, massive popular support and the strength of commitment of ideological motivation, as opposed to mercenary motivation, means the Islamists were motivated to continue in the face of adversity," said a former military official on Wednesday, asking to remain anonymous. Mogadishu fell into the hands to the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) militia on Monday after several months of fighting. The Islamists, who fought an alliance of warlords said have been funded by the United States as part of its "war on terror", were also getting external assistance, according to a UN report. The militia transformed the face of warfare on Mogadishu's streets, shifting away from the traditional haphazard, frenzied attacks made famous by the book and film Black Hawk Down - the story of the killing on 18 US troops in Mogadishu in 1993. "Increased military-style tactical training, massive popular support and the strength of commitment of ideological motivation, as opposed to mercenary motivation, means the Islamists were motivated to continue in the face of adversity" A former military official Military leaders On several occasions, the Islamic side carried out night commando raids, attacked before dawn or fought through the night - all rare tactics in Somalia, residents and observers said. "If you've got military leaders, you can do that. The warlords are living in medieval times," said a Western diplomat who follows Somalia. The improved tactics may be explained by the presence of former military men in the top ranks of the Islamist side. Chief among them is Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, a former army colonel decorated for bravery during war with Ethiopia in 1977. A UN report last month on violations of a 1992 Security Council arms embargo on Somalia said Aweys had set up military training programmes for his militia since early last year. The report also said Eritrea and Ethiopia shipped weapons to Somalia. Eritrea denied this but Ethiopia did not respond. The two countries have staged their own proxy war in neighbouring Somalia, with Eritrea supporting the Islamists and Ethipia co-operating with Washington in backing the warlords. Popular support The warlords, who had divided the capital into rival fiefdoms with their private armies since toppling the former president, Mohammed Siad Barre, in 1991, are largely despised by ordinary citizens, analysts say. In contrast, the Islamic courts were popular for restoring a semblance of order to parts of Mogadishu. The Islamic side was also credited with taking more care to avoid killing civilians, many of whom were hit by stray warlord mortar shells, residents said. Islamist militiamen took care to avoid killing civilians About 350 people, mostly civilians, have been killed in street battles since February between the Islamist militia and the so-called Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT). "I think they [islamists] were a bit more restrained in that respect and the result of that was an overwhelming popular support," the military expert said. Somalis and analysts say wealthy Islamic businessmen in the country provided most of the money for the militia, although diplomats suspect that Somalis in the diaspora and foreign Arab businessmen have provided money as well. Foreign training A protege of Aweys, Aden Hashi Ayro, was trained in Afghanistan - many suspect by al-Qaeda, though the Islamic militia denies any links to the group. The ARPCT said it was fighting to remove those elements from Somalia, some say in a cynical ploy to win US funding. As result, many Somalis saw them as a puppet of the United States and its "war on terror", often seen by Muslims as an assault on Islam. Fuad Ahmed, an Islamist militiaman, told Reuters by phone from Mogadishu: "I think we won because most of our fighters were fighting for the sake of Allah. They fought knowing they are defending Islam." The religious militiamen have said their next step will be to establish an Islamic state in Somalia. The recently installed interim government has no real power or control over the country. Reuters

Originally posted by Suldaanka: ^^ The clan of where?? Sool Sanaag and Cayn? There is no such thing as a particular clan owning those regions. If you don't believe me, I urge you to go right down there and let your own eyes be the witness. You will be surprised at how much lies you felt for. In fact, you will curse those who made a fool out of you by telling you cheap lies. This is how things are: Sanaag region is made up of 3 districts which are Ceerigabo (The capital), Ceel Afwayne and Badhan. Ceerigabo and Ceel Afwayne are both under Somaliland control, while Badhan is under a clan melitia control. Sool region is made up of District of Lascanod (Capital), Caynabo, Talex and Xaddun. Of these 4 districts, the district of Talex is the only district which 100% out of SL control. All the other districts are either 50:50 or 100% (Caynabo). Buuhoodle district is part of Togdheer region. There are 11 major villages that come under Buuhoodle district, of these 11, 8 are under Somaliland control, while the other 3 are under clan malitia control. In the 1960s, Buuhoodle district was represented in the Parliament by a MP from the clans of East Burao, this is because the majority of the people in that district are from the clans of East Burao. So sxb, if you don't believe me again, be my guest and get the ticket and get the real facts on the ground. Well the occupation of Hergeysa based clan malitia the north central Somalia (sool sanaag and cayn ) is unjustified and agression. whether they control 1% or 50 % doesn't matter.

Islamist victory may give Somali peace By C Bryson Hull Nairobi - The seizure of Somalia's capital by Islamist militia may be a new chance for peace despite US fears the anarchic nation could become an al-Qaeda haven under militant control, diplomats said on Tuesday. After three months of fighting, militias for Islamic courts that have brought sharia law - and some order - to Mogadishu routed a coalition of warlords who had ruled the city by force since ousting dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991. Despite vows by the Islamist leaders to create a Muslim state, many diplomats said US fears of Somalia becoming a terrorist base were overblown and that on the contrary, the new order may be a boost for peace. "In all likelihood, this may lead to some substantial progress in Somalia. It's quite an opening," a European diplomat involved in Somalia's peace process told Reuters on condition of anonymity. The only catch, the diplomat said, is that "most Western governments, when they hear sharia courts, think 'terrorists'." The courts deny any al-Qaeda links, although one senior Islamic court leader, Adan Hashi Ayro, was trained in Afghanistan and is suspected of involvement with the group. Security experts and diplomats say there are training camps in and around Mogadishu and that a handful of al-Qaeda operatives are there. The Islamists were quick to try and calm fears they were harbouring al-Qaeda by saying they shared "no objectives, goals or methods with groups that sponsor or support terrorism". "We would like to establish a friendly relationship with the international community that is based on mutual respect and interest and seek their support for the Somali peace process," Islamic Courts Union Chairperson Sheikh Sharif Ahmed said in a statement emailed to diplomats and seen by Reuters. Many believe US intelligence money funded the warlords' self-described counter-terrorism coalition. That gave rise to a perception that the war for Mogadishu was a proxy battle between Washington and Islamists who view its "war on terror" as an attack on Muslims. The interim Somali government is too weak to move into Mogadishu and the Islamists stepped in to fill the void. They have won strong support through the establishment of clan-based sharia courts which also provide security, education and basic services to Mogadishu residents who suffered violence at the hands of the warlords' militiamen for years. Another diplomat said the Islamists' first formal message to the international community showed comparisons between Somalia and Afghanistan when the fundamentalist Taliban regime took over were off the mark. "That is not a Taliban-esque statement. Somalis are moderate Muslims, although there are Taliban types among them (the courts)," said a Nairobi-based Western diplomat who follows Somalia. Bethuel Kiplagat, a Kenyan envoy who led the peace process which created the interim government in late 2004, said it was a positive sign that the Islamists were not hostile to the fledgling administration and had offered an olive branch. "The major actors who nurture the peace process should move with haste... to ensure that the government gets the necessary support and to see what role the Islamists can play," he said. The ejection of the warlords from the city and the subsequent firing of four of them who were government ministers - and who opposed allowing the administration into Mogadishu - should also help smooth the peace process, diplomats said. The interim Somali government in a statement said it was starting negotiations immediately with the groups behind the warlords' ouster, including the Islamists and Mogadishu businessmen who backed them. The United States has never confirmed funding the warlords, but said it will work with anyone who supports its counter-terrorism work. Diplomats said the rise of the Islamists appeared to be a setback to US counter-terrorism operations. "If the US did what people alleged they did, then I am sure what they didn't want was sharia courts to be in complete control of Mogadishu and threatening other parts of Somalia," said the Western diplomat, whose job does not allow him to speak on the record.

Somalis welcome 'defeat' of warlords by Islamist militias >By Andrew England in Nairobi and Guy Dinmore in Washington >Published: June 7 2006 03:00 | Last updated: June 7 2006 03:00 >> After Islamic militias claimed to have seized control of Mogadishu from an alliance of warlords, allegedly supported by the US, initial reports from the chaotic Somali capital yesterday seemed to suggest that many Somalis would welcome their apparent victory. For 15 years, competing, clan-based factions had run the war-ravaged city, dividing it into mini-fiefdoms, running exploitation rackets and ruling through fear and the power of the gun. A victory for the militias aligned to Mogadishu's Islamic courts raised the possibility of an end to the warlords' reign and a chance for a united - if not monolithic - group to control the city for the first time since dictator Mohammed Siad Barre was ousted in 1991. In an FT interview yesterday, Mohamed Ali Gedi, prime minister in the country's impotent transitional government, said his expectations were "extremely positive", adding that his administration hoped to enter into dialogue with the Islamists. "It was a popular uprising with all the stakeholders who have defeated the warlords, who have obstructed peace and stability in Somalia for the last 15 years," Mr Gedi said by telephone. "The Somali people are fed up with fighting, nobody is ready to continue with conflict and war." Despite Mr Gedi's positive words, the transitional government, which is secular, remains weak and divided, forced to sit in Baidoa, a small central town, because it is not safe for it to move to Mogadishu. Even if the Islamists have genuinely defeated the warlords' alliance after months of fighting, huge questions remain about whether they will remain united and if the violence will finally end. "People supported the courts against the faction leaders because they were fed up with the years of violence, but that does not mean they are going to approve of everything the courts do now or support them ideologically," said one analyst. "The courts have to administer the city and it's a lot harder than fighting. Now they have to deal with political and clan issues." If they do remain united and retain control of the capital, the Islamists, who say they want to create an Islamic state to end the years of bloodshed and chaos, will represent the most significant group the transitional government would have to deal with. Despite its crumbling state, Mogadishu, with the country's main ports, is by far the most important city, economically and symbolically. A united Islamist group would also represent the most important change in the dynamics of Somalia since a United Nations force withdrew in 1995, and drastically hamper US efforts to track down those in the capital it suspects of involvement in terrorism. A key issue would be whether moderates would come to the fore, or whether the extremist minority, deemed crucial to the battlefield success, would continue to have influence. The battles between the Islamists and the warlords erupted this year after faction leaders formed an alliance they claimed was fighting under the banner of anti-terrorism. Islamic organisations have operated in Mogadishu for years, providing schools and other services in the absence of a functioning state. But analysts say some courts had become dominated by a small, but well-organised, extremist minority who used the perception of US support for the warlords to increase the Islamists' public support. In Texas, President George W. Bush said the first concern of the US was to make sure that Somalia did not become a safe haven for al-Qaeda. "So we're watching very carefully developments there," he said, without giving any indication of what the US intended to do about the capture of Mogadishu. The State Department said the US had an "interest" in combating the presence of "foreign terrorists" in the Horn of Africa, but did not elaborate. Pressed on widespread reports that the US financed the alliance of warlords that was defeated in Mogadishu, Sean McCormack, the department spokesman, would only say the US worked with a variety of individuals and groups in Somalia. US officials say a policy review is taking place in Washington, but refuse to comment on America's role in the crisis, amid mounting criticism of US policy

Sxb, Riyoole doesn’t mean anything to me, so stop trying to put words into my mouth If I say something about riyoode that doesn’t mean I said something about castro Therefore calm down because I never said anything about castro I am condemning all warlords equally unlike you defending riyoode, you have to understand that riyoode is a warlord clearly I believe you owe that dameer an apology. Af-soomaali soo baro Criticize ideas, not people. Sxb lets focus on the subject somali politics and politicians (the game and players), we are just observers so lets not get personal about this matter Soomaalow, saaxib, you and I have been down this path before and it wasn't pretty. Although, we hold different views there is no dispute between us particularly Accordingly, I don’t know why you remember my previous comments

Catsrow, Sxb wax aad igaga cabatu ma jiro, I only said riyoode is warlord as well Maxaa ku daaray, ma meel baan kaa danqay, oo hadii ina riyoode wax laga sheego xaaladu ma fiicna as you said “it wasn't pretty†but I can’t help Sxb anuu waxaan ku leeyahay cabdulaahi Yusuf iyo daahir riyoode waa dameer iyo labadiisii dhagood waxba haa nookala sharaxin I wasn’t talking about shariif but somali clerics generally Ee waxaan ka hadlayaaa kacdoonka cusub ee ka bilaabmay Somalia eeku u salaysan midnimada isllaamka iyo somalinimo Somali clerics have a huge influence and power in Somalia, education institutions, businesses, society, are controlled by Somali clerics I expect hergeysa, laascaanood, and bosaaso, clerics to do the same, to save their people from ruthless warlords, I am not expecting shariif to do 100% of the job, Shariif did his share, liberated Mogadishu people.

Sxb, the new developments in Mogadisho is something that concerns all Somalia I think all somali warlords including abdulaahi yusuf and daahir riyoode who always employ terrorism card and accuse their enemies terrorism whoever they maybe I believe both Yusuf and royoode are in tough position now that imaginary “terrorists†became reality and have the upper hand in Somali politics Castro you should condemn all warlords equally I hope that Islamic courts to eliminate all warlords from looyacadde, rascasir, to ras kaambooni Question: How do you rate your relationship with Ethiopia? Answer: It's good. We have no better friend than Ethiopia. Question: What benefits do you get from Ethiopia? Answer: They always treat us as brothers, as young brothers. They help us better than any other country in the area. Question: According to media reports, there have been reports of insurgency in your country. Answer: Yes. Those people killed the expatriates. Luckily, we have captured them. Question: What was it all about? Answer: We don't know. They are terrorists. They want to destabilize our country, because we are practicing the rule of law in our country. They want to make our country the same as those in Mogadishu. They have been sent from Mogadishu. Question: Who supported them? Answer: Al-Quaeda and all that. Question: Are they now fully controlled? Answer: To certain extent, yes . We have captured the main organs operating in our country. Question: When was that? Answer: While I was away from the country. Another four were captured while I was in the country. Question: Do you have anything to tell me? Answer: No, thank you for the interview. I would like to thank the Ethiopian people, the Ethiopian government. That's what I want say. ; More: Interview with the President of Somaliland

Castro, I will email to Laascaanood, and you can email to Hergeysa that bearded men are coming We should organize celebrations and welcome the new leaders of Somalia, they are better than warlord riyoode

Now who is counting his/her chickens???

WAREYSI: Ra'isal wasaare Geeddi oo xilkii wasiirnimada ka qaaday wasiiradii hubeysan ee Muqdisho. Ra'isal wasaare Geeddi oo xilkii wasiirnimada ka qaaday dhamaan wasiiradii hubeysnaa ee Muqdisho. June 4, 2006. HornAfrik. Mogadishu, Somalia. Shirkii golaha wasiirada ee caawa ka socday magaalada baydhabo oo uu shir guddoominayey Ra’isal wasaare Geeddi ayaa goor dhow la soo gabagabeeyey. Ra’isal wasaare Geeddi oo kulankaas ka hadlay ayaa shaaca ka qaaday inuu xil ka qaadis ku sameeyey wasiirada kala ah. Wasiirka ammaanka Qaranka Maxamed Qanyare Afrax Wasiirka Ganacsiga Muuse Suudi Yalaxow Wasiirka dhaqan Celinta iyo maleeshiyaadka Bootaan Ciise Caalin Wasiirka diinta iyo Owqaafta Cumar Maxamed Maxuud Finish Ra’isal wasaare Geeddi ayaa sheegay in xilka qaadista lagu sameeyey wasiiradas ay tahay kaddib markii ay jabiyeen axdiga KMG ah iyo iyagoo ku biiray ururka la magacbaxay isbaheysiga la dagaalanka argagaxisada islamarkaana burbur ay ku hayeen shacabka Soomaaliyeed Dhinaca kale, Ra’isal wasaare geeddi ayaa sheegay in maxaakiimta Muqdisho iyo golaha difaaca diinta iyo dalka iyo dhammaan shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay wadahadal la fureyso dowladda fedraalka KMG ah.

cidkasta waa dhaanta isbaheysiga shaydaanka